Henry   D.   Bacon, 

St.   Louis,  Mo. 


University  of  California. 


G-IFT  OF 

HENRY  DOUGLASS  BACON. 

1877. 


Accessions  No.  „/£j£4L&z  Shelf  No. . 


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HISTORY 


*P    THE 


WAR    OF  T  HE  INDEPENDENCE 


OP    THE 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 


BY  CHARLES  BOTTA. 

VOL.  I. 

TRANSLATED    FROM    THE    ITALIAN, 

BY  GEORGE^B^^amEa^QTIS,  ESQ. 


SIXTH    EDITION,    IN  TWO   rTTliTlllH      ifflfhlll   AND  CORRKCTEO 


NEW-HAVEN: 

PUBLISHED    AND    PRINTED    BY    NATHAN    TVHITIN&. 


Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1837,  by  Nathan   Whi 
tii*g,  in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  of  Connecticut  District. 


TO    THT. 

AMERICAN  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY, 

HELD  AT 
PHILADELPHIA,  FOR  THE  PROMOTION  OF 

USEFUL  KNOWLEDGE, 

This  fourth  edition  of  "  Otis's  Botta,"  is  dedicated,  in  token  of 
acknowledgment  for  the  distinction  conferred  upon  the  Translator, 
on  the  appearance  of  the  first  edition. 

This  honor  was  not  the  less  flattering  for  having  been  imparted 
early,  and  in  1821,  before  the  public  voice  had  been  declared  upon 
the  merit  of  the  work.  "  Gloria  est  consentiens  laus  bonorum,  in 
currupta  vox  bene  judicantium  de  excellenti  virtute."  The  write* 
has  not  been  unmindful  of  his  obligations  as  a  member  of  this  So- 
ciety, whose  objects  are  the  most  noble  that  man  can  have  in  view ; 
but  has  now  in  manuscript,  a  careful  translation  of  Cicero's  Offices, 
Old  Age  and  Friendship,  comprising  the  best  system  of  moral  Phi- 
losophy, by  common  consent  of  the  wiser  part  of  mankind,  for  two; 
thousand  years,  that  the  world  has  ever  seen  ;  and  of  which  there 
has  never  been  an  American  edition  by  any  other  author. 

Boston,  January  9,  1834. 


ENGRAVINGS  IN  VOLUME  L 


Landing  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth  Face  title  page. 
Map  of  Bunker's  Hill  and  part  of  Boston  p.  189 
Battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  203 
Attack  on  Fort  Moultrie,  near  Charleston,  S.  C.  337 
Map  of  New  York  and  Long  Island  369 
Map  shewing  the  situation  of  the  armies  in  New  Jersey,  Penn- 
sylvania and  Delaware  393 
Washington  and  his  army  crossing  the  Delaware  423 
Map  shewing  the  route  of  Burgoyne  at  Saratoga  425 


NOTICE  OF  THE  AUTHOR. 


There  will  be  found,  in  the  course  of  this  history,  several  dis- 
courses of  a  certain  length.  Those  I  have  put  in  the  mouth  of  the 
different  speakers  have  really  been  pronounced  by  them,  and  upon 
those  very  occasions  which  are  treated  of  in  the  work.  I  should 
however,  mention  that  I  have  sometimes  made  a  single  orator  say 
what  has  been  said  in  substance  by  others  of  the  same  party.  Some- 
times, also,  but  rarely,  using  the  liberty  granted  in  all  times  to  histo- 
rians, I  have  ventured  to  add  a  small  number  of  phrases,  which  ap 
peared  to  me  to  coincide  perfectly  with  the  sense  of  the  orator,  and 
proper  to  enforce  his  opinion ;  this  has  appeared  especially  in  the 
two  discourses  pronounced  before  congress,  for  and  against  indepen- 
dence, by  Richard  Henry  Lee  and  John  Dickinson. 

It  will  not  escape  attentive  readers,  that  in  some  of  these  dis- 
courses are  found  predictions  which  time  has  accomplished.  I  af- 
firm that  these  remarkable  passages  belong  entirely  to  the  authors 
cited.  In  order  that  these  might  not  resemble  those  of  the  poets, 
always  made  after  the  fact,  I  have  been  so  scrupulous  as  to  trans- 
late them,  word  for  word,  from  the  original  language. 


TRANSLATOR'S  NOTICE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION 


The  translator  of  this  history,  in  laying  before  his  fellow-citizens 
a  second  edition  of  it,  would  offer  them  his  sincere  acknowledg- 
ments for  their  favorable  reception  of  the  first ;  a  reception  the  more 
gratifying,  as,  notwithstanding  his  own  high  value  of  the  work,  it 
surpassed  his  most  sanguine  expectations.  It  evidently  appeared 
that  Botta,  like  all  his  great  predecessors  in  the  inarch  of  immortality, 
was  greeted  with  the  most  enthusiasm  and  admiration  by  those  who 
were,  doubtless,  the  most  conscious  of  being  his  fellow-travelers  on 
the  road  to  posterity.  How  warmly  was  he  welcomed  by  the  sur- 
viving patriots  who  had  distinguished  themselves  the  most  eminently 
in  the  great  scenes  he  describes !  The  venerable  John^Adams,  on 
receiving  the  second  volume  of  the  translation,  expressed  himself 
in  the  words  following :  *  I  unite  with  many  other  gentlemen  in  the 
opinion  that  the  work  has  great  merit,  has  raised  a  monument  to 
your  name,  and  performed  a  valuable  service  to  your  country.  If  it 
should  not  have  a  rapid  sale  at  first,  it  will  be,  in  the  language  of 
booksellers,  good  stock,  and  will  be  in  demand  as  long  as  the  Ameri- 
can Revolution  is  an  object  of  curiosity.  It  is  indeed  the  most  clas- 
sical and  methodical,  the  most  particular  and  circumstantial,  the 
most  entertaining  and  interesting  narration  of  the  American  War, 
that  I  have  seen.'  In  like  manner,  the  hand  that  penned  the  De- 
claration of  American  Independence,  on  receiving  the  first  volume 
of  the  translation,  having  already  for  some  years  been  possessed  of 
the  original,  addressed  the  translator  the  words  of  encouragement 
which  are  here  set  down :  '  I  am  glad  to  find  that  the  excellent  his- 
tory of  Botta  is  at  length  translated.  The  merit  of  this  work  has 
been  too  long  unknown  with  us.  He  has  had  the  faculty  of  sifting 
the  truth  of  facts  from  our  own  histories  with  great  judgment,  of 
suppressing  details  which  do  not  make  part  of  the  general  history, 
and  of  enlivening  the  whole  with  the  constant  glow  of  his  holy  en- 
thusiasm for  the  liberty  and  independence  of  nations.  Neutral,  as 
an  historian  should  be,  in  the  relation  of  facts,  he  is  never  neutral  in 
hi*  feelings,  nor  in  the  warm  expression  of  them,  on  the  triumphs 
and  reverses  of  the  conflicting  parties,  and  of  his  honest  sympathies 
with  that  engaged  in  the  better  cause.  Another  merit  is  in  the  ac- 
curacy of  his  narrative  of  those  portions  of  the  same  war  which 
passed  in  other  quarters  of  the  globe,  and  especially  on  the  ocean. 


VlU  TO    THE    READER. 

We  must  thank  him,  too,  for  having  brought  within  the  compass  of 
three  volumes  every  thing  we  wish  to  know  of  that  war,  and  in  a 
style  so  engaging,  that  we  cannot  lay  the  book  down.     He  had  been 
so  kind  as  to  send  me  a  copy  of  his  work,  of  which  I  shall  manifest 
my  acknowledgment  by   sending  him  your  volumes,  as  they  come 
out.     My  original  being  lent  out,  I  have   no   means  of  collating  it 
with  the  translation  ;  but  see  no  cause  to  doubt  correctness.'     On 
receipt  of  the  second  volume  of  the  translation,  Mr.  Jefferson  re- 
news his  eulogies  of  the  history,  in  the  expressions  which   follow : 
( I  join  Mr.  Adams,  heartily,  in  good  wishes  for  the  success  of  your 
labors,  and   hope   they  will  bring  you  both  profit  and  fame.     You 
have  certainly  rendered  a  good  service  to  your  country  ;  and  when 
the  superiority  of  the  work  over  every  other  on  the  same  subject 
shall  be  more  known,  I  think  it  will  be  the  common  manual  of  our 
Revolutionary  History.'     Mr.  Madison  is  no  less  decisive  in  his  ap- 
probation of  the  undei  taking.     He  writes   the  translator  on  receiv- 
ing his  first  volume :  '  The  literary  reputation  of  this  author,  with  the 
philosophic  spirit  and  classic  taste  allowed  to  this  historical   work, 
justly  recommended  the  task  in  which  you  are  engaged,  of  placing  a 
translation  of  it  before  American  readers  ;  to  whom  the  subject  must 
always  be  deeply  interesting,  and  who  cannot  but  feel  a  curiosity  to 
see  the  picture  of  it  as  presented  to  Europe  by  so  able  a  hand.     The 
author  seems  to  have  the  merit  of  adding  to  his  other  qualifications 
much  industry  and  care  in  his  researches  into  the  best  sources  of 
information,  and  it  may  readily  be  supposed  that  he  did  not  fail  to 
make  the  most  of  his  access  to  those  in  France,  not  yet  generally 
iaid  open.'  &c.     Thus  cotemporary  witnesses,  and  the  most  promi- 
nent actors  in  some  of  the  principal  events  recorded  in  these  vol- 
umes, have  authorized  and  sanctioned  the  unexpected  indulgence 
with  which  they  were  received  by  the  American  people.     Grateful 
for  such  high  approbation,  and  content  with  having  been  the  first  to 
present  his  countrymen,  at  his  own  peril,  with  however  imperfect  a 
copy  of  so  inimitable  an  original,  the  translator  will  always  be  hap- 
py to  congratulate  them  on  the  appearance  of  a  better. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


BOOK   FIRST. 

Summary.—  Opinions,  manners,  customs,  and  inclinations  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
English  coloni  as  in  America.  Mildness  of  the  British  government  towards  its  colonists. 
Seeds  of  discontent  between  the  two  people.  Plan  of  colonial  government  proposed 
by  the  ;olonists.  Other  motives  of  discontent  in  America.  Justification  of  ministers. 
Desigaj  and  instigations  of  the  French.  All  the  states  of  Europe  desire  to  reduce  the 
power  of  England.  New  subjects  of  complaint.  Stamp  duty  projected  by  the  minis* 
ters  and  proposed  to  parliament.  The  Americans  are  alarmed  at  it,  and  make  remon- 
strances. Long  and  violent  debates  between  the  advocates  of  the  stamp  act  and  the 
opposition.     The  stamp  act  passes  in  parliament. 

BOOK   SECOND 

Summary. — Troubles  in  America  on  account  of  the  stamp  duty.  Violent  tumult  a 
Boston.  Movements  in  other  parts  of  America.  League  of  citizens  desirous  of  a  new 
order  of  things.  New  doctrines  relative  to  political  authority.  American  associations 
against  English  commerce.  Admirable  constancy  of  the  colonists.  General  congress 
ot  New  York  and  its  operations.  Effects  produced  in  England  by  the  news  of  the  tu- 
mults in  America.  Change  of  ministers.  The  new  ministry  favorable  to  the  Amer- 
icans. They  propose  to  parliament  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act.  Doctor  Franklin  is 
interrogated  by  the  parliament.  Discourse  of  George  Grenville  in  favor  of  the  tax. 
Answer  of  William  Pitt.  The  stamp  act  is  revoked.  Joy  manifested  in  England  on 
this  occasion.    The  news  is  transmitted  with  all  dispatch  to  America. 

BOOK   THIRD. 

Summary. — Extreme  joy  of  the  colonists  on  hearing  of  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act. 
Causes  of  new  discontents.  Deliberations  of  the  government  on  the  subject  of  the 
opposition  of  the  Americans.  Change  of  ministry.  The  new  ministers  propose  to 
parliament,  and  carry,  a  bill  imposing  a  duty  upon  tea,  paper,  glass,  and  painters'  col- 
ors. This  duty  is  accompanied  by  other  measures,  which  sow  distrust  in  the  colonies. 
New  disturbances  and  new  associations  in  America.  The  royal  troops  enter  Boston. 
Tumult,  with  effusion  of  blood,  in  Boston.  Admirable  judicial  decision  in  the  midst 
of  so  great  commotion.  Condescendence  of  the  English  government ;  it  suppresses 
the  taxes,  with  the  exception  of  that  on  tea  The  Americans  manifest  no  greater  sub- 
mission in  consequence.  The  government  adopts  measures  of  rigor.  The  Americans 
fllak  out  on  their  part ;  they  form  leagues  of  resistance.  The  Bostonians  throw  tea 
overboard.  The  ministers  adopt  rigorous  counsels.  Violent  agitations  in  America. 
Events  which  result  from  them.  New  confederations.  All  the  provinces  determine  to 
hold  a  general  congress  at  Philadelphia. 

BOOK   FOURTH 

Summary. — Confidence  of  the  Americans  in  the  general  congress.  Dispositions  of 
minds  in  Europe,  and  particularly  in  France,  towards  the  Americans.  Deliberations 
of  congress.  A  pproved  by  the  provinces.  Indifference  of  minds  in  England  relative 
to  the  quarrel  with  America.  Parliament  convoked.  The  ministers  will  have  the  in- 
habitants of  Massachusetts  declared  rebels.  Oration  of  Wilkes  against  this  proposi- 
tion. Oration  of  Harvey  in  support  of  it.  The  ministers  carry  it.  They  send  troope 
to  America.  They  accompany  the  measures  of  rigor  with  a  proposition  o**  arrange- 
ment, and  a  promise  of  amnesty.  Edmund  Burke  proposes  to  the  parliament  another 
plan  of  reconciliation ;  which  does  not  obtain.  Principal  reason  why  the  ministers  will 
hearken  to  no  proposition  of  accommodation.  Fury  of  the  Americans  on  learning  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  have  been  declared  rebels.  Every  thing,  in  America, 
takes  the  direction  of  war.  Battle  of  Lexington.  Siege  of  Boston.  Unanimous  reso 
lution  of  the  Americans  to  take  arras  and  enter  the  livid. 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  FIFTH. 

Summary. — Situation  of  Boston.     State  of  the  two  armies.     The  provinces  make 

f reparation  for  War.  Taking  of  Ticonderoga.  Siege  of  Boston.  Battle  of  Breed's 
lill.  New  congress  in  Philadelphia^  CJeorge  Washington  elected  captain-general. 
Repairs  to  the  camp  of  Boston.  The  congress  make  new  regulations  for  the  army. 
Eulogy  of  doctor  Warren.  The  congress  take  up  the  subject  of  finances.  Endeavor 
to  secure  the  Indians.  Their  manifesto.  Religious  solemnities  to  move  <  the  people. 
Address  of  the  congress  to  the  British  nation.  Another  to  the  king.  Another  to  the 
Irish  people.  Letter  to  the  Canadians.  Events  in  Canada.  Resolutions  of  congress 
relative  to  the  conciliatory  proposition  of  lord  North.  Articles  of  union  between  the 
provinces  proposed  by  the  congress.  The  royal  governors  oppose  the  designs  of  the 
popular  governors.  Serious  altercations  which  result  from  it.  Massachusetts  begins  to 
labor  for  independence.  The  other  provinces  discover  repugnance  to  imitate  the  exam- 
ple. M  ilitary  operations  near  Boston.  Painful  embarrassments  in  which  Washington 
finds  himself.  General  Gage  succeeded  by  sir  William  Howe,  in  the  chief  command  of 
the  English  troops.  Boldness  of  the  Americans  upon  the  sea.  Difficulties  experienced 
by  Howe.  Invasion  of  Canada.  Magnanimity  of  Montgomery.  Montreal  taken. 
Surprising  enterprise  executed  by  Arnold.  Assault  of  Quebec.  Death  of  Mont- 
gomery. 

BOOK   SIXTH. 

Summary. — State  of  parties  in  England.  Discontent  of  the  people.  The  ministers 
take  Germans  into  the  pay  of  England.  Parliament  convoked.  Designs  of  France. 
King's  speech  at  the  opening  of  parliament.  Occasions  violent  debates.  The  ministers 
carry  their  Address.  Commissioners  appointed  with  power  of  pardon.  Siege  of  Bos- 
ton. The  English  are  forced  to  evacuate  it.  New  disturbances  in  North  "Carolina. 
Success  of  the  American  marine.  War  of  Canada.  Praises  of  Montgomery.  De- 
signs of  the  English  against  South  Carolina.  They  furiously  attack  fort  Moultrie. 
Strange  situation  of  the  American  colonies.  Independence  every  day  gain*;  new  parti- 
sans ;  and  wherefore.  The  congress  propose  to  declare  Independence.  Speech  of 
Richard  Henry  Lee  in  favor  of  the  proposition.  Speech  of  John  Dickinson  on  the 
other  side.     The  congress  proclaim  Independence.     Exultation  of  the  people. 

BOOK   SEVENTH. 

Summary. — Immense  preparations  of  the  British  for  the  reduction  of  America.  Con- 
ference for  an  arrangement.  The  Americans  lose  the  battle  of  Brooklyn.  New  con- 
ferences. The  troops  of  the  king  take  possession  of  New  York.  Forts  Washington 
and  Lee  fall  into  their  power.  The  English  victoriously  overrun  New  Jersey.  Danger 
of  Philadelphia.  The  royal  army  pause  at  the  Delaware.  General  Lee  is  made  pris- 
oner. War  with  the  Indians.  Campaign  of  Canada.  Firmness  of  Washington  and 
/6f  congress  in  adverse  fortune  ;  and  their  deliberations  to  re-establish  it.  Dictatorial 
power  granted  to  Washington  ;  in  what  manner  he  uses  it.  Overtures  of  congressJo 
the  court  of  France.  Franklin  sent  thither.  His  character.  The  fortune  of  AmerlH 
regains  at  Trenton.  Prudence  and  intrepidity  of  Washington.  Howe,  after  various 
movements,  abandons  New  Jersey.  Embarks  at  New  York  to  carry  the  war  into 
another  part. 

BOOK   EIGHTH. 

Summary. — Designs  of  the  British  ministry.  Expedition  of  Burgoyne.  Assembly 
of  the  savages.  Proclamation  of  Burgoyne.  He  puts  himself  in  motion.  The  Ameri- 
cans prepare  to  combat  him.  Description  of  Ticonderoga.  Capture  of  that  fortress; 
operations  which  result  from  it.  Burgoyne  arrives  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson. 
Siege  of  fort  Stanwix.     Affair  of  Bennington.     Embarrassed  position  of  Burgoyne. 


HISTORY 


OF 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


'    0"   THE 

UinVEESIT 

BOOK   Flrt^jggg 

America,  and  especially  some  parts  of  it,  having  been  discovered 
by  the  genius  and  intrepidity  of  Italians,  received,  at  various  times, 
as  into  a  place  of  asylum,  the  men  whom  political  or  religious  dis- 
turbances had  driven  from  their  own  countries  in  Europe.  The 
security  which  these  distant  and  desert  regions  presented  to  their 
minds,  appeared  to  them  preferable  even  to  the  endearments  of 
country  and  of  their  natal  air. 

Here  they  exerted  themselves  with  admirable  industry  and  forti- 
tude, according  to  the  custom  of  those  whom  the  fervor  of  opinion 
agitates  and  stimulates,  in  subduing  the  wild  beasts,  dispersing  or 
destroying  pernicious  or  importunate  animals,  repressing  or  subject- 
ing the  barbarous  and  savage  nations  that  inhabited  this  New  World, 
draining  the  marshes,  controlling  the  course  of  rivers,  clearing  the 
forests,  furrowing  a  virgin  soil,  and  committing  to  its  bosom  new  and 
unaccustomed  seeds ;  and  thus  prepared  themselves  a  climate  less 
rude  and  hostile  to  human  nature,  more  secure  and  more  commo- 
dious- habitations,  more  salubrious  food,  and  a  part  of  the  conve- 
niences and  enjoyments  proper  to  civilized  life. 

This  multitude  of  emigrants,  departing  principally  from  England, 
in  the  time  of  the  last  Stuarts,  landed  in  that  part  of  North  America 
which  extends  from  the  thirty-second  to  the  forty-fifth  degree  of 
north  latitude ;  and  there  founded  the  colonies  of  New-Hampshire, 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  which  took  the  gene- 
ral name  of  New  England.  To  these  colonies  were  afterwards  join- 
ed those  of  Virginia,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  New  Jer- 
sey, Maryland,  the  two  Carolinas,  and  Georgia.  Nor  must  it  be 
understood,  that  in  departing  from  the  land  in  which  they  were 


12  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    U 


born,  to  seek  in  foreign  regions  a  better  condition  of  life,  they  aban- 
doned their  country  on  terms  of  enmity,  dissolving  every  tie  of 
early  attachment. 

Far  from  this,  besides  the  customs,  the  habits,  the  usages  and  man- 
n  ers  of  their  common  country,  they  took  with  them  privileges,  granted 
by  the  royal  authority,  whereby  their  laws  were  constituted  upon  the 
model  of  those  of  England,  and  more  or  less  conformed  to  a  free 
government,  or  to  a  more  absolute  system,  according  to  the  charac- 
ter or  authority  of  the  prince  from  whom  they  emanated.  They 
were  also  modified  by  the  influence  which  the  people,  by  means  of 
their  organ,  the  parliament,  were  found  to  possess.  For,  it  then 
being  the  epoch  of  those  civil  and  religious  dissensions  which  caused 
English  blood  to  flow  in  torrents,  the  changes  were  extreme  and 
rapid.  Each  province,  each  colony,  had  an  elective  assembly,  which, 
under  certain  limitations,  was  invested  with  the  authority  of  parlia- 
ment ;  and  a  governor,  who,  representing  the  king  to  the  eyes  of  the 
colonists,  exercised  also  a  certain  portion  of  his  power.  To  this 
was  added  the  trial,  which  is  called  by  jury,  not  only  in  criminal 
matters,  but  also  in  civil  causes  ;  an  institution  highly  important,  and 
corresponding  entirely  with  the  judicial  system  of  England. 

But,  in  point  of  religion,  tho  colonists  enjoyed  even  greater  latitude 
than  in  their  parent  country  itself;  they  had  not  preserved  that  ec- 
clesiastical hierarchy,  against  which  they  had  combated  so  strenu- 
ously, and  which  they  did  not  cease  to  abhor,  as  the  primary  cause 
of  the  long  and  perilous  expatriation  to  which  they  had  been  con- 
strained to  resort. 

It  can,  therefore,  excite  no  surprise,  if  this  generation  of  men  not 
only  had  their  minds  imbued  with  the  principles  that  form  the  basis 
of  the  English  constitution,  but  even  if  they  aspired  to  a  mode  of 
government  less  rigid,  and  a  liberty  more  entire  ;  in  a  word,  if  they 
were  inflamed  with  the  fervor  which  is  naturally  kindled  in  the  hearts 
of  men  by  obstacles  which  oppose  their  religious  and  political  opin- 
ions, and  still  increased  by  the  privations  and  persecutions  they  have 
suffered  on  their  account.  And  how  should  this  ardor,  this  excite- 
ment of  exasperated  minds,  have  been  appeased  in  the  vast  solitudes 
of  America,  where  the  amusements  of  Europe  were  unknown,  where 
assiduity  in  manual  toils  must  have  hardened  their  bodies,  and  in- 
c  reased  the  asperity  of  their  characters  ?  If  in  England  they  had 
shown  themselves  averse  to  the  prerogative  of  the  crown,  how,  as 
to  this,  should  their  opinions  have  been  changed  in  America,  where 
scarcely  a  vestige  was  seen  of  the  royal  authority  and  splendor  ? 
where  the  same  occupation  being  common  to  all,  that  of  cultivating 
the  earth,  must  have  created  in  all  the  opinion  and  the  love  of  a  gene- 


BOOK  1.  THE    AMERICAN    WA*l.  i# 

ral  equality  ?  They  had  encountered  exile,  at  the  epoch  when  the 
war  raged  moat  fiercely  in  their  native  country,  between  the  king 
and  the  people ;  at  the  epoch  when  the  armed  subjects  contended  for 
the  right  of  resisting  the  will  of  the  prince,  when  he  usurps  their  lib- 
erty ;  and  even,  if  the  public  good  require  it,  of  transferring  the  crown 
from  one  head  to  another.  The  colonists  had  supported  these  prin- 
ciples ;  and  how  should  they  have  renounced  them  ?  they  who, 
out  of  the  reach  of  royal  authority,  and,  though  still  in  the  infancy 
of  a  scarcely  yet  organized  society,  enjoyed  already,  in  their  new 
country,  a  peaceful  and  happy  life?  the  laws  observed,  justice 
administered,  the  magistrates  respected,  offences  rare  or  unknown  : 
persons,  property  and  honor,  protected  from  all  violation  ? 

They  believed  it  the  unalienable  right  of  every  English  subject, 
whether  freeman  or  freeholder,  not  to  give  his  property  without  his 
own  consent ;  that  the  house  of  commons  only,  as  the  representative 
of  the  English  people,  had  the  right  to  grant  its  money  to  the  crown  ; 
that  taxes  are  free  gifts  of  the  people  to  those  who  govern ;  and  that 
princes  are  bound  to  exercise  their  authority,  and  employ  the  public 
treasure,  for  the  sole  benefit  and  use  of  the  community.  '  These 
privileges,'  said  the  colonists,  '  we  have  brought  with  us ;  distance, 
or  change  of  climate,  cannot  have  deprived  us  of  English  preroga- 
tives ;  we  departed  from  the  kingdom  with  the  consent  and  under 
the  guarantee  of  the  sovereign  authority  ;  the  right  not  to  contribute 
with  our  money  without  our  own  consent,  has  been  solemnly  recog- 
nized by  the  government  in  the  charters  it  has  granted  to  many  of 
the  colonies.  It  is  for  this  purpose  that  assemblies  or  courts  have 
been  established  in  each  colony,  and  that  they  have  been  invested 
with  authority  to  investigate  and  superintend  the  employment  of  the 
public  money.'  And  how,  in  fact,  should  the  colonists  have  relin- 
quished such  a  right ;  they  who  derived  their  subsistence  from  the 
American  soil,  not  given  or  granted  by  others,  but  acquired  and 
possessed  by  themselves  ;  which  they  had  first  occupied,  and  which 
their  toils  had  rendered  productive  ?  Every  thing,  on  the  contrary, 
in  English  America,  tended  to  favor  and  develop  civil  liberty ;  every 
hing  appeared  to  lead  towards  national  independence. 

The  Americans,  for  the  most  part,  were  not  only  Protestants,  but 
Protestants  against  Protestantism  itself,  and  sided  with  those  who  in 
England  are  called  Dissenters ;  for,  besides,  as  Protestants,  not 
acknowledging  any  authority  in  the  affair  of  religion,  whose  decision, 
without  other  examination,  is  a  rule  of  faith,  claiming  to  be  of 
themselves,  by  the  light  of  natural  reason  alone,  sufficient  judges  of 
religious  dogmas,  they  had  rejected  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy,  and 
abolished  even  the  names  of  its  dignities ;  they  had.  ia  short,  divested 

2 


14  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  J. 

themselves  of  all  that  deference  which  man,  by  his  nature,  has  for 
the  opinions  of  those  who  are  constituted  in  eminent  stations  ;  and 
whose  dignities,  wealth  and  magnificence,  seem  to  command  respect. 
The  intellects  of  the  Americans  being  therefore  perfectly  free  upon 
this  topic,  they  exercised  the  same  liberty  of  thought  upon  other 
subjects  unconnected  with  religion,  and  especially  upon  the  affairs  of 
government,  which  had  been  the  habitual  theme  of  their  conversation, 
during  their  residence  in  the  mother  country.  The  colonies,  moic 
than  any  other  country,  abounded  in  lawyers,  who,  accustomed  to 
the  most  subtle  and  the  most  captious  arguments,  are  commonly,  in 
a  country  governed  by  an  absolute  prince,  the  most  zealous  advocates 
of  his  power,  and  in  a  free  country  the  most  ardent  defenders  of 
liberty.  Thus  had  arisen,  among  the  Americans,  an  almost  universal 
familiarity  with  those  sophistical  discussions  which  appertain  to  the 
professions  of  theology  and  of  law,  the  effect  of  which  is  often  to 
generate  obstinacy  and  presumption  in  the  human  mind ;  accordingly, 
however  long  their  disquisitions  upon  political  and  civil  liberty,  they 
never  seemed  to  think  they  had  sifted  these  matters  sufficiently.  The 
study  of  polite  literature  and  the  liberal  arts  having  already  made  a 
remarkable  progress  in  America,  these  discussions  were  adorned  with 
the  graces  of  a  florid  elocution  ;  the  charms  of  eloquence  fascinated 
and  flattered  on  the  one  hand  the  defenders  of  bold  opinions,  as,  on 
the  other,  they  imparted  to  their  discourses  greater  attraction,  and 
imprinted  them  more  indelibly  on  the  minds  of  their  auditors. 

The  republican  maxims  became  a  common  doctrine ;  and  the 
memory  of  the  Puritans,  and  of  those  who  in  the  sanguinary  con- 
tentions of  England  had  supported  the  party  of  the  people,  and  per- 
ished for  its  cause,  was  immortalized.  These  were  their  apostles, 
these  their  martyrs :  their  names,  their  virtues,  their  achievements, 
their  unhappy,  but  to  the  eyes  of  the  colonists  so  honorable,  death, 
formed  the  continual  subject  of  the  conversations  of  children  with 
the  authors  of  their  days. 

If,  before  the  revolution,  the  portrait  of  the  king  was  usually  seen 
ill  every  house,  it  was  not  rare  to  observe  near  it  the  images  of 
those  who,  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.  sacrificed  their  lives  in  defense 
of  what  they  termed  English  liberties.  It  is  impossible  to  express 
with  what  exultation  they  had  received  the  news  of  the  victories  of 
the  republicans  in  England  ;  with  what  grief  they  heard  of  the  resto- 
ration of  the  monarchy,  in  the  person  of  Charles  II.  Thus  their  incli- 
nations and  principles  were  equally  contrary  to  the  government,  and 
to  the  church,  which  prevailed  in  Great  Britain.  Though  naturally 
reserved  and  circumspect,  yet  expressions  frequently  escaped  them 
which  manifested  a  violent  hatred  for  the  political  and  religious 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  15 

establishments  of  the  mother  country.  Whoever  courted  populai 
favor,  gratified  both  himself  and  his  hearers,  by  inveighing  against 
them ;  the  public  hatred,  on  the  contrary,  was  the  portion  of  the 
feeble  party  of  the  hierarchists,  and  such  as  favored  England.  Al! 
things,  particularly  in  New  England,  conspired  to  cherish  the  germs 
of  these  propensities  and  opinions.  The  colonists  had  few  books ; 
but  the  greater  part  of  those,  which  were  in  the  hands  of  all,  only 
treated  of  political  affairs,  or  transmitted  the  history  of  the  persecu- 
tions sustained  by  the  Puritans,  their  ancestors.  They  found  in  these 
narratives,  that,  tormented  in  their  ancient  country  on  account  of 
their  political  and  religious  opinions,  their  ancestors  had  taken  the 
intrepid  resolution  of  abandoning  it,  of  traversing  an  immense  ocean, 
of  flying  to  the  most  distant,  the  most  inhospitable  regions,  in  order 
to  preserve  the  liberty  of  professing  openly  these  cherished  princi- 
ples ;  and  that,  to  accomplish  so  generous  a  design,  they  had  sacrifi- 
ced all  the  accommodations  and  delights  of  the  happy  country  where 
they  had  received  birth  and  education.  And  what  toils,  what  fatigues, 
what  perils,  had  they  not  encountered,  upon  these  unknown  and 
savage  shores  ?  All  had  opposed  them  ;  their  bodies  had  not  been 
accustomed  to  the  extremes  of  cold  in  winter,  and  of  heat  in  sum- 
mer, both  intolerable  in  the  climate  of  America;  the  land  chiefly 
covered  with  forests,  and  little  of  it  habitable,  the  soil  reluctant,  the 
air  pestilential ;  an  untimely  death  had  carried  off  most  of  the  first 
founders  of  the  colony :  those  who  had  resisted  the  climate,  and 
survived  the  famine,  to  seciue  their  infant  establishment,  had  been 
forced  to  combat  the  natives,  a  ferocious  race,  and  become  still  more 
ferocious  at  seeing  a  foreign  people,  even  whose  existence  they  had 
never  heard  of,  come  to  appropriate  the  country  of  which  they  had 
so  long  been  the  sole  occupants  and  masters.  The  colonists,  by  their 
fortitude  and  courage,  had  gradually  surmounted  all  these  obstacles  ; 
which  result,  if  on  the  one  hand  it  secured  them  greater  tranquillity, 
and  improved  their  condition,  on  the  other  it  gave  them  a  better 
opinion  of  themselves,  and  inspired  them  with  an  elevation  of  senti- 
ments, not  often  paralleled. 

As  the  prosperous  or  adverse  events  which  men  have  shared  to- 
gether, and  the  recollections  which  attend  them,  have  a  singular 
tendency  to  unite  their  minds,  their  affections  and  their  sympathies ; 
the  Americans  were  united  not  only  by  the  ties  which  reciprocally 
attach  individuals  of  the  same  nation,  from  the  identity  of  language, 
of  laws,  of  climate,  and  of  customs,  but  also  by  those  which  result 
from  a  common  participation  in  all  the  vicissitudes  to  which  a  people 
is  liable.  They  offered  to  the  world  an  image  of  those  congregations 
of  men,  subject  not  onlv  to  the  general  laws  of  the  society  of  which 


16  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   I. 

they  are  members,  but  also  to  particular  statutes  and  regulations,  to 
which  they  have  voluntarily  subscribed,  and  which  usually  produce, 
besides  an  uniformity  of  opinions,  a  common  zeal  and  enthusiasm. 

It  should  not  be  omitted,  that  even  the  composition  of  society  in 
the  English  colonies,  rendered  the  inhabitants  averse  to  every  spe- 
cies of  superiority,  and  inclined  them  to  liberty.  Here  was  but  one 
class  of  men ;  the  mediocrity  of  their  condition  tempted  not  the  rich 
nnd  the  powerful  of  Europe,  to  visit  their  shores ;  opulence,  and 
hereditary  honors,  were  unknown  among  them  ;  whence  no  vestige 
remained  of  feudal  servitude.  From  these  causes  resulted  a  general 
Opinion  that  all  men  are  by  nature  equal ;  and  the  inhabitants  of 
America  would  have  found  it  difficult  to  persuade  themselves  that 
they  owed  their  lands  and  their  civil  rights  to  the  munificence  of 
princes.  Few  among  them  had  heard  mention  of  Magna  Charta  ; 
and  those  who  were  not  ignorant  of  the  history  of  that  important 
period  of  the  English  revolution,  in  which  this  compact  was  con- 
firmed, considered  it  rather  a  solemn  recognition,  by  the  king  of 
England,  of  the  rights  of  the  people,  than  any  concession.  As  they 
referred  to  heaven  the  protection  which  had  conducted  them  through 
so  many  perils,  to  a  land,  where  at  length  they  had  found  that 
repose  which  in  their  ancient  country  they  had  sought  in  vain  ;  and 
as  they  owed  to  its  beneficence  th«  harvests  of  their  exuberant  fields, 
the  only  and  the  genuine  source  of  their  riches ;  so  not  from  the 
concessions  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  but  from  the  bounty  and 
infinite  clemency  of  the  King  of  the  universe,  did  they  derhe  every 
right ;  these  opinions,  in  the  minds  of  a  religious  and  thoughtful  peo- 
ple, were  likely  to  have  deep  and  tenacious  roots. 

From  the  vast  extent  of  the  province  occupied,  and  the  abundance 
of  vacant  lands,  every  colonist  was,  or  easily  might  have  become,  at 
the  same  time,  a  proprietor,  farmer,  and  laborer. 

Finding  all  his  enjoyments  in  rural  life,  he  saw  spring  up,  grow. 
prosper,  and  arrive  at  maturity,  under  his  own  eyes,  and  often  by  the 
labor  of  his  own  hands,  all  things  necessary  to  the  life  of  man ;  he 
felt  himself  free  from  all  subjection,  from  all  dependence ;  anc 
individual  liberty  is  a  powerful  incentive  to  civil  independence 
Each  might  hunt,  fowl  and  fish,  at  his  pleasure,  without  fear  of 
possible  injury  to  others  ;  poachers  were  consequently  unknown  ic 
America.  Their  parks  and  reservoirs  were  boundless  forests,  vast 
and  numerous  lakes,  immense  rivers,  and  a  sea  unrestricted,  inex- 
haustible in  fish  of  every  species.  As  they  lived  dispersed  in  the 
country,  mutual  affection  was  increased  between  the  members  of  the 
same  family  ;  and  finding  happiness  in  the  domestic  circle,  they  had 
no  temptation  t<?  *3ek  diversion  in  the  resorts  of  idleness,  where  r?er» 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  1 7 

too  often  contract  the  vices  which  terminate  in  dependence  and 
habits  of  servility. 

The  greater  part  of  the  colonists,  being  proprietors  and  cultivators 
of  land,  lived  continually  upon  their  farms ;  merchants,  artificers,  and 
mechanics,  composed  scarcely  a  fifth  part  of  the  total  population. 
Cultivators  of  the  earth  depend  only  on  Providence  and  their  own 
industry,  while  the  artisan,  on  the  contrary,  to  render  himself  agree 
able  to  the  consumers,  is  obliged  to  pay  a  certain  deference  to  their 
caprices.  It  resulted,  from  the  great  superiority  of  the  first  class, 
that  the  colonies  abounded  in  men  of  independent  minds,  who, 
knowing  no  insurmountable  obstacles  but  those  presented  by  the  very 
nature  of  things,  could  not  fail  to  resent  with  animation,  and  oppose 
with  indignant  energy,  every  curb  which  human  authority  might 
attempt  to  impose 

The  inhabitants  oi  the  colonies  wen  exempt,  and  almost  out  of 
danger,  from  ministerial  seductions,  the  seat  of  government  being  a* 
such  a  distance,  that  far  from  having  proved,  they  had  never  even 
heard  of,  its  secret  baits. 

It  was  not  therefore  customary  among  them  to  corrupt  and  be 
corrupted;  the  offices  were  few,  and  so  little  lucrative,  that  they 
were  far  from  supplying  the  means  of  corruption  to  those  who  were 
invested  with  them. 

The  love  of  the  sovereign,  and  their  ancient  country,  which  the 
first  colonists  might  have  retained  in  their  new  establishment,  grad  - 
ually  diminished  in  the  hearts  of  their  descendants,  as  successive 
generations  removed  them  further  from  their  original  stock ;  and 
when  the  revolution  commenced,  of  which  we  purpose  to  write  the 
history,  the  inhabitants  of  the  English  colonies  were,  in  general,  but 
the  third,  fourth,  and  even  the  fifth  generation  from  the  original 
colonists,  who  had  left  England  to  establish  themselves  in  the  new 
regions  of  America.  At  such  a  distance,  the  affections  of  consan- 
guinity became  feeble,  or  extinct ;  and  the  remembrance  of  theii 
ancestors  lived  more  in  their  memories,  than  in  their  hearts. 

Commerce,  which  has  power  to  unite  and  conciliate  a  sort  of 
friendship  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  most  distant  countries, 
was  not,  in  the  early  periods  of  the  colonies,  so  active  as  to  produce 
these  effects  between  the  inhabitants  of  England  and  America.  The 
greater  part  of  the  colonists  had  heard  nothing  of  Great  Britain,  ex- 
cepting that  it  was  a  distant  kingdom,  from  which  their  ancestors 
had  been  barbarously  expelled,  or  hunted  away,  as  they  had  been 
forced  to*  take  refuge  in  the  deserts  and  forests  of  wild  America,  in- 
habited only  by  savage  men,  and  prowling  beasts,  or  venomous  and 
horrible  serpents. 

VOL    I.  2* 


18  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  f. 

The  distance  of  government  diminishes  its  force  ;  either  because 
in  the  absence  of  the  splendor  and  magnificence  of  the  throne,  men 
yield  obedience  only  to  its  power,  unsupported  by  the  influence  of 
illusion  and  respect ;  or,  because  the  agents  of  authority  in  distant 
countries,  exercising  a  larger  discretion  in  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
inspire  the  people  governed  with  greater  hope  of  being  able  to  es- 
cape their  restraints. 

What  idea  must  we  then  form  of  the  force  which  the  British  gov- 
ernment could  exercise  in  the  new  world,  when  it  is  considered, 
that  the  two  countries  being  separated  by  an  ocean  three  thousand 
miles  in  breadth,  entire  months  sometimes  transpired,  between  the 
date  of  an  order,  and  its  execution  ? 

Let  it  be  added  also,  that  except  in  cases  of  war,  standing  armies, 
this  powerful  engine  of  coercion,  were  very  feeble  in  England,  and 
much  more  feeble  still  in  America;  their  existence  even  was  con- 
trary to  law. 

It  follows,  of  necessity,  that,  as  the  means  of  constraint  became 
almost  illusory  in  the  hands  of  the  government,  there  must  have 
arisen,  and  gradually  increased,  in  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  the 
hope,  and  with  it  the  desire,  to  shake  off*  the  yoke  of  English  supe- 
riority. 

All  these  considerations  apply,  especially,  to  the  condition  of  the 
eastern  provinces  of  English  America.  As  to  the  provinces  of  the 
south,  the  land  being  there  more  fertile,  and  the  colonists  conse- 
quently enjoying  greater  affluence,  they  could  pretend  to  a  more 
ample  liberty,  and  discover  less  deference  for  opinions  which  differ- 
ed from  their  own.  Nor  should  it  be  imagined,  that  the  happy  fate 
they  enjoyed,  had  enervated  their  minds,  or  impaired  their  courage. 
Living  continually  on  their  plantations,  far  from  the  luxury  and  se- 
ductions of  cities,  frugal  and  moderate  in  all  their  desires,  it  is  cer- 
tain, on  the  contrary,  that  the  great  abundance  of  things  necessary 
to  life  rendered  their  bodies  more  vigorous,  and  their  minds  more 
impatient  of  all  subjection. 

In  these  provinces  also,  the  slavery  of  the  blacks,  which  was  in 
use,  seemed,  however  strange  the  assertion  may  appear,  to  have  in- 
creased the  love  of  liberty  among  the  white  population.  Having 
continually  before  their  eyes,  the  living  picture  of  the  miserable  con- 
dition of  man  reduced  to  slavery,  thGy  could  better  appreciate  the 
liberty  they  enjoyed.  This  liberty  they  considered  not  merely  as  a 
right,  but  as  a  franchise  and  privilege.  As  it  is  usual  for  men,  when 
their  own  interests  and  passions  are  concerned,  to  judge  partially  and 
inconsiderately,  the  colonists  supported  impatiently  the  superiority 
<  >f  the  British  government.   They  considered  its  pretensions  as  tend- 


BOOK 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  19 


ing  to  reduce  them  to  a  state  little  different  from  that  of  their  own 
slaves ;  thus  detesting,  for  themselves,  what  they  found  convenient 
to  exercise  upon  others. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  especially  those  of  New  England, 
enjoyed  not  only  the  shadow,  but  the  substance  itself,  of  the  English 
constitution ;  for  in  this  respect,  little  was  wanting  to  their  entire 
independence.  They  elected  their  own  magistrates;  they  paid 
them ;  and  decided  all  affairs  relative  to  internal  administration. 
The  sole  evidence  of  their  dependence  on  the  mother  country,  cc-> 
sisted  in  this ;  that  they  could  not  enact  laws  or  statutes,  contrary 
to  the  letter  or  spirit  of  the  English  laws  ;  that  the  king  had  the  pre- 
rogative to  annul  the  deliberations  of  their  assemblies  ;  and  that  they 
were  subject  to  snch  regulations  and  restrictions  of  commerce,  as  the 
parliament  should  judge  necessary  and  conducive  to  the  general 
good  of  the  British  empire.  This  dependence,  howe\  er,  was  rather 
nominal  than  actual,  for  the  king  very  rarely  refused  his  sanction ; 
and  as  to  commercial  restrictions,  they  knew  h6w  to  elude  them 
dexterously,  by  a  contraband  traffic. 

The  provincial  assemblies  were  perfectly  free,  and  more  perhaps 
than  the  parliament  of  England  itself;  the  ministers  not  being  there, 
to  diffuse  corruption  daily.  The  democratic  ardor  was  under  no 
restraint,  or  little  less  than  none ;  for  the  governors  who  intervened, 
in  the  name  of  the  king,  had  too  little  credit  to  control  it,  as  they  re- 
ceived their  salaries,  not  from  the  crown,  but  from  the  province 
itself;  and  in  some,  they  were  elected  by  the  suffrages  of  the  inhab- 
itants. The  religious  zeal,  or  rather  enthusiasm,  which  prevailed 
among  the  colonists,  and  chiefly  among  the  inhabitants  of  New  Eng- 
land, maintained  the  purity  of  their  manners.  Frugality,  tempe- 
rance, and  chastity,  were  virtues  peculiar  to  this  people.  There 
were  no  examples,  among  them,  of  wives  devoted  to  luxury,  hus- 
bands to  debauch,  and  children  to  the  haunts  of  pleasure.  The 
ministers  of  a  severe  religion  were  respected  and  revered ;  for  they 
gave  themselves  the  example  of  the  virtues  they  preached.  Their 
time  was  divided  between  rural  occupations,  domestic  karties, 
prayers,  and  thanksgivings,  addressed  to  that  God  by  whose  bounty 
the  seasons  were  made  propitious,  and  the  earth  to  smile  on  their 
labors  with  beauty  and  abundance,  and  who  showered  upon  them 
so  many  blessings  and  so  many  treasures.  If  we  add,  further,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  having  surmounted  the  first  obsta- 
cles, found  themselves  in  a  productive  and  healthful  country,  it  will 
cease  to  astonish,  that,  in  the  course  of  a  century,  the  population  of 
the  American  colonies  should  have  so  increased,  that  from  a  few 
destitute  families,  thrown  by  misfortune  upon  this  distant  shore, 
should  have  sprung  a  great  and  powerful  nation. 


20  *H£    AMERICAN'   WAR.  fiOOft'f: 

Another  consideration  presents  itself  here.  The  fathers  of  fami- 
lies, in  America,  were  totally  exempt  from  that  anxiety,  which  in 
Europe  torments  them  incessantly,  concerning  the  subsistence  and 
future  establishment  of  their  offspring.  In  the  new  world1,  the  in- 
crease of  families,  however  restricted  their  means,  was  not  deemed  a 
misfortune :  on  the  contrary,  it  was  not  only  for  the  father,  but  for 
all  about  him,  that  the  birth  of  a  son  was  a  joyful  event.  In  this 
immensity  of  uncultivated  lands,  the  infant,  when  arrived  at  the  age 
of  labor,  was  assured  of  finding  a  resource  for  himself,  and  even  the 
means  of  aiding  his  parents ;  thus,  the  more  numerous  were  the  chil- 
dren, the  greater  competence  and  ease  were  secured  to  the  household. 

It  is  therefore  evident,  that  in  America,  the  climate,  the  soil,  the 
civil  and  religious  institutions,  even  the  interest  of  families,  all  con- 
curred to  people  it  with  robust  and  virtuous  fathers,  with  swarms 
of  vigorous  and  spirited  sons. 

Industry,  a  spirit  of  enterprise,  and  an  extreme  love  of  gain,  are 
characteristic  qualities  of  those  who  are  separated  from  other  men, 
and  can  expect  no  support  but  from  themselves ;  and  the  colonists 
being  descended  from  a  nation  distinguished  for  its  boldness  and  ac- 
tivity in  the  prosecution  of  traffic,  it  is  easily  conceived  that  the  in- 
crease of  commerce  was  in  proportion  to  that  of  population.  Posi- 
tive facts  confirm  this  assertion.  In  1704,  the  sum  total  of  the  com 
mercial  exports  of  Great  Britain,  inclusive  of  the  merchandise  des- 
tined for  her  colonies,  had  been  six  millions  five  hundred  and  nine 
thousand  pounds  sterling ;  but  from  this  year  to  1772,  these  colonies 
had  so  increased  in  population  and  prosperity,  that  at  this  epoch  they 
of  themselves  imported  from  England  to  the  value  of  six  millions 
twenty-two  thousand  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  pounds  sterling ; 
that  is  to  say,  that  in  the  year  1772,  me  colonies  albne  furnished  the 
mother  country  with  a  market  for  a  quantity  of  merchandise  almost 
equal  to  that  which,  sixty-eight  years  before,  sufficed  for  her  com- 
merce with  all  parts  of  the  world. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  English  colonies  in  America,  such  the 
opinions  and  dispositions  of  those  who  inhabited'  them,  about  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Powerful  in  numbers  and  in 
force,  abounding  in  riches  of  every  kind,  already  far  advanced  in  the 
career  of  useful  arts  and  of  liberal  studies,  engaged  in  commerce 
with  all  parts  of  the  globe,  it  was  impossible  that  they  should  have 
remained  ignorant  of  what  they  were  capable,  and  that  the  progres- 
sive development  of  national  pride  should  not  have  rendered  the 
British  yoke  more  intolerable. 

But  this  tendency  towards  a  new  order  of  things  did  not  as  yet 
menace  a  general  combustion ;  and,  without  particular  irritation, 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  21 

would  still  have  kept  within  the  bounds  which  had  already  so  long 
sufficed  to  restrain  it.  During  a  century,  the  British  government 
had  prudently  avoided  to  exasperate  the  minds  of  the  colonists :  with 
parental  solicitude,  it  had  protected  and  encouraged  them,  when  in  a 
state  of  infancy ;  regulating,  afterwards,  by  judicious  laws,  their 
commerce  with  the  mother  country  and  with  foreign  nations,  it  had 
conducted  them  to  their  present  prosperous  and  flourishing  condition. 
In  effect,  in  times  immediately  following  the  foundation  of  the  colo- 
nies, England,  as  a  tender  mother,  who  defends  her  own  children, 
had  lent  them  the  succor  of  her  troops  and  her  ships,  against  the 
attacks  of  the  savage  tribes,  and  against  the  encroachments  of  other 
powers ;  she  granted  immunities  and  privileges  to  Europeans  who 
were  disposed  to  establish  themselves  in  these  new  countries ;  she  sup- 
plied her  colonists,  at  the  most  moderate  prices,  with  cloths,  stuffs, 
linens,  and  all  necessary  instruments  as  well  for  their  defense  against 
enemies  as  for  the  exercise  of  useful  professions  in  time  of  peace, 
and  especially  such  as  were  required  for  clearing  the  lands,  and  the 
labors  of  agriculture.  The  English  merchants  also  assisted  them  with 
their  rich  capitals,  in  order  to  enable  them  to  engage  in  enterprises  of 
great  importance,  such  as  the  construction  of  ships,  the  draining  of 
marshes,  the  diking  of  rivers,  the  cutting  of  forests,  the  establishing 
of  new  plantations,  and  other  similar  works. 

In  exchange  for  so  many  advantages,  and  rather  as  a  necessary 
consequence  of  the  act  of  navigation,  than  as  a  fiscal  restriction,  and 
peculiar  to  commerce,  England  only  required  the  colonists  to  furnish 
her  with  the  things  she  wanted,  on  condition  of  receiving  in  return 
those  in  which  she  abounded,  and  of  which  they  had  need.  The 
Americans  were  therefore  obliged  to  carry  to  the  English  all  the  com- 
modities and  productions  which  their  lands  abundantly  supplied,  and, 
besides,  the  fleeces  of  their  flocks  for  the  use  of  her  manufacturers. 
It  was  also  prohibited  the  colonists  to  purchase  the  manufactures  of 
any  other  part  of  the  world  except  England,  and  to  buy  the  produc- 
tions of  lands  appertaining  to  any  European  people  whatever,  unless 
these  productions  had  been  first  introduced  into  the  English  ports. — 
Such  had  been  the  constant  scope  and  object  of  a  great  number  of 
acts  of  parliament,  from  1660  down  to  1764 ;  in  effect,  establishing 
a  real  commercial  monopoly,  at  the  expense  of  the  colonies,  and  in 
favor  of  England :  at  which,  however,  the  colonists  discovered  no 
resentment ;  either  because  they  received  in  compensation  a  real  pro- 
tection on  the  part  of  the  government,  and  numerous  advantages  on 
that  of  individuals,  or  because  they  considered  the  weight  of  this  de- 
pendence as  an  equivalent  for  the  taxes  and  assessments  to  which 
the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  were  subjected,  by  laws  emanating 
from  oarliament. 


22  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

In  all  this  space  of  time,  parliamentary  taxes  formed  no  part  of 
the  colonial  system  of  government.  In  truth,  in  all  the  laws  relative 
to  the  colonies,  the  expressions  sanctioned  by  usage  in  the  pream- 
bles of  financial  statutes,  to  designate  taxes  or  duties  to  be  raised  for 
the  use  of  government,  were  studiously  avoided,  and  those  only  of 
free  gifts,  of  grants,  and  aids  lent  to  the  crown,  were  employed. — 
The  parliament,  it  is  true,  had  frequently  imposed  export  duties  upon 
many  articles  of  commerce  in  the  colonies ;  but  these  were  considered 
rather  as  restrictions  of  commerce,  than  as  branches  of  public  reve- 
nue. Thus,  until  the  year  1764,  the  affair  of  taxation  by  authority 
of  parliament,  slept  in  silence.  England  contented  herself  with 
the  exercise  of  her  supremacy,  in  regulating  the  general  interests  of 
her  colonies,  and  causing  them  to  concur  with  those  of  all  the  British 
empire.  The  Americans  submitted  to  this  system,  if  not  withoii 
some  repugnance,  at  least  with  filial  obedience. 

It  appears  evident  that,  though  they  were  net  subjected  to  parlia- 
mentary taxes,  they  were  not  useless  subjects  to  the  state,  since  they 
contributed  essentially,  on  the  contrary,  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
mother  county. 

It  cannot  be  asserted,  however,  that  ill  humors  were  not  agitated, 
at  intervals,  between  the  people  of  the  two  countries,  by  attempts 
on  the  one  part  to  maintain  and  even  extend  the  superiority,  and  on 
the  other  to  advance  towards  independence.  A  year  after  the  peace 
of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  (1749,)  a  grant  was  made,  near  the  river  Ohio, 
of  six  hundred  thousand  acres  of  excellent  land,  to  some  merchants, 
whose  association  was  called  the  Ohio  Company.  The  governor  of 
Canada,  at  that  time  a  province  of  France,  having  had  intelligence 
of  this  establishment,  was  apprehensive  the  English  had  the  inten- 
tion of  interrupting  the  commerce  of  the  Canadians  with  the  In- 
dians, called  Tuigtuis,  and  of  intercepting  the  direct  communication 
between  Canada  and  Louisiana.  He  therefore  wrote  to  the  govern- 
ors of  New  York  and  of  Pennsylvania,  to  express  his  surprise  that 
the  English  merchants  had  violated  the  French  territory,  in  order  to 
trade  with  the  Indians :  he  threatened  that  he  would  cause  them  to 
be  seized,  wherever  he  could  find  them.  This  traffic,  however,  not 
having  been  discontinued,  detachments  of  French  and  Indians  made 
prisoners  of  the  English  traders,  at  the  commencement  of  the  year 
1751. 

The  Indians  friendly  to  England,  indignant  at  the  outrage  their 
confederates  had  sustained,  assembled,  and,  scouring  the  forests,  fell 
upon  the  French  traders,  whom  they  transported  to  Philadelphia. — 
Not  content  with  this  vengeance,  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  dis- 
patched to  M.  die  Saint  Pierre,  commanding,  for  the  king  of  France,  a 


BOOK  I. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  £3 


fort,  situated  upon  the  Ohio,  major  Washington,  the  same  who  com- 
manded afterwards  the  American  armies,  with  orders  to  demand  an 
explanation  of  these  acts  of  hostility,  and  summon  him  to  draw  off 
his  troops.  Saint  Pierre  answered,  that  he  could  not  comply  with 
the  demands  of  the  English ;  that  the  country  appertained  to  the 
king  of  France,  his  master ;  that  the  English  had  no  right  to  traffic 
upon  those  rivers ;  that,  consequently,  in  execution  of  the  orders  he 
had  received,  he  should  cause  to  be  seized  and  conducted  to  Cana- 
da,  every  Englishman  who  should  attempt  to  trade  upon  the  river 
Ohio,  and  its  dependencies. 

This  proceeding  of  the  French  greatly  incensed  the  ministers  of 
Great  Britain ;  they  could  not  endure  to  see  their  friends  and  con- 
federates oppressed.  Their  resolution  was  soon  taken  ;  they  dis- 
patched instructions  to  America,  that  resistance  should  be  made,  by 
force  of  arms,  to  the  usurpations  of  the  French.  This  order  ar- 
rived seasonably  in  Virginia ;  hostilities  immediately  followed,  and 
blood  flowed  on  both  sides. 

The  Board,  which  in  England  superintends  especially  the  interests 
of  commerce  and  the  plantations,  perceiving  that  the  colonists,  divid- 
ed among  themselves,  could  not  resist,  without  delay  and  disadvan- 
tage, the  enterprises  of  an  audacious  and  determined  people,  sup- 
ported by  a  great  number  of  Indians,  recommended  to  the  different 
provinces  to  choose  deputies,  to  convene  for  the  purpose  of  forming 
a  general  confederation,  and  a  formal  alliance  with  the  Indians,  in 
the  name  and  under  the  protection  of  his  Britannic  majesty*  It  was 
agreed  that  the  assembly  of  the  governors  and  chief  men  of  each 
colony  should  be  convened  at  Albany,  situated  upon  the  Hudson 
river.  This  convention,  after  having  conciliated  the  affection  of  the 
Indians  of  the  Six  Tribes,  by  suitable  presents,  proceeded  to  delib- 
erate upon  the  most  expedient  means  of  defending  themselves  and 
their  effects  from  the  attacks  of  the  enemy. 

They  came  to  the  resolution,  that  it  was  of  urgent  importance  to 
unite  all  the  colonies,  by  a  general  league.  The  conditions  of  it 
were  concluded  on  the  4th  of  July,  1754.  They  purported,  in  Mib* 
stance,  that  a  petition  should  be  presented  to  parliament,  to  obtain 
an  act  for  the  establishment  of  a  general  government  in  America ; 
that  under  this  government,  each  colony  should  preserve  its  internal 
constitution,  with  the  exception  of  the  changes  introduced  by  the 
same  act ;  that  the  general  government  should  be  administered  by  a 
president-general,  appointed  and  paid  by  the  crown,  and  by  a  grand 
council,  elected  by  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  colonies ; 
that  the  president-general  should  be  invested  with  the  right  of  nega- 
tive over  the  acts  of  the  grand  council,  and  authorized  to  put 


24  THE   AMElllCAN    WAft  BOOK  1 

in  execution  ;  that  with  the  advice  of  the  grand  council,  he  should 
have  authority  to  conclude,  and  carry  into  effect,  any  treaties  with 
the  Indians,  in  which  all  the  colonies  should  have  a  common  interest. 
as  also  to  make  peace  with  them,  or  to  declare  war  against  the  same  ; 
and  to  take  the  measures  he  might  judge  suitable  for  regulating  the 
traffic  with  these  tribes ;  that  he  should  have  power  to  purchase  of 
the  Indians,  and  for  account  of  the  crown,  lands,  situated  without 
the  territories  of  the  particular  colonies  ;  that  he  should  have  author- 
ity to  establish  new  colonies  upon  the  acquired  lands,  and  to  make 
laws  for  the  regulation  and  government  of  these  colonies ;  that  he 
should  have  power  to  levy  and  pay  troop?,  to  construct  fortresses,  and 
to  equip  a  fleet  for  the  defense  of  the  coasts,  txui  the  protection  of 
commerce  ;  and  also,  in  order  to  accomplish  these  purposes,  that  he 
should  have  power  to  impose  such  duties,  taxes,  or  excises,  as  he 
might  deem  most  convenient ;  that  he  should  appoint  a  treasurer- 
general,  and  a  particular  treasurer  for  the  provinces  in  which  it 
might  be  thought  necessary  ;  that  the  president-general  should  have 
the  right  to  appoint  all  officers  of  the  service,  by  land  or  sea ;  and 
that  the  appointment  of  all  civil  officers  should  appertain  to  the 
grand  council ;  and  finally,  that  the  laws  passed  by  these  two  au- 
thorities could  not  be  contrary,  but  should  even  be  conformable  to 
the  English  laws,  and  transmitted  to  the  king  for  approbation. 

Such  was  the  model  of  future  government,  proposed  by  the  colo- 
nies, and  sent  to  England  for  determination.  The  Americans  at- 
tached great  hopes  to  the  success  of  their  plan ;  already  every  ap- 
pearance announced  an  open  rupture  with  France,  and  the  colonists 
affirmed,  that  if  the  confederation  was  approved,  they  should  be 
quite  able  to  defend  themselves  against  the  French  arms,  without 
any  other  succor  on  the  part  of  England. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  how  much  an  order  of  things,  thus 
constituted,  would  have  impaired  the  authority  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment, and  approached  the  colonies  towards  independence.  By 
this  establishment,  they  would  have  obtained  a  local  power,  which 
would  have  exercised  all  the  rights  appertaining  to  sovereignty,  how- 
ever dependent  it  might  appear  to  be  on  the  mother  country.  But 
tnis  project  was  far  from  being  agreeable  to  the  English  ministry, 
who  saw  with  a  jealous  eye,  that  the  confederation  proposed,  fur- 
nished a  plausible  pretext  for  a  concert  of  intrigues  in  America,  all 
tending  to  the  prejudice  of  British  sovereignty :  and,  therefore,  not- 
withstanding the  imminent  peril  of  a  foreign  war  against  a  powerful 
enemy,  the  articles  of  the  confederation  were  not  approved. 

But  the  ministers  of  England  were  not  disposed  to  let  this  occa- 
sion escape  them,  of  increasing,  if  it  was  possible,  the  authority  of 


BOOK    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  25 

the  government  in  America,  and  especially  that  of  imposing  taxes , 
a  thing  most  of  all  desired  on  the  one  side  of  the  ocean,  and  detested 
on  the  other.  Instead,  therefore,  of  the  plan  proposed  by  the 
Americans,  the  ministers  drew  up  another,  which  they  addressed  to 
the  governors  of  the  colonies,  to  be  offered  by  them  to  the  colonial 
assemblies.  It  was  proposed  by  the  ministers,  '  That  the  governors 
of  all  the  colonies,  assisted  by  one  or  two  members  of  the  councils, 
should  assemble,  to  concert  measures,  for  the  organization  of  a  gene- 
ral system  of  defense,  to  construct  fortresses,  to  levy  troops,  with 
authority  to  draw  upon  the  British  treasury  for  all  sums  that  might 
be  requisite  ;  the  treasure  to  be  reimbursed  by  way  of  a  tax,  which 
should  be  laid  upon  the  colonies,  by  an  act  of  parliament.' 

The  drift  of  this  ministerial  expedient  is  not  difficult  to  be  under- 
stood, if  it  be  considered  that  the  governors,  and  members  of  the 
council,  were  almost  all  appointed  by  the  king.  Accordingly,  the 
scheme  had  no  success  in  America :  its  motives  were  ably  developed, 
in  a  letter  of  Benjamin  Franklin  to  governor  Shirley,  who  had  sent 
him  the  plan  of  the  ministers.  In  this  letter,  the  seeds  of  the  dis- 
cord which  followed  soon  after,  begin  to  make  their  appearance.* 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  wrote  to  their  agent  in  Lon- 
don, to  oppose  every  measure  which  should  have  for  its  object  the 
establishment  of  taxes  in  America,  under  any  pretext  of  utility  what- 
ever. On  the  contrary,  the  governors,  and  particularly  Shirley,  in- 
sisted continually,  in  their  letters  to  the  ministers,  that  the  thing  was 
just,  possible,  and  expedient. 

These  suspicions,  this  jealous  inquietude,  which  agitated  the 
minds  of  the  Americans,  ever  apprehensive  of  a  parliamentary  tax, 
obtained  with  the  more  facility,  as  they  found  them  already  imbitter- 
ed  by  ancient  resentments.  They  had  never  been  able  to  accustom 
themselves  to  certain  laws  of  parliament,  which,  though  not  tending 
to  impose  contributions,  yet  greatly  restricted  the  internal  commerce 
of  the  colonies,  impeded  their  manufactures,  or  wounded,  in  a  thou- 
sand shapes,  the  self-love  o(  the  Americans,  by  treating  them  as  if 
they  were  not  men  of  the  same  nature  with  the  English,  or  as  if,  by 
clipping  the  wings  of  American  genius,  it  was  intended  to  retain 
them  in  a  state  of  inferiority  and  degradation.  Such  was  the  act 
prohibiting  the  felling  of  pitch  and  white  pine  trees,  not  compre- 
hended within  enclosures ;  such  was  that  which  interdicted  the  ex- 
portation from  the  colonies,  and  also  the  introduction  from  one  colony 
into  another,  of  hats,  and  woollens,  of  domestic  manulacture,  and 
forbade  hatters  to  have,  at  one  time,  more  than  two  apprentices ;  also 

*  See  Note  I. 
VOL.    1  2 


26  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I. 

that  passed  to  facilitate  the  collection  of  debts  in  the  colonies,  by 
which  houses,  lands,  slaves,  and  other  real  effects,  were  made  liable 
for  the  payment  of  debts ;  and  finally,  that  which  was  passed  in  173J5, 
at  the  instance  of  the  sugar  colonies,  which  prohibited  the  importa- 
tion of  sugar,  rum,  and  molasses,  from  the  French  and  Dutch  colo- 
nies in  North  America,  without  paying  an  exorbitant  duty.  To 
these  should  be  added  another  act  of  parliament,  passed  in  1750, 
according  to  which,  after  the  24th  of  June  of  the  same  year,  certain 
works  in  iron  could  not  be  executed  in  the  American  colonies  ;  by  a 
clause  of  the  same  act,  the  manufacture  of  steel  was  forbidden. 
Nor  should  we  omit  another,  which  regulated  and  restricted  the  bills 
of  credit  issued  by  the  government  of  New  England,  and  by  which 
it  was  declared,  that  they  should  not  have  legal  currency  in  the  pay- 
ment of  debts,  that  English  creditors  might  not  be  injured  by  the 
necessity  of  receiving  a  depreciated  paper,  instead  of  money.  This 
regulation,  though  just,  the  Americans  received  with  displeasure,  as 
tending  to  discredit  their  currency.  Hence  originated  the  first  dis- 
contents on  the  part  of  the  colonists,  and  the  first  sentiments  of 
distrust  on  the  part  of  the  English. 

At  the  same  time  it  was  pretended,  in  England,  that  if  the  colo- 
nists, on  account  of  the  commercial  restrictions,  so  beneficial  to  the 
mother  country,  had  merely  demanded  to  be  treated  with  tenderness 
and  equity  in  the  imposition  of  taxes,  nothing  would  have  been  more 
just  and  reasonable ;  but  that  it  could  not  be  at  all  endured,  that 
they  should  refuse  the  European  country  every  species  of  ulterior 
succor ;  that  England,  in  reserving  to  herself  the  commerce  of  her 
colonies,  had  acted  according  to  the  practice  of  all  modern  nations ; 
that  she  had  imitated  the  example  of  the  Spaniards  and  of  the  Por- 
tuguese, and  that  she  had  done  so  with  a  moderation  unknown  to  the 
governments  of  these  nations.  In  founding  these  distant  colonies,  it 
was  said,  England  had  caused  them  to  participate  in  all  the  rights 
And  privileges  that  are  enjoyed  by  English  subjects  themselves 
in  their  own  country ;  leaving  the  colonists  at  liberty  to  govern  them- 
selves, according  to  such  local  laws  as  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of 
their  assemblies  had  deemed  expedient ;  in  a  word,  she  had  granted 
the  colonies  the  most  ample  authority  to  pursue  their  respective  in- 
terests, only  reserving  to  herself  the  benefit  of  their  commerce,  and 
a  political  connection  under  the  same  sovereign.  The  French  and 
Dutch  colonies,  and  particularly  those  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  were 
far  from  being  treated  with  the  same  indulgence ;  and  also,  notwith- 
standing these  restrictions,  the  subject  of  so  much  complaint,  the 
English  colonies  had  immense  capitals  in  their  commerce,  or  in  the:; 
funds ;  for  besides  the  rich  cargoes  of  the  products  of  their  land. 


BOOK   I. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  27 


exported  in  British  ships  which  came  to  trade  in  their  ports,  the 
Americans  had  their  own  ships,  which  served  to  transport,  with  an 
incredible  profit,  their  productions  and  merchandise,  not  only  to  the 
mother  country,  but  also,  thanks  xo  her  maternal  indulgence,  to  al- 
most all  parts  of  the  world,  and  to  carry  home  the  commodities  and 
luxuries  of  Europe  at  will.  And  thus,  in  the  English  colonies,  the 
enormous  prices  at  which  European  merchandise  is  sold  in  the 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  establishments,  were  not  only  unusual,  but 
absolutely  unheard  of;  it  was  even  remarkable  that  many  of  these 
articles  were  sold  in  the. American  colonies  at  the  same,  or  even  at  a 
lower  price  than  in  England  itself.  The*  restrictions  imposed  by 
Great  Britain  upon  the  American  commerce,  tended  rather  to  a  just 
and  prudent  distribution  of  this  traffic,  between  all  the  parts  of  its 
vast  dominions,  than  to  a  real  prohibition  ;  if  English  subjects  were 
allowed  to  trade  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  the  same  permission  was 
granted  to  American  subjects,  with  the  exception  of  the  north  of 
Europe  and  the  East  Indies.  In  Portugal,  in  Spain,  in  Italy,  in  all 
the  Mediterranean,  upon  the  coasts  of  Africa,  in  all  the  American 
hemisphere,  the  ships  of  the  English  colonies  might  freely  cany  on 
commerce.  The  English  laws,  for  the  protection  of  this  commerce, 
were  wise  and  well  conceived,  since  they  were  calculated  to  increase 
the  exportation  of  their  own  produce  from  the  American  ports,  and 
to  facilitate,  for  the  colonists,  the  means  of  clearing  their  forests  and 
cultivating  their  soil,  by  the  certain  vent  of  an  immense  quantity  of 
timber,  with  which  their  country  is  covered.  They  could  not,  it  was 
admitted,  procure  themselves  certain  articles,  except  in  the  ports  of 
England  ;  but  it  was  just  to  consider,  that  the  American  lands,  from 
their  nature  and  vast  extent,  must  offer  sufficient  occupation  both  for 
the  minds  and  the  hands  of  the  inhabitants,  without  its  being  neces- 
sar}  that  they  should  ramble  abroad  in  search  of  gain,  like  the  in- 
habitants of  other  countries,  already  cultivated  to  perfection. 

Besides,  if  England  reserved  to  herself  an  exclusive  commerce, 
in  certain  kinds  of  merchandise,  how  did  this  concern,  or  how  ii 
the  Americans  ?  These  objects  appertaining  for  the  most  part  to  1  he 
refined  luxury  of  social  life,  in  what  country  could  they  procure  V  cm 
in  greater  perfection,  or  at  a  more  moderate  price,  than  in  England  ? 
The  affection  and  liberality  of  the  British  government  towards  its 
colonies,  had  gone  so  far,  as  not  only  to  abstain  from  imposinj^dmies 
upon  English  manufactures  destined  for  their  ports,  but  even  had 
induced  it  to  exempt  foreign  merchandise  from  all  duties,  when  ex- 
ported by  England  to  America:  thus  causing  it  to  become  so  com- 
mon in  some  colonies,  as  to  be  sold  at  a  lower  price  than  in  certain 
countries  of  Europe. 


9S  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   I 

It  should  not  be  forgotten,  that  the  most  entire  liberty  was  grant- 
ed for  the  exchange  of  productions  between  North  America  and  the 
islands  of  the  West  Indies,  a  trade  from  which  the  English  colonists 
derived  immense  advantages.  And  in  fact,  notwithstanding  the  re- 
strictions laid  upon  the  commerce  of  the  Americans,  did  there  not 
remain  amply  sufficient  to  render  them  a  rich,  happy,  and  enterpris- 
ing people?  Was  not  their  prosperity  known,  and  even  envied,  by 
the  whole  world?  Assuredly,  if  there  was  any  part  of  the  globe 
where  man  enjoyed  a  sweet  and  pleasant  life,  it  was  especially  in 
English  America.  Was  not  this  an  irrefragable  proof,  a  striking 
example,  of  the  maternal  indulgence  of  England  towards  her  colo- 
nies ?  Let  the  Americans  compare  their  condition  with  that  of 
foreign  colonists,  and  they  would  soon  confess,  not  without  grati- 
tude towards  the  mother  country,  both  their  real  felicity,  and  the 
futility  of  their  complaints. 

But  all  these  and  other  considerations  that  were  alleged  by  Eng- 
land, had  not  the  effect  to  satisfy  the  Americans,  and  many  discon- 
tents remained.  The  French,  animated  by  the  spirit  of  rivalship, 
which  has  so  long  existed  between  their  nation  and  the  British,  neg- 
lected no  means  of  inflaming  the  wounds  which  the  Americans  had 
received,  or  thought  they  had  received,  from  their  fellow  citizens  in 
England.  The  flourishing  state  of  the  English  colonies,  was  a  spec- 
tacle which  the  French  had  long  been  unable  to  observe  with  indiir 
ference.  They  had  at  first  the  design  of  establishing  others  for 
themselves,  in  some  part  of  this  immense  continent,  hoping  to  reap 
from  them  the  same  benefits  which  the  English  derived  from  theirs ; 
and  to  be  able,  at  length,  to  give  another  direction  to  the  commerce 
of  America,  and  of  Europe.  They  intended,  by  good  laws,  or  by 
the  employment  of  their  arms,  to  repair  the  disadvantages  of  soil  and 
of  climate,  observable  in  the  countries  which  had  fallen  to  their 
share.  But  the  French  government  being  more  inclined  for  arms 
than  for  commerce,  and  the  nation  itself  having  a  natural  bias  much 
stronger  in  favor  of  the  one  than  towards  the  other  of  these  profes- 
sions, their  resolutions  were  soon  taken  accordingly.  And  as  their 
character,  also,  disposes  them  to  form  vast  designs,  and  renders 
them  impatient  to  enjoy  without  delay,  they  began  immediately  to 
fortify  themselves,  and  to  enlarge  their  limits.  Bastions,  redoubts, 
arsenals,  and  magazines,  were  established  at  every  point,  and  in  a 
short  time  a  line  of  French  posts  was  seen  to  extend  from  one  ex- 
tremity of  the  continent  to  the  other;  but  military  power  can  neither 
supply  population  or  commerce,  nor  develop  the  advantages  of 
either.      These  fortresses,  these  arms,  these   garrisons,  occupied 


BOOK    I 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  §9 


desert  or  sterile  regions.  An  immense  solitude,  impenetrable  forests, 
surrounded  them  on  all  sides. 

The  conduct  of  the  English  was  very  different ;  they  advanced 
only  step  by  step,  restricting  themselves  to  the  cultivation  of  what 
they  possessed,  and  not  seeking  to  extend  themselves,  until  urged  by 
the  exigencies  of  an  increased  population.  Their  progress  was  there- 
fore slow,  but  sure ;  they  occupied  no  new  lands,  until  those  they 
had  occupied  at  first  were  carried  to  the  highest  degree  of  cultiva- 
tion, and  inhabited  by  a  sufficient  number  of  individuals.  A  method 
so  different,  could  not  fail  to  produce  effects  totally  contrary ;  and 
in  effect,  a  century  after  the  foundation  of  the  English  and  French 
colonies,  the  former  presented  the  image  of  fertility  and  abundance, 
while  the  latter  exhibited  but  a  sterile  and  scarcely  inhabited  region. 

Meanwhile  the  French,  reflecting  that  either  from  the  rigor  of  the 
climate,  or  the  sterility  of  the  soil,  or  from  defect  of  industry,  or  of 
suitable  laws,  they  could  not  hope  to  direct  towards  their  establish- 
ment the  commerce  of  the  English  colonies,  or  at  least  to  share  its 
benefits ;  convinced,  on  the  other  hand,  that  these  colonies  were  an 
inexhaustible  source  of  riches  and  power  for  a  rival  nation,  they  re- 
solved to  resort  to  arms,  and  to  obtain  by  force  what  they  had  failed 
to  acquire  by  their  industry.  They  hoped  that  the  discontent  of  the 
Americans  would  manifest  itself,  and  produce  favorable  events  ;  or 
at  least,  that  they  would  be  less  prompt  to  engage  in  the  contest. 
They  well  knew  that  in  the  American  arms,  men,  munitions,  and 
treasure,  must  consist  all  the  nerve  and  substance  of  the  war. 

Proceeding  with  their  accustomed  impatience,  without  waiting  till 
their  preparations  were  completed,  they  provoked  the  enemy,  some- 
times complaining  that  he  had  occupied  lands  appertaining  to  them, 
sometimes  themselves  invading  or  disturbing  his  possessions.  This 
the  British  government  deeply  resented  ;  and  war  between  the  two 
nations  broke  out  in  the  year  1755.  But  the  effects  little  corre- 
sponded with  such  confident  hopes ;  the  councils  of  England  being 
directed  by  William  Pitt,  afterwards  earl  of  Chatham,  a  man,  for  the 
power  of  his  genius,  and  the  purity  of  his  manners,  rather  single, 
than  rare ;  the  affairs  of  Great  Britain  succeeded  so  prosperously, 
and  her  arms  acquired  so  decided  a  superiority,  by  land  and  sea, 
that  her  enemies,  wearied,  worsted,  and  having  lost  all  hopes  of  vic- 
tory, accepted  the  conditions  of  the  peace  of  Paris,  which  was  con- 
cluded in  1763.  It  guarantied  to  the  English  the  possession  of  the 
vast  continent  of  North  America,  from  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi 
to  the  shores  of  Greenland  ;  but  the  most  important  point  for  them, 
was  the  cession  made  them,  by  France,  of  Canada. 

England  also  sained,  by  this  treaty,  many  valuable  islands  in  the 

3* 


30  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    1* 

West  Indies ;  and  so  greatly  was  her  power  extended  in  the  east, 
and  so  solid  were  the  foundations  on  which  it  reposed,  that  her 
commerce  and  her  arms  soon  reigned  there  almost  without  a  com- 
petitor. 

The  Americans,  on  their  part,  displayed  so  much  zeal  in  sus- 
taining, with  their  arms  and  resources,  the  efforts  of  the  common 
country,  that,  besides  the  glory  they  acquired,  they  were  deemed 
worthy  to  participate  in  the  advantages  which  resulted  to  England 
from  so  many  successes. 

The  French,  renouncing  the  hope  of  reaping  any  advantage  from 
the  chances  of  war,  resorted  to  the  means  of  address ;  emissaries  trav- 
ersed the  American  continent,  saying  to  all  that  would  hear  them, 
*  To  what  end  have  the  Americans  lavished  their  blood,  encountered 
so  many  dangers,  and  expended  so  much  treasure,  in  the  late  war,  if 
the  English  supremacy  must  continue  to  press  upon  them  with  sr> 
much  harshness  and  arrogance  ?  In  recompense  of  such  fidelity,  of 
so  much  constancy,  the  English  government,  perhaps,  has  moderated 
its  prohibitions,  has  enfranchised  commerce  from  trammels  so  preju- 
dicial to  the  interests  of  America  ?  Perhaps  the  odious  and  so  much 
lamented  laws  against  manufactures,  have  been  repealed  ?  Perhap* 
the  Americans  no  longer  need  toil  upon  their  lands,  or  traverse  the 
immensity  of  the  seas,  exclusively  to  fill  the  purses  of  English  mer- 
chants ?  Perhaps  the  government  of  England  had  shown  a  disposi- 
tion to  abandon  for  ever  the  project  of  parliamentary  taxes  ?  Is  k 
not,  on  the  contrary,  too  evident,  that,  with  its  forces  and  power, 
have  increased  its  thirst  of  gold,  and  the  tyranny  of  its  caprices? 
Was  not  this  admitted  by  Pitt  himself,  when  he  declared,  the  war 
being  terminated,  he  should  be  at  no  loss  to  find  the  means  of  draw- 
ing a  public  revenue  from  America,  and  of  putting  an  end,  once  for 
all,  to  American  resistance  ?  Has  not  England,  at  present  being  mis- 
tress of  Canada,  a  province  recently  French,  and,  as  such,  more  pa- 
tient of  the  yoke,  has  she  not  the  means  of  imposing  it  on  her  colo- 
nists themselves,  by  the  hand  of  her  numerous  soldiery  ?  Is  it  not 
time  that  the  Americans,  no  longer  in  a  state  of  infancy,  should,  at 
length,  consider  themselves  a  nation,  strong  and  formidable  of  itself  ? 
Is  it  only  for  the  utility  of  England  they  have  demonstrated,  in  tha 
late  war,  what  they  were  capable  of  achieving  ?  And  by  what  right 
should  a  distant  island  pretend  to  govern,  by  its  caprices,  an  im- 
mense and  populous  continent  ?  How  long  must  the  partialities  and 
the  avarice  of  England  be  tolerated  ?  Did  ever  men,  arms,  richer 
courage,  climate,  invite  to  a  more  glorious  enterprise  ?  Let  the  Amer- 
icans, then,  seize  the  occasion,  with  a  mind  worthy  of  themselves* 
now  they  have  proved  their  arms,  now  that  an  enormous  public  debt 


BOOK     .  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  8. 

overwhelms  England,  now  that  her  name  has  become  detestable  to 
all !  America  can  place  her  confidence  in  foreign  succors.  What 
could  be  objected  to  a  resolution  so  generous  ?  Consanguinity  ?  But 
have  not  the  English  hitherto  treated  the  colonists  more  as  vassals, 
than  as  brothers  ?  Gratitude  ?  But  have  not  the  English  strangled 
it,  under  the  pretensions  of  that  mercantile  and  avaricious  spirit 
which  animates  them  ?' 

The  general  state  of  Europe  was  eminently  favorable  to  the  secret 
designs  ot  France.  It  is  certain,  that  at  this  epoch,  all  the  powers 
concurred  in  considering  the  enormous,  increase  of  the  strength  of 
the  British  nation,  both  upon  land  and  sea,  as  imminently  menacing 
to  the  repose  and  liberty  of  Europe ;  excessive  prosperity  but  too 
rarely  permitting  men  to  know  where  to  limit  their  enterprises.  Sup- 
ported with  one  hand  upon  her  colonies  of  America,  and  with  the 
other  upon  her  possessions  of  the  East  Indies,  England  seemed  to 
press  the  two  extremities  of  the  globe,  and  to  aspire  at  the  entire 
dominion  of  the  ocean.  From  the  day  in  which  was  concluded  the 
peace  of  1763,  England  was  viewed  with  the  same  jealousy  which 
France  had  inspired  under  Lewis  XIV.  She  was  the  object  of  the 
same  umbrage,  of  the  same  distrusts.  All  desired  to  see  her  power 
reduced  ;  and  the  more  she  had  shown  herself  formidable  in  the  pre- 
ceding war,  the  more  ardently  was  it  wished  to  take  advantage  of 
the  present  peace,  to  humble  and  reduce  her.  These  wishes  were 
much  the  most  fervent  with  the  maritime  states,  and  especially  in 
Holland,  to  whom  England,  in  these  late  times,  had  caused  immense 
losses.  The  English  squadrons  had  often  interrupted,  and  some- 
times by  the  most  outrageous  proceedings,  the  commerce,  in  the 
munitions  of  war,  which  the  Dutch  carried  on  with  France  ;  and, 
on  many  occasions,  the  officers  of  the  British  navy  made  use  of 
this  pretext  to  detain  ships,  laden  with  articles  that  could  not  really 
be  considered  as  munitions  of  war. 

The  kingdoms  of  the  north  reluctantly  supported  the  prepotence 
of  England,  and  openly  complained  that  she  had  presumed  to  harass 
the  commerce  of  neutrals,  in  time  of  war.  It  was  evident  they 
were  prepared  to  seize  the  first  occasion  to  give  her  a  check.  But 
France,  more  than  any  other  power,  being  of  a  martial  spirit,  was 
inflamed  with  a  desire  to  avenge  her  defeats,  to  repair  her  losses,  and 
reconquer  her  glory,  eclipsed  by  recent  discomfiture ;  she  was  in- 
cessantly occupied  with  calculations  which  might  lead  to  this  object 
of  all  her  wishes ;  and  no  means  more  efficacious  could  be  offered 
her  for  attaining  it,  than  to  lacerate  the  bosom  of  her  adversary,  by 
separating  from  England  the  American  colonies,  so  important  a  part 
of  her  power  and  resources. 


32  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    U 

Excited  by  so  many  suggestions,  the  inhabitants  of  English  Amer- 
ica conceived  an  aversion,  still  more  intense,  tor  the  avaricious  pro- 
ceedings of  the  British  government.  Already,  those  who  were  the 
most  zealous  for  liberty,  or  the  most  ambitious,  had  formed,  in  the  se- 
cret of  their  hearts,  the  resolution  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  England, 
whenever  a  favorable  occasion  should  present.  This  design  was  en- 
couraged by  the  recent  cession  of  Canada :  while  that  province  con- 
tinued a  dependency  of  France,  the  vicinity  of  a  restless  and  pow- 
erful nation  kept  the  colonists  in  continual  alarm;  they  v  ere  often 
constia  :ied  to  solicit  the  succors  of  England,  as  those  from  which 
alone  they  could  expect  protection  against  the  incursions  of  the  en- 
emy. But  the  French  having  abandoned  Canada,  the  Americans 
necessarily  became  more  their  own  protectors  ;  they  placed  greater 
reliance  up->n  their  own  strength,  and  had  less  need  of  recurring  to 
others,  for  their  particular  security.  It  should  be  considered,  be- 
sides, that  in  the  late  war  a  great  number  of  the  colonists  had  re- 
nounced the  arts  of  peace,  and  assuming  the  sword  instead  of  the 
spade,  had  learned  the  exercise  of  arms,  inured  their  bodies  to  mili- 
tary fatigues,  and  their  minds  to  the  dangers  of  battle :  they  had,  in 
a  word,  lost  all  the  habits  of  agriculture  and  of  commerce,  and  ac- 
quired those  of  the  military  profession.  The  being  that  has  the  con- 
sciousness of  his  force,  becomes  doubly  strong,  and  the  yoke  he  feels 
in  a  condition  to  break,  is  borne  with  reluctance :  thus,  the  skill 
recently  acquired  in  the  use  of  arms,  become  general  among  the 
Americans,  rendered  obedience  infinitely  more  intolerable  to  them. 
They  considered  it  a  shameful  and  outrageous  thing,  that  a  minister, 
residing  at  a  distance  of  three  thousand  miles  from  their  country, 
could  oppress,  by  his  agents,  those  who  had  combated  with  so  much 
valor,  and  obtained  frequent  victories  over  the  troops  of  a  powerful, 
brave,  and  warlike  nation.  They  often  reflected,  that  this  prosperi- 
ty, in  which  England  exulted,  and  which  was  the  object  of  envy  to 
so  many  nations,  was  in  great  part  the  work  of  their  hands.  They 
alledged  that  they  had  repaid  with  the  fruit  of  their  toils,  and  even 
with  their  blood,  the  fostering  cares  with  which  the  mother  country 
had  protected  and  sustained  them,  in  the  infancy  of  their  establish- 
ment ;  that  now  there  was  a  greater  parity  between  the  two  nations, 
and  therefore  they  had  claims  to  be  treated  on  terms  of  greater 
equality.  Thus  the  Americans  habitually  discoursed,  and  perhaps 
the  less  timid  among  them  aspired  to  loftier  things.  The  greater 
number,  however,  satisfied  with  the  ancient  terms  of  connection  with 
England,  were  reluctant  to  dissolve  it,  provided  she  would  abandon 
all  idea  of  ulterior  usurpations.  Even  the  most  intrepid  in  the  de- 
fense of  their  privileges,  could  not  endure  the  thought  of  renouno- 


BOOK    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  33 

ing  every  species  of  dependence  on  their  legitimate  sovereign.  This 
project  they  condemned  the  more  decidedly,  as  they  perceived  that 
in  its  execution  they  must  not  only  encounter  all  the  forces  of  Eng- 
land, by  so  many  victories  become  formidable  to  the  universe,  but 
also  must  resort  to  the  assistance  of  a  nation,  in  language,  manners 
and  customs,  so  different  from  themselves ;  of  a  nation  they  had  so 
long  been  accustomed  to  hate,  and  to  combat  under  the  banners  of 
their  mother  country. 

Notwithstanding  the  suggestions  of  the  French,  and  the  new  im- 
pulse which  their  military  essays  had  given  to  the  minds  of  the 
Americans,  this  state  of  things  might  have  continued  still  for  a  long 
time,  if,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  1763,  England  had  not 
conceived  the  extravagant  idea  of  new  taxes,  of  new  prohibitions, 
of  new  outrages.  The  English  commerce,  about  the  close  of  the 
war  with  France,  having  arrived  at  the  highest  point  of  prosperity,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  estimate  the  immense  number  of  vessels  which 
brought  the  productions  of  all  parts  of  the  globe  into  the  ports  of 
Great  Britain,  and  received,  in  exchange,  the  produce,  and  especially 
the  manufactures,  of  the  country,  esteemed  above  all  others  in  for- 
eign markets ;  and,  as  these  various  commodities  were  subject 
when  introduced  or  exported,  to  duties,  more  or  less  considerable, 
this  commerce  had  become  a  source  of  riches  for  the  public  treasu- 
ry. But  it  soon  appeared  that,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  this  reve- 
nue, the  increase  of  smuggling  was  in  proportion  to  that  of  commerce. 
Government,  desirous  of  arresting  so  pernicious  a  scourge,  made  a 
regulation,  in  1764,  by  which  it  was  enjoined  the  commanders  of 
vessels  stationed  upon  the  coasts  of  England,  and  even  those  of  ships 
that  were  destined  for  America,  to  perform  the  functions  of  revenue 
officers,  and  conform  themselves  to  the  rules  established  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  customs  ;  a  strange  and  pernicious  measure,  by  which 
those  brave  officers,  who  had  combated  the  enemy  with  so  much  glo- 
ry, found  themselves  degraded  into  so  many  tide-waiters  and  bailiffs 
of  the  revenue.  The  most  deplorable  effects  soon  resulted  from  it ; 
the  naval  commanders,  little  conversant  with  the  regulations  of  the 
custom-house,  seized  and  confiscated  promiscuously  the  cargoes  pro- 
hibited, and  those  that  were  not. 

This  confusion  was  the  occasion  of  manifold  abuses,  which,  if  they 
were  soon  repaired  in  England,  could  not  be  remedied  without  ex- 
treme difficulty  in  America,  from  the  distance  of  places,  and  the  for- 
malities required.  Hence  loud  complaints  were  heard  from  all  the 
colonies  against  the  law.  It  produced,  however,  consequences  still 
more  pernicious.  A  commerce  had  been  established,  for  a  great 
length  of  time,  between  the  English  and  Spanish  colonies,  extremely 


84  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    I- 

lucrative  to  both  the  parties,  and.  ultimately,  also  to  England.  On 
the  part  of  the  British  colonies,  the  principal  objects  of  this  traffic 
were  the  manufactures  of  England,  which  the  Americans  had  ac- 
quired in  exchange  for  their  productions,  and  on  the  part  of  the 
Spanish,  gold  and  silver,  in  specie  or  ingots,  cochineal,  medicinal 
drugs  ;  besides  live  stock,  especially  mules,  which  the  Americans 
transported  to  the  islands  of  the  West  Indies,  where  they  were  de- 
manded at  great  prices.  This  commerce  procured  for  the  Americans 
an  abundance  of  these  metals,  and  enabled  them  to  make  ample 
purchases  of  English  merchandise  ;  and  furnished  their  own  country, 
at  the  same  time,  with  a  sufficient  quantity  of  gold  and  silver  coin. 

This  traffic,  if  it  was  not  prohibited  by  the  commercial  laws  of 
England,  was  not  expressly  authorized.  Accordingly,  the  new  reve- 
nue officers  believed  it  was  their  duty  to  interrupt  its  course,  as 
if  it  had  been  contraband  ;  and  captured,  without  distinction,  all 
vessels,  whether  English  or  foreign,  laden  with  merchandise  of  this 
nature.  Hence,  in  a  short  time,  this  commerce  was  destroyed,  to 
the  great  prejudice,  not  only  of  the  colonies  upon  the  continent, 
bfot  even  of  the  English  islands  themselves,  and  particularly  of 
Jamaica. 

From  the  same  cause  proceeded  the  ruin  of  another  very  impor- 
tant commerce,  which  was  exercised  between  the  English  colonies 
of  America  on  the  one  part,  and  the  islands  appertaining  to  France 
on  the  other;  and  which  had  been  productive  of  the  greatest  recip- 
rocal utility.  Its  materiel  consisted  principally  of  such  productions 
and  commodities  as  were  superfluous  to  the  one  and  totally  wanting 
to  the  other.  It  is,  therefore,  not  surprising,  that  the  colonists,  at 
the  news  of  losses  so  disastrous,  should  have  resolved  not  to  pur- 
chase, in  future,  any  English  stuffs,  with  which  they  had  been  ac- 
customed to  clothe  themselves  ;  and,  as  far  as  possible,  to  use  none 
but  domestic  manufactures.  They  determined,  besides,  to  give  every 
encouragement  to  those  manufactories  which  wrought  the  materials 
abundantly  produced  by  their  lands  and  animals.  But  in  Boston, 
particularly,  a  rich  and  populous  city,  where  the  luxury  of  British 
merchandise  had  been  extensively  introduced,  it  is  difficult  to  express 
how  extremely  the  public  mind  was  exasperated,  or  with  what 
]  aptitude  all  the  inhabitants  renounced  superfluities,  and  adhered 
to  the  resolution  of  returning  to  the  simplicity  of  early  times:  a  re- 
markable example  of  which  was  soon  observed  in  the  celebration  of 
funerals,  which  began  to  take  place  without  habiliments  of  mourning, 
and  without  English  gloves.  This  new  economy  became  so  general 
at  Boston,  that,  in  the  year  1764,  the  consumption  of  British  mer- 
chandise was  diminished  upwards  of  ten  thousand  pounds  sterling. 


BOOK    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  35 

Other  towns  followed  this  example  ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  i\\  the 
colonists  concurred  in  abstaining  from  the  use  of  all  objects  of  luxury, 
produced  by  the  manufactories,  or  by  the  soil,  of  England.  Besides 
this,  and  even  of  necessity,  from  the  scarcity  of  money,  the  mer- 
chants of  the  colonies,  finding  themselves  debtors  for  large  sums  to 
the  English,  and  having  no  reason  to  expect  new  advances,  without 
new  payments,  which  they  were  not  in  a  situation  to  make,  resorted 
also  to  the  plan  of  non-consumption  ;  they  renounced  all  purchase 
and  all  expense,  to  the  incredible  prejudice  of  the  manufacturers  in 
England. 

But  the  English  government  did  not  stop  here ;  as  i  not  satisfied 
with  having  excited  the  discontent  of  the  colonists,  i.  desired  also 
to  urge  them  to  desperation.  In  the  month  of  March,  1764,  the 
parliament  passed  a  regulation,  by  which,  if  on  the  one  hand  a 
traffic  was  permitted  between  the  American  colonies  and  the  French 
islands  of  the  West  Indies,  and  others  appertaining  to  other  Euro- 
pean powers  ;  on  the  other,  such  enormous  duties  were  imposed  on 
merchandise  imported  from  the  latter,  as  to  create,  as  usual,  an 
almost  universal  contraband,  in  every  article,  with  immense  disad- 
vantage to  the  commerce  itself,  and  equal  prejudice  to  mercantile 
habits  and  probity.  To  crown  so  great  an  evil,  it  was  ordered,  by 
the  same  bill,  that  the  sums  proceeding  from  these  duties  should  bo 
paid,  in  specie,  into  the  treasury  of  England.  The  execution  of 
this  ordinance  must  have  completely  drained  the  colonies  of  the  lit- 
tle money  they  had  remaining,  to  be  transported  to  Europe. 

The  secret  exasperation  redoubled,  at  the  first  intelligence  of 
measures  so  extraordinary.  They  remarked  that  they  were  even 
contradictory ;  that  it  was  requiring  a  thing,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
withholding  the  means  to  perform  it;  since  the  government  de- 
prived them  of  all  faculty  of  procuring  specie,  and  yet  would  have 
them  furnish  it,  to  be  transported^ to  a  distance  of  three  thousand 
miles.  But  as  if  the  ministry  were  afraid  the  tempest  of  indigna- 
tion, excited  by  these  new  laws,  should  be  appeased  too  soon,  they 
wrested  from  the  parliament  another  act,  which  appeared  fifteen 
days  after.  It  purported,  that  bills  of  credit,  which  might  be  issued 
in  future  by  the  American  colonies,  should  no  longer  have  legal  cur- 
rency in  payments ;  and  that,  as  to  those  in  circulation,  they  like- 
wise could  not  be  received  as  legal  payment,  after  the  term  prefixed 
for  their  redemption  and  extinction.  It  is  true,  however,  that  all  the 
money  proceeding  from  the  duties  above  mentioned,  was  directed, 
by  other  clauses  of  the  bill,  to  be  kept  in  reserve,  and  could  only  be 
employed  for  expenses  relative  to  the  colonies  ;  it  is  true,  also,  that 
at  the  same  time  the  act  was  framed  concerning  bills  of  credit,  sorao 


36  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    T 

others  were  passed,  to  promote  and  regulate  the  reciprocal  commerce 
between  the  colonies  and  mother  country,  and  between  the  colonies 
themselves.  But  these  regulations  failed  to  produce  the  expected 
effects :  for  they  were  necessarily  slow  in  their  operation  ;  while 
those  which  restricted  and  attacked  the  external  commerce  of  the 
colonies,  or  shackled  their  domestic  trade,  were  immediately  opera- 
tive. Some  also  attempted  to  demonstrate,  that  the  money  carried 
off  by  these  duties  must  infallibly  flow  back  into  the  colonies,  for  the 
payment  and  support  of  the  troops  stationed  there,  to  protect  and  de- 
fend them.  But  who  would  guaranty  to  the  colonists,  that  the  troops 
should  be  quartered  among  them  so  long  as  the  law  might  continue 
in  force  ?  If  such  was  the  intention  of  the  legislator,  why  cause 
this  treasure  to  travel,  with  no  little  risk  and  expense,  from  America 
to  England,  and  thence  back  to  the  place  from  whence  it  came  ;  thus 
imposing  the  necessity  of  passing  it  through  so  many  and  so  different 
hands  ?  Perhaps,  they  said,  in  order  that  it  might  have  the  honor 
of  visiting  the  British  exchequer.  And  why  was  it  not  more  expe- 
dient to  employ  it  where  it  was  found,  without  so  many  voyages 
and  circuits  ?  This  plainly  demonstrated,  that  it  was  but  a  pretext 
for  the  most  pernicious  designs.  Besides,  for  what  purpose,  for  what 
good,  were  so  many  troops  maintained  in  America  ?  External  ene- 
mies at  present  there  were  none ;  and  for  the  repression  of  Indians, 
the  colonies  were,  doubtless,  sufficient  of  themselves.  But  the  fact 
was,  they  continued,  the  ministers  had  formed  a  design  to  oppress 
their  liberty  ;  and  for  this  purpose  did  they  arm  themselves  with  so 
many  soldiers,  and  incur  such  vast  expense,  in  the  midst  of  a 
people  abounding  in  loyalty  and  innocence. 

All  these  new  regulations,  which  succeeded  each  other  with  such 
precipitation,  were  indeed  but  too  well  calculated  to  surprise  and 
alarm  the  inhabitants  of  North  America.  Such  a  proceeding  on  the 
part  of  the  government  appeared  to  them,  and  was  in  fact,  both  new 
and  inauspicious.  They  felt  it  profoundly  ;  and  by  their  remon- 
strances, demonstrated  how  unjustly  they  were  aggrieved,  and  de- 
muiided  incessantly  to  be  restored  to  their  former  condition.  But 
they  did  not  stop  at  bare  complaints.  When  they  found  that  their 
remonstrances  were  ineffectual,  they  resolved  to  employ  some  more 
efficacious  means  to  convince  the  ministers  of  the  error  they  had 
committed.  The  resolutions  taken  against  British  manufactures, 
which  at  first  had  been  merely  individual,  now  became  general,  by 
combinations  to  this  effect,  contracted  in  the  principal  cities  of 
America,  which  were  observed  with  an  astonishing  constancy  and 
punctuality.  Great  Britain  experienced  from  these  associations  an 
immense  detriment,  and  feared,  not  without  reason,  still  greater ;  for 


BOOK    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  37 

as  they  comprehended  men  of  all  conditions,  they  tended,  by  de- 
grees, to  conduct  the  manufactures  of  the  country  to  a  certain  de- 
gree of  perfection,  the  more  probable,  as  the  abundance  of  raw 
materials  would  permit  their  products  to  be  sold  at  very  moderate 
prices.  Finally,  it  was  to  be  expected,  that  with  the  progressive 
increase  of  industry,  the  manufacturers  of  the  colonies  might  supply 
with  their  fabrics  the  neighboring  provinces  of  Spain  and  Portugal 
But,  without  anticipating  the  future,  it  is  certain  that  the  interrup- 
tion alone  of  commerce  between  the  American  colonies  and  Eng- 
land, was  extremely  prejudicial  to  the  latter ;  for  it  is  known,  that  the 
colonies,  without  including  the  foreign  merchandise  they  received 
from  the  hands  of  England,  annually  purchased  to  the  value  of  three 
millions  sterling,  of  English  productions  or  manufactures.  The  pub- 
lic revenues  suffered  materially  from  the  effects  of  this  new  policy  ; 
the  duties  upon  the  exportation  of  merchandise  destined  for  America, 
and  those  upon  the  importation  of  articles  which  foreign  merchants 
sent  in  exchange  for  the  productions  of  the  English  colonies,  expe- 
rienced a  continual  diminution.  Henceforth  began  to  germinate  those 
fatal  seeds,  which  the  British  government,  instead  of  extirpating, 
seemed  to  take  pleasure  in  cultivating,  till  they  produced  all  the 
ruin  which  followed. 

But,  although  these  unusual  duties  had  excited  a  general  discon^ 
tent  in  America,  and  although  the  inhabitants  complained  of  them 
bitterly,  as  unjust  and  oppressive  burdens,  they  considered  them, 
nevertheless,  not  as  taxes  or  imposts,  but  merely  as  regulations  of 
commerce,  which  were  within  the  competency  of  parliament.  They 
believed,  indeed,  that  in  this  instance  it  had  departed  from  that  pa- 
rental benevolence  which  it  had  discovered  towards  them  during 
more  than  a  century  ;  still  they  did  not  think  it  had  transcended  the 
limits  of  its  authority.  But  the  English  ministers  revolved  in  their 
minds  a  design  far  more  lucrative  for  the  exchequer,  and  still  more 
prejudicial  to  the  interests  and  liberty  of  the  colonists.  This  was  to 
impose  taxes  or  excises  upon  the  colonies,  by  acts  of  parliament ; 
and  to  create,  in  this  way,  a  branch  of  public  revenue,  to  be  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  parliament  itself.  This  project,  far  from  being 
new,  had  long  been  fermenting  in  English  heads.  Some  of  those 
schemers,  who  are  ever  ruminating  new  plans  and  expedients  to  filch 
money  from  the  pockets  of  the  people,  had  already  suggested,  in 
1 739,  during  the  Spanish  war,  to  Robert  Walpole,  then  prime  min- 
ister, the  idea  of  taxing  the  colonies  ;  but  this  man,  no  less  sagacious 
than  profoundly  versed  in  the  science  of  government  and  commerce, 
answered,  with  an  ironical  smile, '  I  will  leave  this  operation  to  some 
»)TiC  of  my  rucraeso^s.  who  shall  have  more  courage  than  I,  and 

4 


38  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    fc 

less  regard  for  commerce.  I  have  always,  during  my  administration, 
thought  it  my  duty  to  encourage  the  commerce  of  the  American 
colonies  ;  and  I  have  done  it.  Nay,  I  have  even  chosen  to  wink  at 
some  irregularities  in  their  traffic  with  Europe  ;  for  my  opinion  is. 
that  if,  by  favoring  their  trade  with  foreign  nations,  they  gain  five 
hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling,  at  the  end  of  two  years,  full  tw  o 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  it  will  have  entered  the  royal  coffers  : 
and  that  by  the  industry  and  productions  of  England,  who  sells  them 
an  immense  quantity  of  her  manufactures.  The  more  they  extend 
their  foreign  commerce,  the  more  will  they  consume  of  our  mer 
chandise.  This  is  a  mode  of  taxing  them,  more  conformable  to  theis 
constitution,  and  to  our  own.' 

But,  at  the  epoch  in  question,  the  power  of  England  had  arrived 
at  such  a  height,  that  it  appeared  impossible  for  the  American  colo- 
nies, though  supported  by  all  Europe,  to  resist  her  will.  So  much 
glory  and  greatness,  however,  had  not  been  acquired  without  enor- 
mous sacrifices ;  and  the  public  debt  amounted  to  the  prodigious 
sum  of  one  hundred  and  forty-eight  millions  sterling,  or  about  siv 
hundred  and  fifty-seven  millions  five  hundred  thousand  dollars.  Thus 
it  had  become  necessary  to  search  out  every  object,  and  every  occu- 
pation, susceptible  of  taxes  or  contributions.  It  was,  therefore, 
thought  expedient,  and  even  necessary,  to  tax  the  cok>niesr  for  whose 
security  and  prosperity,  principally,  a  war  so  terrible  had  been 
waged,  such  dangers  encountered,  so  much  blood  and  treasure  ex- 
pended. As  to  the  species  of  the  tax,  it  was  decided  for  that  oi 
stamped  paper,  which  was  already  established  in  England  ;  and  it  was 
understood,  so  far  as  related  to  its  nature,  to  be  the  least  odious  to 
the  Americans,  provided,  however,  it  was  established  by  the  presiden  I 
and  the  grand  council,  according  to  the  plan  of  colonial  administra- 
tion proposed  by  themselves,  and  not  by  authority  of  parliament. 
There  were  even  found  Americans,  who,  being  then  in  London,  not 
only  favored,  but  perhaps  first  suggested,  this  new  mode  of  taxing 
the  colonies ;  and,  among  others,  it  appears  that  a  certain  Huske,  a 
native  of  Portsmouth,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  one  of  its  principal 
promoters. 

This  proposition  was  received  with  eagerness,  as  are,  commonl)'. 
all  the  projects  of  those  who  are  industrious  to  extort  money  froi  » 
the  people.  English  ears  could  hear  no  sound  more  grateful  thaa 
this  ;  for  if  the  people  of  England  groaned  under  the  weight  of  taxes, 
both  old  and  new,  they  were  persuaded  from  what  had  been  told 
them,  that  in  America  there  was  a  redundance  of  all  good  things - 
•  Shall  our  colonists,'  they  said,  '  enjoy  the  magnificence  of  princes 
w?»iV  we  must  drudge,  and  consume  ourselves  mfb  efforts  tt>  pro 


*V)K    I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  39 

are  a  scanty  subsistence  ? '  The  officers,  who  had  served  in  the  colo- 
nies, painted,  on  their  return,  in  vivid  colors,  the  American  pros- 
perity and  affluence. 

These  details  were  not  so  much  exaggerated  as  might  be  thought, 
at  the  time  of  their  residence  in  America.  Money  was  then  very 
abundant  in  the  colonies,  the  government  necessarily  remitting  thither 
considerable  sums,  for  the  support  of  the  troops,  and  expenses  of 
the  war.  At  that  time,  American  productions  were  in  great  request, 
and  their  commerce  very  flourishing.  The  inhabitants,  being  natu- 
rally courteous  and  hospitable,  expended  generously,  to  render  their 
houses  agreeable  to  strangers,  then  very  numerous.  The  war  termi- 
s  uated,  all  dangers  averted,  the  power  of  an  inveterate  enemy,  hither- 
to  intrenched  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  extinguished,  the  colo- 
rtists  conceived  it  a  duty  to  offer  the  most  honorable  reception  in  their 
power  to  those  who  had  contributed  so  greatly  to  their  present  secu- 
rity and  felicity. 

The  necessity  of  drawing  a  public  revenue  from  the  colonies,  be- 
Tg  therefore  no  longer  doubted,  and  the  willingness  of  the  colonists 
to  concur  in  it,  by  means  of  the  duty  upon  stamped  paper,  being 
pesumed,  as  well  as  their  ability  to  support  it,  the  house  of  com- 
mons, on  the  10th  of  March,  1764,  voted  a  resolution,  purporting 
that  it  was  proper  to  charge  certain  stamp  duties,  in  the  colonies 
and  plantations.'  This  resolution,  not  being  followed,  this  year,  by 
aay  other  to  carry  it  into  effect,  existed  merely  as  an  intention  to  be 
executed  the  succeeding  year. 

If  the  stamp  act  had  been  carried  into  immediate  execution  in  the 
colonies,  they  would  perhaps  have  submitted  to  it,  if  not  without 
murmuring,  at  least  without  that  open  opposition  which  was  mani- 
fested afterwards ;  and  it  is  known  how  much  more  easily  the  peo- 
ple are  retained  in  quiet,  than  appeased  when  once  excited.  The 
principal  colonists  would  not  have  had  time  to  launch  into  discus- 
sions, in  which  they  predicted  to  their  fellow-citizens  the  evils  which 
must  result  from  their  consent  to  this  new  tax  ;  and  as  evils  inspire 
more  alarm  at  a  distance  than  at  approach,  the  colonists,  not  having 
experienced  from  this  sudden  imposition  the  prejudice  apprehended 
in  the  uncertain  future,  would  probably  have  become  tranquil ;  they 
certainly  would  not  have  had  so  much  scope  to  inflame  each  other 
against  the  duty,  as  they  afterwards  did.  For  no  sooner  was  the 
news  of  the  import  in  question  received  in  any  place,  than  it  was 
spread,  as  it  we*re,  in  a  moment,  throughout  the  country,  and  pro- 
duced such  an  impression  upon  the  minds  of  all,  and  especially  of 
the  lower  classes,  that  all  orders  of  citizens,  waving  their  ancient  ri- 
valships,  difference  of  hab'rts,  and  divers'tv  or  option?  '"  !  >ic3? 
a/id  re' >io-.is  matter?   .vere  ruiaoimous  L  iwtnurcwiig   '^a?        aa 


40  T/iE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    f, 

impossible  to  submit  to  a  law  enacted  in  a  mode  so  contrary  to  ai  -* 
cient  usages,  to  their  privileges  as  colonists,  and  to  their  rights  a* 
English  subjects.  Thus,  for  having  chosen  to  warn  before  the  blow, 
the  British  government  prepared  in  the  colonies  an  unanimous  ami 
most  determined  concurrence  of  opinion  against  one  of  its  solemn 
decrees ;  and  deprived  itself  of  that  docility  resulting  among  the 
people  from  their  intestine  divisions,  and  the  diversity  of  their  in- 
terests. 

The  prime  minister,  Grenville,  had  been  the  author  of  this  delay. 
hoping  the  colonies,  upon  advice  of  the  bill  in  agitation,  if  they  dis- 
liked the  stamp  duty,  would  have  proposed  some  other  mode  of  rais 
ing  the  sum  intended  to  be  levied  by  it.  Accordingly,  when  ih>, 
agents  of  the  colonies  went  to  pay  him  their  respects,  he  informer 
them  that  he  was  prepared  to  receive,  on  the  part  of  the  colonies 
any  other  proposal  of  a  tax  which  would  raise  the  sum  wanted 
shrewdly  insinuating,  also,  that  it  was  now  in  their  power,  by  con 
senting,  to  establish  it  as  a  principle,  that  they  should  be  consulfcec 
before  any  tax  whatever  was  imposed  upon  the  colonies  by  authorit} 
of  parliament.  Many  in  England,  and  possibly  the  agents  them 
selves,  attributed  this  conduct  of  the  minister  to  moderation  ;  bm 
beyond  the  Atlantic  it  found  a  quite  different  reception,  all  with  one 
voice  exclaiming  that  this  was  an  interested  charity.  For  they 
thought,  that  however  civil  his  offers,  the  minister  would  nevertheless 
exact,  to  a  penny,  the  entire  sum  he  desired,  which  in  substance  tfaa 
saying,  that  willingly  or  otherwise,  they  must  submit  to  his  good  pleas- 
ure ;  and,  consequently,  his  complaisance  was  but  that  of  an  ac- 
complished robber.  It  was  known  that  he  would  not  be  satisfied 
with  less  than  three  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  a  year,  the 
sum  considered  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  army  it  was  resolv- 
ed to  maintain  in  the  colonies  for  their  defense.  Not  one  of  the 
agents  was  authorized  to 'comply.  Two  only  alledged,  they  were 
commissioned  to  declare  that  their  provinces  were  ready  to  bear 
their  proportion  of  the  duty  upon  stamps,  when  it  should  be  estab- 
lished according  to  ancient  usages.  Th3  minister,  therefore,  having 
heard  no  proposal  that  appeared  to  him  acceptable,  resolved  to  pur- 
sue the  design  of  a  stamp  act.  Meanwhile,  the  fermentation  in 
America  was  violent,  not  only  among  private  citizens,  but  also  among 
the  members  of  public  and  corporate  bodies  ;  and  all  were  of  one 
mind,  in  asserting  that  the  parliament  had  no  right  to  tax  the  colo- 
nies. In  all  places,  political  circles  and  clubs  were  formed  ;  the  sub- 
ject of  all  conversations  was  the  fatal  tax.  Every  day,  every  hour, 
diminished  the  respect  and  affection  of  the  Americans  towards  the 
British  nation,  and  increased  their  disposition  to  resist     As  »t  hap- 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  41 

pens  in  all  popular  commotions,  he  that  declaimed  with  the  most 
*ehemence  was  the  most  applauded,  and  deemed  the  best  citizen. 
The  benefits  conferred  by  the  mother  country,  during  so  long  a  pe- 
riod, were  consigned  to  oblivion  ;  and  it  had  become  as  frequent  as 
it  was  grateful  to  the  people,  to  read  the  list  of  British  vexations 
These  outrages  were  represented  in  the  most  odious  colors  by  the 
orators  of  the  multitude,  whose  minds  were  continually  exasperated 
by  similar  harangues.  The  assemblies  of  representatives,,  and  par- 
ticularly those  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  dispatched  instruc- 
tions to  their  agents  in  London,  to  use  all  diligence,  by  all  possible 
means,  to  prevent  the  intentional  act  from  being  passed  into  a  law. 
They  also  addressed  remonstrances  to  the  king,  and  to  the  two 
houses  of  parliament,  all  tending  to  the  same  end.  But  those  of  . 
the  province  of  Massachusetts  were  the  most  energetic  and  vehe- 
ment. This  province  was  particularly  distinguished  for  the  warmth 
with  which  it  had  opposed  the  new  and  pernicious  direction  which 
the  ministers  had  for  some  time  given  to  American  affairs.  The  colo- 
nists acquired  a  still  more  determined  resolution,  when  they  learned, 
that  in  the  present  contest  they  were  not  abandoned  to  themselves,  " 
but  that  many  were  found  in  the  mother  country  itself,  even  persons 
illustrious  by  their  rank,  their  merit,  or  their  dignities,  who,  from  con- 
viction, from  the  desire  of  renown,  or  from  a  wish  to  supplant  the 
ministers,  were  continually  exclaiming,  both  in  parliament  and  else- 
where, that '  Such  was  not  the  accustomed  mode  of  conduct  of  the 
English  government  towards  its  subjects ;  that  it  was  a  new  tyranny, 
which,  if  tolerated,  would  one  day  rebound  from  the  shores  of  Amer- 
ica upon  those  of  England  ;  the  evil  should  be  resisted  in  its  princi- 
ples ;  that  governments  in  prosperity  were  but  too  much  disposed  to 
arrogate  an  extension  of  power ;  there  was  much  appearance  that 
the  government  of  Great  Britain  inclined  to  imitate  this  usurpation  ; 
that  it  was  therefore  essential  to  watch  it  with  attention ;  the  desires 
and  the  arts  of  Scottish  favorites  were  sufficiently  notorious ;  that 
America  was  the  means  or  the  instrument,  but  England  the  object. 
And  what  occasion  was  there  fcr  these  new  imposts?  To  protect 
and  defend  America,  or  the  conquered  territories  ?  Was  it  to  re- 
press the  Indian  tribes  ?  The  colonists,  with  their  light  arms,  and 
divided  into  detachments,  were  more  proper  for  this  service  than  the 
heavy  English  infantry.  The  Americans  had  all  the  courage  requi- 
site to  defend  themselves,  and  to  succor,  if  necessary,  the  advanced 
posts :  they  had  given  the  proof  of  this,  on  numerous  occasions. 
There  no  longer  existed  a  powerful  enemy  upon  the  American  con- 
tinent ;  whence,  therefore,  these  continual  apprehensions  of  an  at- 
tack, when  the  vestige  of  an  enemy  is  no  where  to  be  seen  ?  And 
vol.  i.  4„ 


42  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I. 

what  necessity  was  there  for  maintaining  an  army  in  America,  the 
expense  of  which  must  be  extorted  from  the  Americans  ?  Precious 
fruits,  truly,  had  already  been  gathered  from  this  military  parade ! 
the  minds  of  the  colonists  exasperated,  affection  converted  into 
hatred,  loyalty  into  a  desire  of  innovation.  In  other  times,  had  not 
the  ministers  obtained  from  the  colonies,  by  legitimate  means,  and 
without  such  a  display  of  troops,  according  to  the  exigency,  all  the 
succors  at  their  disposal?  Since  they  had  been  thought  able  to 
furnish  subsidies  to  the  mother  country,  they  had  never  been  de- 
manded, except  in  the  mode  of  requisitions  on  the  part  of  the  crown, 
addressed  by  the  governors  to  the  different  assemblies.  By  adhering 
to  this  mode,  the  same  subsidies  might  be  obtained,  without  giving 
offence,  and  without  danger  of  revolt.  But  they  would  exact  a  ser- 
vile obedience,  in  order  to  introduce,  in  due  time,  into  the  very  bo- 
som of  the  kingdom,  the  principles  and  government  of  the  Stuarts  1 
Too  certain  indications  had  been  remarked  of  this,  the  day  George 
Grenville  ventured  to  produce  his  project  of  a  bill  to  authorize  offi- 
cers in  the  colonies  to  quarter  their  soldiers  in  the  houses  of  the  citi- 
zens ;  a  thing  expressly  calculated  to  strike  the  people  with  terror, 
to  degrade  them  by  permitting  themselves  to  be  trampled  upon,  and 
thus  prepare  them  to  receive  the  intended  taxes  with  submission. 
The  murmurs  which  had  arisen,  from  every  quarter,  against  so  shock- 
ing an  enormity,  had  indeed  alarmed  the  minister ;  but  it  was  time 
to  act  more  vigorously  ;  for  it  was  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen  to 
oppose  these  first  attempts. 

But  the  ministers  were  not  to  be  diverted  from  their  plan ;  either 
because  they  were  encouraged  by  the  favorites  concealed  behind 
them,  or  from  personal  obstinacy,  or  because  they  believed,  in  defi- 
ance of  all  demonstration  to  the  contrary,  that  the  Americans  would 
be  intimidated  by  the  confusion  and  dangerous  uncertainty  which 
would  prevail  in  all  their  affairs,  if,  in  their  civil  and  commercial 
transactions,  they  did  not  make  use  of  stamped  paper,  and  thus  pay 
the  duty  established.  Hence- the  ministers  were  often  heard  to  say, 
that  the  measure  proposed  should  be  a  law  which  would  execute 
itself.  The  memorials,  the  remonstrances,  the  petitions,  the  resolu- 
tions, of  the  American  provinces,  were  rejected.  The  bill  for  im- 
posing a  stamp  duty  was  therefore  submitted  to  parliament,  in  its 
session  of  1765.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  with  what  animation  it  was 
discussed.  It  may  be  doubted  whether  upon  any  other  occasion, 
either  in  times  past  or  present,  there  has  been  displayed  more  vigor 
or  acuteness  of  intellect,  more  love  of  country,  or  spirit  of  party, 
or  greater  splendor  of  eloquence,  than  in  these  debates.  Nor  was 
the  shock  of  opinions  less  violent,  without  tb«  waUs  of  Westminster. 


BOOK  1.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  43 

All  Europe,  it  may  be  said,  and  especially  the  commercial  countries, 
were  attentive  to  the  progress,  and  to  the  decision,  of  this  important 
question. 

The  members  of  parliament  who  opposed  the  bill,  discovered  great 
energy.  They  cited  the  authority  of  the  most  celebrated  political 
writers,  such  as  Locke,  Selden,  Harrington,  and  PufTendorrT,  who 
establish  it  as  an  axiom,  that  the  very  foundation,  and  ultimate  point 
in  view,  of  all  governments,  is  the  good  of  society.  Then,  retracing 
their  national  history,  they  alleged  ; 

1  That  it  resulted  from  Magna  Charta,  and  from  all  the  writs  of 
those  times  relative  to  the  imposition  of  taxes  for  the  benefit  of  the 
crown,  and  to  the  sending  of  representatives  to  parliament,  as  well 
as  from  the  Declaration  of  Rights,  and  the  whole  history  of  the  Eng- 
lish constitution,  that  no  English  subject  can  be  taxed,  except,  in 
their  own  phrase,  i  per  communem  consensum  parliamenti,'  that  is, 
by  his  own  consent,  or  that  of  his  representatives  ;  that  such  was  the 
original  and  general  right  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  as 
English  subjects,  carried  with  them,  when  they  left  their  native  land, 
to  establish  themselves  in  these  distant  countries ;  that  therefore  u 
must  not  be  imagined  their  rights  were  derived  from  charters,  which 
were  granted  them  merely  to  regulate  the  external  form  of  the  con- 
stitution of  the  colonies ;  but  that  the  great  interior  foundation  of 
their  constitution  was  this  general  right  of  the  British  subject,  which 
is  the  first  principle  of  British  liberty, — that  is,  that  no  man  shall  be 
taxed,  but  by  himself,  or  by  his  representative. 

1  The  counties  palatine  of  Chester,  Durham  and  Lancaster,'  added 
these  orators, '  and  the  marches  of  Wales,  were  not  taxed,  except  in 
their  own  assemblies  or  parliaments,  until,  at  different  times,  they 
were  called  to  participate  in  the  national  representation. 

1  The  clergy,  until  the  late  period4,  when  they  were  admitted  to  a 
share  in  the  general  representation,  always  taxed  themselves,  and 
granted  the  king  what  they  called  benevolences,  or  free  gifts. 

'  There  are  some,  who,  extending  the  power  of  parliament  beyond 
all  limits,  affect  to  believe  that  this  body  can  do  every  thing,  and  is 
invested  with  all  rights  ;  but  this  is  not  supported,  and  though  true, 
could  only  be  so  in  violation  of  the  constitution  ;  for  then  there  would 
exist  in  parliament,  as  might  occur  in  the  instance  of  a  single  individ- 
ual, an  arbitrary  power.  But  the  fact  is,  that  many  things  are  not 
within  the  power  of  parliament.  It  cannot,  for  example,  make  itself 
executive ;  it  cannot  dispose  of  the  offices  that  belong  to  the  crown  ; 
it  cannot  take  the  property  of  any  man,  not  even  in  cases  of  enclo- 
sures, without  his  being  heard.  The  Lords  cannot  reject  a  money 
bill  passed  by  the  commons ;  nor  the  commons  erect  themselves 


44  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  U 

into  a  court  of  justice ;  neither  can  the  parliament  of  England  tax 
Ireland. 

*'  It  is  the  birthright  of  the  colonists,  as  descendants  of  English- 
men, not  to  be  taxed  by  any  but  their  own  representatives  ;  and  so 
far  from  being  represented  in  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  they 
are  not  even  virtually  represented  here,  as  the  meanest  inhabitants 
of  Great  Britain  are,  in  consequence  of  their  intimate  connection 
with  those  who  are  actually  represented. 

'  And  if  laws  made  by  the  British  parliament  to  tax  all  except  its 
own  members,  or  even  all  except  such  members  and  those  actually 
represented  by  them,  would  be  deemed  tyrannical,  how  much  more 
tyrannical  and  unconstitutional  must  not  such  laws  appear  to  those 
who  cannot  be  said  to  be  either  actually  or  virtually  represented ! 

'  The  people  of  Ireland  are  much  more  virtually  represented  in 
the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  than  the  colonists,  in  consequence 
of  the  great  number  of  Englishmen  possessed  of  estates  and  places 
of  trust  and  profit  in  Ireland,  and  their  immediate  descendants  set- 
tled in  that  country,  and  of  the  great  number  of  Irsh  noblemen  and 
gentlemen  in  both  houses  of  the  British  parliament,  and  the  greater 
number  still  constantly  residing  in  Great  Britain.  But,  notwith- 
standing this,  the  British  parliament  has  never  claimed  any  right  to 
tax  the  people  of  Ireland. 

'  The  first  founders  of  the  colonies  were  not  only  driven  out  of  the 
mother  country  by  persecution,  but  they  left  it  at  their  own  risk  and 
expense.  Being  thus  forsaken,  if  not  worse  treated,  all  ties,  except 
those  common  to  mankind,  were  dissolved  between  them.  They 
absolved  from  all  duty  of  obedience  to  her,  as  she  dispensed  herself 
from  all  duty  of  protection  to  them. 

*  If  they  accepted  of  any  royal  charters  on  the  occasion,  it  was 
done  through  mere  necessity ;  and,  as  this  necessity  was  not  of  their 
own  making,  their  charters  cannot  be  binding  upon  them  ;  and  even 
allowing  these  charters  to  be  binding,  they  are  only  bound  thereby  to 
that  allegiance  which  the  supreme  head  of  the  realm  may  claim  in- 
discriminately from  all  its  subjects. 

1  It  is  extremely  absurd  to  affirm  that  the  Americans  owe  any  sub- 
mission to  the  legislative  power  of  Great  Britain,  which  had  not  au- 
thority enough  to  shield  them  against  the  violences  of  the  executive ; 
and  more  absurd  still,  to  say  that  the  people  of  Great  Britain  can 
exercise  over  them  rights  which  that  very  people  affirm  they  might 
justly  oppose,  if  claimed  over  themselves  by  others. 

1  The  English  people  combated  long,  and  shed  much  blood,  wit*j 
a  view  of  recovering  those  rights  which  the  crown,  it  was  believed, 
had  usurped  over  themselves  j  and  how  can  they  now,  without  be- 


BM)X    i.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  45 

coming  guilty  of  the  same  usurpation,  pretend  to  exercise  these  rights 
over  others? 

1  But.  admitting  that,  by  the  charters  granted  to  the  Americans  at 
the  time  of  their  emigration,  and  by  them  from  necessity  accepted, 
they  are  bound  to  make  no  laws  but  such  as,  allowing  for  the  differ* 
ence  of  circumstances,  shall  not  clash  with  those  of  England,  this  no 
more  subjects  them  to  the  parliament  of  England,  than  their  having 
been  laid  under  the  same  restraint  with  respect  to  the  laws  of  Scot- 
land, or  any  other  country,  would  have  subjected  them  to  the  parlia- 
ment of  Scotland,  or  the  supreme  authority  of  this  other  country ; 
since,  by  these  charters,  they  have  a  right  to  tax  themselves  for  their 
own  support  and  defense. 

£  Whatever  assistance  the  people  of  Great  Britain  may  have  given 
to  the  people  of  the  colonies,  it  must  have  been  given  either  from 
motives  of  humanity  and  fraternal  affection,  or  with  a  view  of  being 
one  day  repaid  for  it,  and  not  as  the  price  of  their  liberty ;  at  least 
the  colonies  can  never  be  presumed  to  have  accepted  it  in  that  light. 

c  If  it  was  given  from  motives  of  humanity  and  fraternal  affection,  as 
the  people  of  the  colonies  have  never  given  the  mother  country  any 
room  to  complain  of  them,  so  they  never  will.  If,  finally,  it  was 
given  with  a  view  of  being  one  day  repaid  for  it,  the  colonists  are 
willing  to  come  to  a  fair  account,  which,  allowing  for  the  assistance 
they  themselves  have  often  given  the  mother  country,  for  what  they 
rnust  have  lost,  and  the  mother  country  must  have  gained,  by  pre- 
venting their  selling  to  others  at  higher  prices  than  they  could  sell  to 
•ier,  and  their  buying  from  others  at  lower  prices  than  they  could 
buy  from  her,  would,  they  apprehend,  not  turn  out  so  much  to  her 
advantage  as  she  imagines.' 

1  Their  having  heretofore  submitted  to  laws  made  by  the  British 
parliament,  for  their  internal  government,  can  no  more  be  brought 
as  a  precedent  against  them,  than  against  the  English  themselves 
their  tameness  under  the  dictates  of  a  Henry,  or  the  rod  of  a 
Star  Chamber ;  the  tyranny  of  many  being  as  grievous  to  human 
nature  as  that  of  a  few,  and  the  tyranny  of  a  few  as  that  of  a  single 
person. 

'  If  liberty  is  the  due  of  those  who  have  sense  enough  to  know 
the  value  of  it,  and  courage  enough  to  expose  themselves  to  every 
danger  and  fatigue  to  acquire  it,  the  American  colonists  are  better 
entitled  to  possess  it  than  even  their  brethren  of  Great  Britain ;  since 
they  not  only  renounced  their  native  soil,  the  love  of  which  is  so  con 
genial  with  the  human  mind,  and  all  those  tender  charities  insepara- 
ble from  it,  but  exposed  themselves  to  all  the  risks  and  hardships 
riiHvoidable  in  a  long  voyage  ;  and,  after  escaping  the  danger  of  be- 


46  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK     I. 

ing  swallowed  up  by  the  waves,  encountered,  upon  those  uninhab- 
ited and  barbarous  shores,  the  more  cruel  danger  of  perishing  by  a 
slow  famine ;  which  having  combated,  and  surmounted,  with  infi- 
nite patience  and  constancy,  they  have,  as  if  by  a  miracle  of  Divine 
Providence,  at  length  arrived  at  this  vigorous  and  prosperous  state, 
so  eminently  profitable  to  those  from  whom  they  derive  their  origin. 

'  If,  in  the  first  years  of  their  existence,  some  of  the  colonists  dis- 
covered a  turbulent  humor,  and  all  were  exposed  to  the  incursions 
of  the  neighboring  tribes,  a  savage  and  hostile  race,  which  condition 
required  the  interposition  and  assistance  of  the  British  parliament, 
they  have  now  arrived  to  such  a  degree  of  maturity,  in  point  of  polity 
and  strength,  as  no  longer  to  need  such  interposition  for  the  future ; 
and  therefore,  since  the  proportions  aire  changed  which  existed  be- 
tween the  two  nations,  it  is  proper  also  to  change  the  terms  of  their 
ancient  connection,  and  adopt  others,  more  conformable  to  their  pres- 
ent respective  power  and  circumstances. 

i  The  present  statutes,  promulgated  by  parliament,  do  not  bind 
the  colonies,  unless  they  are  expressly  named  therein ;  which  evi- 
dently demonstrates,  that  the  English  general  laws  do  not  embrace 
in  their  action  the  American  colonies,  but  need  to  be  sanctioned  by 
special  laws. 

'  The  colonies,  therefore,  stand  in  much  the  same  relation  towards 
England,  as  the  barons  with  respect  to  the  sovereigns,  in  the  feudal 
system  of  Europe  ;  the  obedience  of  the  one,  and  the  submission  of 
the  other,  are  restricted  within  certain  limits. 

1  The  history  of  colonies,  both  ancient  and  modern,  comes  to  the 
support  of  these  views.  Thus  the  Carthaginians,  the  Greeks,  and 
other  celebrated  nations  of  antiquity,  allowed  their  colonies  a  very 
great  liberty  of  internal  government,  contenting  themselves  with  the 
advantages  they  derived  from  their  commerce.  Thus  the  barbari- 
ans of  the  north,  who  desolated  the  Roman  empire,  carried  with 
them  their  laws,  and  introduced  them  among  the  vanquished,  retain- 
ing but  an  extremely  slender  obedience  and  submission  towards  the 
sovereigns  of  their  country. 

*  Thus  also,  in  more  recent  times,  the  House  of  Austria  had  acted 
in  regard  to  its  colonies  of  the  Low  Countries,  before  the  latter  to- 
tally withdrew  themselves  from  its  dominations. 

1  Such  examples  ought  to  apprize  the  English  of  the  conduct  they 
should  pursue,  in  respect  to  their  colonies ;  and  warn  them  of  what 
they  should  avoid.'  % 

'  The  colonies  are  already  sufficiently  taxed,  if  the  restrictions  up- 
on their  commerce  are  taken  into  view.  No  other  burden  should, 
therefore,  be  laid  iipo^  the  Americans,  or  thev  should  be  restored  to 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  47 

an  entire  liberty  of  commerce  ;  for  otherwise  they  would  be  charged 
doubly,  than  which  nothing  can  be  deemed  more  tyrannical. 

'  It  is  not  argued,  however,  that  the  American  colonies  ought  not 
to  be  subject  to  certain  external  duties,  which  the  parliament  has 
authority  to  establish  in  their  ports,  or  to  some  other  restrictions, 
which  have  been  laid  upon  their  commerce  by  the  act  of  navigation, 
or  other  regulations. 

'  They  are  in  the  same  case  as  all  other  colonies,  belonging  to  the 
rest  of  the  maritime  powers  in  Europe  ;  from  their  first  establish- 
ment, all  commerce  with  foreign  nations  has  been  prohibited  them. 

'  What  is  spoken  of  are  internal  taxes,  to  be  levied  on  the  body  of 
the  people ;  and  it  is  contended,  that  before  they  can  be  liable  to 
such  taxes,  they  must  first  be  represented. 

*  Even  admitting,  what  is  denied,  that  the  British  parliament  has 
the  right  to  make  laws  for  the  colonies,  still  more  to  tax  them  with- 
out their  concurrence,  there  lie  many  objections  against  all  the  dutie? 
lately  imposed  on  the  colonies,  and  more  still,  and  weightier,  against 
that  of  the  stamps  lately  projected  by  the  ministers,  and  now  pro- 
posed for  the  sanction  of  parliament.  For,  whereas  these  stamp 
duties  were  laid  gradually  on  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  they  are 
now  to  be  saddled,  all  at  once,  with  all  their  increased  weight,  on 
those  of  the  colonies ;  and  if  these  same  duties  were  thought  so 
grievous  in  England,  on  account  of  the  great  variety  of  occasions 
in  which  they  were  payable,  and  the  great  number  of  heavy  penal- 
ties, which  the  best  meaning  persons  might  incur,  they  must  be  to 
the  last  degree  oppressive  in  the  colonies,  where  the  people,  in 
general,  cannot  be  supposed  so  conversant  in  matters  of  this  kind, 
and  numbers  do  not  even  understand  the  language  of  these  intri- 
cate laws,  so  foreign  to  their  ordinary  pursuits  of  agriculture  and 
commerce.* 

s  It  should  be  added,  that  these  laws,  which  savor  too  much  of 
their  native  soil,  and  bear  too  distinctly  the  character  of  that  subtilty 
for  which  the  English  financial  system  is  distinguished,  must  be 
viewed  by  foreigners  as  insidious  snares,  and  tend  to  discourage 
them  from  emigrating,  with  their  families,  to  the  American  shores. 
Need  any  one  be  told  how  prejudicial  this  would  prove  to  their 
growing  population,  and,  by  rebound,  to  the  interests  of  England 
herself? 

'  Finally,  as  the  money  produced  by  these  duties,  according  to  the 
terms  of  the  bill  proposed,  is  required  to  be  paid  into  the  English 
treasury,  the  colonies,  already  impoverished  by  commercial  prohibi- 

•  See  Note  II 


48  T HE    AMERICAN    WAR.  fiOOfc  I. 

tions  must,  in  a  short  time,  be  drained  of  all  their  specie,  to  the  ruin 
of  their  commerce,  both  internal  and  external.' 

On  the  part  of  the  ministers,  these  objections  were  answered,  as 
follows  : 

1  First  of  all,  it  is  necessary  to  banish  from  the  present  question 
all  this  parade  of  science  and  erudition,  so  pompously  displayed  by 
our  opponents,  and  which  they  have  collected  from  the  books  of 
speculative  men,  who  have  written  upon  the  subject  of  government. 
All  these  refinements  and  arguments  of  natural  lawyers,  such  as 
Locke,  Selden,  PuffendorfT,  and  others,  are  little  to  the  purpose,  m 
a  question  of  constitutional  law. 

'  And  nothing  can  be  more  absurd,  than  to  hunt  after  antiquated 
charters,  to  argue  from  thence  the  present  English  constitution  ;  be- 
cause the  constitution  is  no  longer  the  same ;  and  nobody  knows 
what  it  was,  at  some  of  the  times  that  are  quoted  ;  and  there  are, 
things  even  in  Magna  Charta,  which  are  not  constitutional  now.  All 
these  appeals,  therefore,  to  the  records  of  antiquity,  prove  nothing 
as  to  the  constitution  such  as  it  now  is. 

9  This  constitution  has  always  been  subject  to  continual  changes  and 
modifications,  perpetually  gaining  or  losing  something  ;  nor  was  the 
representation  of  the  commons  of  Great  Britain  formed  into  any 
certain  system,  till  the  reign  of  Henry  VII. 

~l  With  regard  to  the  modes  of  taxation,  when  we  get  beyond  the 
reign  of  Edward  I.  or  king  John,  we  are  all  in  doubt  and  obscurity  ; 
the  history  of  those  times  is  full  of  uncertainty  and  confusion.  As 
to  the  writs  upon  record,  they  were  issued,  some  of  them  according 
to  law,  and  some  not  according  to  law  ;  and  such  were  those  con- 
cerning ship  money ;  to  call  assemblies  to  tax  themselves,  or  to  com- 
pel benevolences  ;  other  taxes  were  raised  by  escuage,  or  shield  ser- 
vice, fees  for  knight's  service,  and  other  means  arising  from  the  feu- 
dal system.  Benevolences  are  contrary  to  law ;  and  it  is  well  known 
how  people  resisted  the  demands  of  the  crown,  in  the  case  of  shift 
money ;  and  were  prosecuted  by  the  court. 

'  With  respect  to  the  marches  of  Wales,  this  privilege  of  taxing 
themselves  was  but  of  short  duration  ;  and  was  only  granted  these 
borderers,  for  assisting  the  king,  in  his  wars  against  the  Welsh  in 
the  mountains.  It  commenced  and  ended  with  the  reign  of  Edward 
I.  ;  and  when  the  prince  of  WTales  came  to  be  king,  they  were  an 
nexed  to  the  crown,  and  became  subject  to  taxes,  like  the  rest  of  the 
dominions  of  England. 

'  Henry  VIII.  was  the  first  king  of  England  who  issued  writs  foi 
it  to  return  two  members  to  parliament ;  the  crown  exercised  the 
right  of  issuing  writs,  or  not,  at  pleasure  ;  from  whence  arises  the 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  19 

inequality  of  representation,  in  our  constitution  of  this  day.  Henry 
VIII.  issued  a  writ  to  Caiais,  to  send  one  burgess  to  parliament ;  and 
one  of  the  counties  palatine  was  taxed  fifty  years  to  subsidies,  t>e- 
fore  it  sent  members  to  parliament. 

'  The  clergy  at  no  time  were  unrepresented  in  parliament.  When 
they  taxed  themselves  in  their  assemblies,  it  was  done  with  the  con- 
currence and  consent  of  parliament. 

*  The  reasoning  about  the  colonies  of  Great  Britain,  drawn  from 
the  colonies  of  antiquity,  is  a  mere  useless  display  of  learning  ;  for 
it  is  well  known  the  colonies  of  the  Tyrians  in  Africa,  and  of  the 
Greeks  in  Asia,  were  totally  different  from  our  system.  No  na- 
tion, before  England,  formed  any  regular  system  of  colonization. 
but  the  Romans ;  and  their  colonial  system  was  altogether  military, 
by  garrisons  placed  in  the  principal  towns  of  the  conquered  prov- 
inces ;  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the  principal  country  was  absolute 
and  unlimited. 

*  The  provinces  of  Holland  were  not  colonies ;  but  they  were 
states  subordinate  to  the  House  of  Austria,  in  a  feudal  dependence. 
And,  finally,  nothing  could  be  more  different  from  the  laws  and  cus- 
toms of  the  English  colonies,  than  that  inundation  of  northern  bar- 
barians, who,  at  the  fall  of  the  Roman  empire,  invaded  and  occu- 
pied all  Europe.  Those  emigrants  renounced  all  laws,  all  protec- 
tion, all  connection  with  their  mother  countries ;  they  chose  their 
leaders,  and  marched  under  their  banners,  to  seek  their  fortunes,  and 
establish  new  kingdoms  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Roman  empire. 

1  On  the  contrary,  the  founders  of  the  English  colonies  emigrated 
under  the  sanction  of  the  king  and  parliament ;  their  constitutions 
were  modeled  gradually  into  their  present  forms,  respectively  by 
charters,  grants  and  statutes;  but  they  were  never  separated  from 
the  mother  country,  or  so  emancipated  as  to  become  independent, 
and  sui  juris. 

1  The  commonwealth  parliament  were  very  early  jealous  of  the 
colonies  separating  themselves  from  them  ;  and  passed  a  resolution 
or  act,  and  it  is  a  question  whether  it  is  not  now  in  force,  to  declare 
and  establish  the  authority  of  England  over  her  colonies.  But  if 
there  was  no  express  law,  or  reason  founded  upon  any  necessary 
inference  from  an  express  law,  yet  the  usage  alone  would  be  suffi- 
cient to  support  that  authority ;  for,  have  not  the  colonies  submit- 
ted, ever  since  their  first  establishment,  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
mother  country  ?  Have  they  not  even  invoked  it  in  many  instances  ? 
In  all  questions  of  property,  have  not  the  appeals  of  the  colonies 
been  made  to  the  privy  council  here  ?  And  have  not  these  causes 
been  determined,  not  by  the  law  of  the  colonies,  but  by  the  law 


50  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  I 

of  England  ?     And  have  they  not  peaceably  submitted  to  these  de- 
cisions ? 

1  These  cases  of  recourse,  however,  have  been  very  frequent 
New  Hampshire  and  Connecticut  have  been  in  blood  about  their 
differences ;  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  in  arms  against  each  other. 
Does  not  this  show  the  necessity  of  one  superior  decisive  jurisdic- 
tion, to  which  all  subordinate  jurisdictions  may  recur  ?  Nothing,  at 
any  time,  could  be  more  fatal  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  col- 
onies, than  the  parliament  giving  up  its  superintending  authority 
over  them.  From  this  moment,  every  bond  between  colony  and 
colony  would  be  dissolved,  and  a  deplorable  anarchy  would  ensue. 
The  elements  of  discord  and  faction,  already  diffused  among  them, 
are  too  well  known,  not  to  apprehend  an  explosion  of  this  sort. 

'  From  this  to  the  total  annihilation  of  the  present  colonial  sys- 
tem, to  the  creation  of  new  forms  of  government,  and  falling  a  prey 
to  some  foreign  potentate,  how  inevitable  is  their  career ! 

'  At  present,  the  several  forms  of  their  constitution  are  very  vari- 
ous, having  been  established  one  after  another,  and  dictated  by  the 
circumstances  and  events  of  the  times  ;  the  forms  of  government  in 
every  colony,  were  adapted  from  time  to  time,  according  to  the  size 
of  the  colony,  and  so  have  been  extended  again  from  time  to  time, 
as  the  numbers  of  the  inhabitants,  and  their  commercial  connections, 
outgrew  the  first  model.  In  some  colonies,  at  first  there  was  only 
a  governor,  assisted  'by  two  or  three  counsellors  ;  then  more  were 
added  ;  then  courts  of  justice  were  erected  ;  then  assemblies  were 
created. 

'  As  the  constitutions  of  the  colonies  are  made  up  of  different 
principles,  so  they  must,  from  the  necessity  of  things,  remain  de- 
pendent upon  the  jurisdiction  of  the  mother  country ;  no  one  ever 
thought  the  contrary,  till  this  new  doctrine  was  broached.  Acts  of 
parliament  have  been  made,  not  only  without  a  doubt  of  their  le- 
gality, but  accepted  with  universal  applause,  and  willingly  obeyed. 
Their  ports  have  been  made  subject  to  customs  and  regulations, 
which  cramped  and  diminished  their  trade  ;  and  duties  have  been 
laid,  affecting  the  very  inmost  parts  of  their  commerce,  and  among 
others  that  of  the  post ;  and  no  one  ever  thought,  except  these  new 
doctors,  that  the  colonies  are  not  to  be  taxed,  regulated,  and  bound 
by  parliament. 

'  There  can  be  no  doubt,  but  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies 
are  as  much  represented  in  parliament,  as  the  greatest  part  of  the 
people  in  England  are,  among  nine  millions  of  whom,  there  are 
eight  who  have  no  votes  in  electing  members  of  parliament  ;  and, 
therefore,  all  these  arguments,  brought  to  prove  the  colonies  not 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  51 

dependent  on  parliament,  upon  the  ground  of  representation,  are 
vain ;  nay,  they  prove  too  much,  since  they  directly  attack  the  whole 
present  constitution  of  Great  Britain.  But  the  thing  is,  that  a 
member  of  parliament,  chosen  for  any  borough,  represents  not  only 
the  constituents  and  inhabitants  of  that  particular  place,  but  he 
represents  the  inhabitants  of  every  other  borough  in  Great  Britain. 
He  represents  the  city  of  London,  and  all  other  the  commons  of  the 
land,  and  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  colonies  and  dominions  of  Great 
Britain,  and  is  in  duty  and  conscience  bound  to  take  care  of  their  in- 
terests. 

1  The  distinction  of  internal  and  external  taxes,  is  false  and  ground- 
less. It  is  granted,  that  restrictions  upon  trade,  and  duties  upon  the 
ports,  are  legal,  at  the  same  time  that  the  right  of  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britain,  to  lay  internal  taxes  upon  the  colonies,  is  denied. 
What  real  difference  can  there  be  in  this  distinction  ?  Is  not  a  tax, 
laid  in  any  place,  like  a  pebble  falling  into  and  making  a  circle  in  a 
lake,  till  one  circle  produces  and  gives  motion  to  another,  and  the 
whole  circumference  is  agitated  from  the  center  ? 

1  Nothing  can  be  more  clear,  than  that  a  tax  of  ten  or  twenty  per 
cent,  laid  upon  tobacco  either  in  the  ports  of  Virginia  or  London, 
is  a  real  duty  laid  upon  the  inland  plantations  of  Virginia  itself,  ah 
hundred  miles  from  the  sea,  wherever  the  tobacco  grows. 

e  Protection  is  the  ground  that  gives  the  right  of  taxation.  The 
obligation  between  the  colonics  and  the  mother  country  is  natural 
and  reciprocal,  consisting  of  defense  on  the  one  side,  and  obedience 
on  the  other ;  and  common  sense  tells,  that  the  colonies  must  be  de- 
pendent in  all  points  upon  the  mother  country,  or  else  not  belong  to 
it  at  all.  The  question  is  not  what  was  law,  or  what  was  the  con- 
stitution ?  but  the  question  is,  what  is  law  now,  and  what  is  the  con- 
stitution now  ? 

1  And  is  not  this  law,  is  not  this  the  constitution,  is  not  this  right, 
which  without  contradiction,  and  for  so  long  a  time,  and  in  number- 
less instances,  as  such  has  been  exercised  on  the  one  part,  and  ap- 
proved by  obedience  on  the  other  ? 

'  No  attention  whatever  is  due  to  those  subtile  opinions  and  vain 
abstractions  of  speculative  men  ;  as  remote  from  the  common  expe- 
rience of  human  affairs,  and  but  too  well  adapted  to  seduce  and  in- 
flame the  minds  of  those,  who,  having  derived  such  signal  advan- 
tages from  their  past  submission,  ought  for  the  future  also  to  obey 
the  laws  of  their  hitherto  indulgent  but  powerful  mother. 

'  Besides,  is  not  the  condition  of  the  Americans,  in  many  respects, 
preferable  to  that  of  the  English  themselves  ?  The  expenses  of  in- 
ternal and  civil  administration,  in  England,  are  enormous ;  so  incon- 


5$  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    I. 


siderable,  on  the  contrary,  in  the  colonies,  as  almost  to  surpass 
belief. 

'  The  government  of  the  church,  productive  of  so  heavy  an  ex- 
pense in  England,  is  of  no  importance  in  America;  there  tithes, 
there  sinecure  benefices,  are  unknown.  Pauperism  has  no  existence 
in  the  colonies ;  there,  according  to  the  language  of  Scripture,  every 
one  lives  under  his  own  fig  tree  ;  hunger  and  nakedness  are  banished 
from  the  land ;  and  vagrants,  or  beggars,  are  never  seen.  Happy 
would  it  be  for  England,  if  as  much  could  be  affirmed  of  hei  sub- 
jects on  this  side  of  the  ocean !  But  the  contrary,  as  every  body 
knows,  is  the  truth. 

1  What  nation  has  ever  shown  such  tenderness  towards  its  colo- 
nies as  England  has  demonstrated  for  hers  ■?.  Have  they,  in  their  ne- 
cessities, ever  sought  in  vain  the  prompt  succor  of  Great  Britain? 
Was  it  for  their  own  defense  against  the  enemy,  or  to  advance  their 
domestic  prosperity,  have  not  the  most  ample  subsidies  been  grant- 
ed them  without  hesitation  ? 

*  Independently  of  these  benefits,  what  other  state  has  ever  ex- 
tended to  a  part  of  its  population  this  species  of  favor,  which  had 
been  bestowed  by  England  upon  her  colonies  ?  She  has  opened 
them  a  credit  without  which  they  rould  never  have  arrived  at  this 
height  of  prosperity,  which  exciU..  Jio  astonishment  of  all  that  visit 
them  ;  and  this  considered,  the  tax  proposed 'must  be  deemed  a  very 
moderate  interest  for  the  immense  sums  which  Great  Britain  has 
lent  her  colonies. 

'  As  to  the  scarcity  of  money,  the  declamations  upon  this  head  are 
equally  futile  :  gold  and  silver  can  never  be  wanting  in  a  country  so 
fertile  in  excellent  productions  as  North  America.  The  stamp  duty 
proposed  being  not  only  moderate,  but  even  trivial,  could  never  with- 
draw from  the  country  so  considerable  a  quantity  of  specie,  as  to 
drain  its  sources,  especially  as  the  product  of  this  duty  will  be  kept 
in  reserve  in  the  treasury,  and  being  destined  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  the  protection  and  defense  of  the  colonies,  must  there- 
fore of  necessity  be  totally  reimbursed. 

1  This  supremacy  of  England,  about  which  such  clamor  has 
been  raised,  amounts  then,  in  reality,  to  nothing  but  a  superiority  of 
power  and  of  efforts  to  guard  and  protect  all  her  dependencies,  and 
all  her  dominions ;  which  she  has  done  at  a  price  that  has  brought 
her  to  the  brink  of  ruin.  Great  Britain,  it  is  true,  has  acquired  in 
this  struggle  a  glory  which  admits  of  no  addition  ;  but  all  her  colo- 
nies participate  in  this.  The  Americans  are  not  only  graced  by  the 
reflected  splendor  of  their  ancient  country,  but  she  has  also  lavished 
upop.  them  the  honors  and  benefits  which  belong  to  the  members  of 


BOOK  I.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  53 

the  British  empire,  while  England  alone  has  paid  the  countless  cost 
of  so  much  glory.' 

Such  were  the  arguments  advanced  in  parliament,  with  equal 
ability  and  warmth,  on  the  one  part,  and  on  the  other,  in  favor,  and 
against,  the  American  tax.  While  the  question  was  in  suspense,  the 
merchants  of  London,  interested  in  the  commerce  of  America,  tor- 
tured with  the  fear  of  losing  or  not  having  punctually  remitted,  the 
capitals  they  had  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  presented  a 
petition  against  the  bill,  on  the  day  of  its  second  reading ;  for  they 
plainly  foresaw  that  among  their  debtors,  some  from  necessity,  and 
others  with  this  pretext,  would  not  fail  to  delay  remittances.  But  it 
was  alledged,  that  the  usage  of  the  house  of  commons  is  not  to  hear 
petitions  directed  against  tax  laws ;  and  this  of  the  London  mer- 
chants, was,  accordingly,  rejected. 

Meanwhile,  the  ministers,  and  particularly  George  Grenville,  ex- 
claimed ; 

1  These  Americans,  our  own  children,  planted  by  our  cares,  nour- 
ished by  our  indulgence,  protected  by  our  arms,  until  they  are  grown 
to  a  good  degree  of  strength  and  opulence ;  will  they  now  turn  their 
backs  upon  us,  and  grudge  to  contribute  their  mite  to  relieve  us  from 
the  heavy  load  which  overwhelms  us  ?' 

Colonel  Barre  caught  the  words,  and  with  a  vehemence  becom- 
ing in  a  soldier,  said ; 

<  Planted  by  your  cares  ?  No  !  your  oppression  planted  them  in 
America ;  they  fled  from  your  tyranny,  into  a  then  uncultivated  land, 
where  they  were  exposed  to  almost  all  the  hardships  to  which  human 
nature  is  liable,  and  among  others,  to  the  savage  eruelty  of  the  ene- 
my of  the  country,  a  people  the  most  subtle,  and,  I  take  upon  me 
to  say,  the  most  truly  terrible,  of  any  people  that  ever  inhabited:  any 
part  of  God's  earth ;  and  yet,  actuated  by  principles  of  true  Eng- 
lish liberty,  they  met  all  these  hardships  with  pleasure,  compared 
with  those  they  suffered  in  their  own  country,  from  the  hands  of  those 
that  should  have  been  their  friends.' 

*  They  nourished  up  by  your  indulgence  1  They  grew  by  your 
neglect ;  as  soon  as  you  began  to  care  about  them,  that  care  was  ex- 
ercised in  sending  persons  to  rule  over  them,  in  one  department  and 
another,  who  were,  perhaps,  the  deputies  of  some  members  of 
this  house,  sent  to  spy  out  their  liberty,  to  misrepresent  their  ac- 
tions, and  to  prey  upon  them ;  men,  whose  behavior,  on  many  oc- 
casions, had  caused  the  blood  of  these  sons  of  liberty  to  recoil 
within  them ;  men,  promoted  to  the  highest  seats  of  justice,  some 
of  whom,  to  my  knowledge,  were  glad,  by  going  to  foreign  countries, 
to  escape  the  vengeance  of  the  laws  in  their  own. 

6* 


S4  THE    AMERICAN"    WAR.  BOOK!. 

*  Thty  protected  by  your  arms  1  They  have  nobly  taken  up  arms 
in  your  defense,  have  exerted  their  valor  amidst  their  constant  and 
laborious  industry,  for  the  defense  of  a  country,  whose  frontiers, 
while  drenched  in  blood,  its  interior  parts  have  yielded,  for  your  en- 
largement, the  little  savings  of  their  frugality,  and  the  fruits  of  their 
toils.  And  believe  me,  remember,  I  this  day  told  you  so,  that  the 
same  spirit  which  actuated  that  people  at  first,  will  continue  with 
them  still;  but  prudence  forbids  me  to  explain  myself  any  further. 
God  knows,  I  do  not,  at  this  time,  speak  from  motives  of  party  heat ; 
what  I  assert  proceeds  from  the  sentiments  of  my  heart.  However 
superior  to  me  in  general  knowledge  and  experience,  any  one  here 
may  be,  yet  I  claim  to  know  more  of  America,  having  seen,  and 
been  more  conversant  in  that  country.  The  people  there  are  as 
truly  loyal  as  any  subjects  the  king  has ;  but  a  people  jealous  of 
their  liberties,  and  who  will  vindicate  them,  if  they  should  be  vio- 
lated ;  but  the  subject  is  delicate ;  I  wTill  say  no  more.' 

This  discourse  was  pronounced  by  the  colonel  without  prepara- 
tion, and  with  such  a  tone  of  energy,  that  all  the  house  remained, 
as  it  were,  petrified  with  surprise,  and  all  viewed  him  with  attention, 
without  uttering  a  word. 

But  the  pride  of  the  ministers  would  not  permit  them  to  retreat, 
and  the  parliament  could  not  hear,  with  patience,  its  authority  to  tax 
America  called  in  question.  Accordingly,  many  voted  in  favor  of 
the  bill,  because  they  believed  it  just  and  expedient ;  others,  because 
the  ministers  knew  how  to  make  it  appear  such  ;  others,  finally,  and 
perhaps  the  greater  number,  from  jealousy  of  thek  contested  au- 
thority. Thus,  when  the  house  divided  on  the  7th  of  February, 
1765,  the  nays  were  not  found  to  exceed  fifty,  and  the  yeas  were  two 
hundred  and  fifty.  The  bill  was,  therefore,  passed,  and  was  ap- 
proved with  great  alacrity  in  the  house  of  lords,  on  the  8th  of 
March  following,  and  sanctioned  by  the  king  the  22d  of  the  same 
month. 

Such  was  this  famous  scheme,  invented  by  the  most  subtle,  by  the 
most  sapient  heads  in  England  ;  whether  the  spirit  of  sophistry  in 
which  it  originated,  or  the  moment  selected  for  its  promulgation,  be 
the  most  deserving  of  admiration,  is  left  for  others  to  pronounce, 
Certain  it  is,  that  it  gave  occasion  in  America  to  those  intestine  com- 
motions, that  violent  fermentation,  which,  after  kindling  a  civil  war, 
involving  all  Europe  in  its  flames,  terminated  in  the  total  disjunction 
from  the  British  empire  of  one  of  its  fairest  possessions. 

If,  in  this  great  revolution,  the  arms  of  England  suffered  no  dim- 
inution of  splendor  and  glory,  owing  to  the  valor  and  gallantry  dis- 
played by  her  soldiers  throughout  the  war,  it  cannot  be  disguised  that 


BOOK    I  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  55 

her  power  and  influence  were  essentially  impaired  among  all  nations 
of  the  world. 

The  very  night  the  act  was  passed,  doctor  Franklin,  who  was  then 
in  London,  wrote  to  Charles  Thompson,  afterwards  secretary  of 
congress,  *  The  sun  of  liberty  is  set ;  the  Americans  must  light  the 
lamps  of  industry  and  economy.9  To  which  Mr.  Thompson  an- 
swered ;  '  Be  assured  we  shall  light  torches  of  quite  another  sort,' 
Thus  predicting  the  convulsions  that  were  about  to  follow. 


END    OF    BOOK    FIRST. 


NOTES  TO   BOOK  I 


NOTE    I. PAGE    25. 


FRANKLIN'S  LETTER. 

1  Excluding  the  people  of  the  colonies  from  all  share  in  the  choice  of  the  grand 
council,  would  probably  give  extreme  dissatisfaction,  as  well  as  the  taxing  them  by  act 
of  parliament,  where  they  have  no  representation. 

•  In  matters  of  general  concern  to  the  people,  and  especially  when  burthens  are  to 
be  laid  upon  them,  it  is  of  use  to  consider,  as  well  what  they  will  be  apt  to  think  and 
say,  as  what  they  ought  to  think ;  I  shall,  therefore,  as  your  excellency  requires  it  of 
me,  briefly  mention  what  of  either  kind  occurs  to  me  on  this  occasion. 

1  First,  they  will  say,  and  perhaps  with  justice,  that  the  body  of  the  people  in  the  col 
onies  are  as  loyal,  and  as  firmly  attached  to  the  present  constitution,  and  reigning 
family,  as  any  subjects  in  the  king's  dominions. 

1  That  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  readiness  and  willingness  of  the  representatives 
they  may  choose,  to  grant,  from  time  to  time,  such  supplies  for  the  defense  of  the  coun- 
try, as  shall  be  judged  necessary,  so  far  as  their  abilities  allow. 

«  That  the  people  in  the  colonies,  who  are  to  feel  the  immediate  mischiefs  of  invasion 
and  conquest  by  an  enemy,  in  the  loss  of  their  estates,  lives,  and  liberties,  are  likely  to 
be  better  judges  of  the  quantity  of  forces  necessary  to  be  raised  and  maintained,  forts 
to  be  built  and  supported,  and  of  their  own  abilities  to  bear  the  expense,  than  the  par- 
liament of  England,  at  so  great  a  distance. 

1  That  governors  often  come  to  the  colonies  merely  to  make  fortunes  with  which  they 
intend  to  return  to  Brita*  A  ;  are  not  always  men  of  the  best  abilities  or  integrity ;  have, 
many  of  them,  no  estates  here,  nor  any  natural  connections  with  US)  that  should  make 
them  heartily  concerned  for  our  welfare ;  and  might,  possibly,  be  fond  of  raising  and 
keeping  up  more  forces  than  necessary,  from  the  profits  accruing  to  themselves,  and 
to  make  provision  for  their  friends  and  dependants. 

1  That  the  counsellors,  in  most  of  the  colonies,  being  appointed  by  the  crown,  on  the 
recommendation  of  governors,  are  often  persons  of  small  estates,  frequently  dependent 
on  the  governors  for  offices,  and  therefore  too  much  under  influence. 

■  That  there  is,  therefore,  great  reason  to  be  jealous  of  a  power  in  such  governors 
and  councils,  to  raise  such  sums  as  they  shall  judge  necessary,  by  drafts  on  the  lords  of 
the  treasury,  to  be  afterwards  laid  on  the  colonies  by  act  of  parliament,  and  paid  by  the 
people  here ;  since  they  might  abuse  it,  by  projecting  useless  expeditions,  harassing 
the  people,  and  taking  them  from  their  labor  to  execute  such  projects,  merely  to  create 
offices  and  employment,  and  gratify  their  dependants,  and  divide  profits. 

1  That  the  parliament  of  England  is  at  a  great  distance,  subject  to  be  misinformed 
and  misled  by  such  governors  and  councils,  whose  united  interests  might,  probably, 
secure  them  against  the  effect  of  any  complaint  from  hence. 

1  That  it  is  supposed  an  undoubted  right  »f  Englishmen,  not  to  be  taxed,  but  by 
their  own  consent,  given  through  their  representatives ;  that  the  colonies  have  no 
representatives  in  parliament. 

'  That  to  propose  taxing  them  by  parliament,  and  refuse  them  the  liberty  of  choosing 
a  representative  council,  to  meet  in  the  colonies,  and  consider  and  judge  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  any  general  tax,  and  the  quantum,  shows  a  suspicion  of  their  loyalty  to  the 
crown,  or  of  their  regard  for  their  country,  or  of  their  common  sense  and  understand 
ing ;  which  they  have  not  deserved. 


BOOK   I.  NOTES.  57 

'That  compelling  the  colonies  to  pay  money  without  their  consent,  would  be 
rather  like  raising  contributions  in  an  enemy's  country,  than  taxing  of  Englishmen 
for  their  own  public  benefit;  that  it  would.be  treating  them  as  a  conquered  people, 
and  not  as  true  British  subjects. 

1  That  a  tax  laid  by  the  representatives  of  the  colonies  might  be  easily  lessened  as 
the  occasions  should  lessen  ;  but  being  once  laid  by  parliament,  under  the  influence  of 
the  representations  made  by  governors,  would  probably  be  kept  up  and  continued 
for  the  benefit  of  governors,  to  the  grievous  burthen  and  discontentment  of  the 
colonies,  and  prevention  of  their  growth  and  increase. 

1  That  a  power  in  governors,  to  march  the  inhabitants  from  one  end  of  the  British 
and  French  colonies  to  the  other,  being  a  country  of  at  least  one  thousand  five 
hundred  miles  long,  without  the  approbation  or  the  consent  of  their  representatives 
first  obtained,  to  such  expeditions,  might  be  grievous  and  ruinous  to  the  people,  and 
would  put  them  upon  a  footing  with  the  subjects  of  France  in  Canada,  that  now 
groan  under  such  oppression  from  their  governor,  who,  for  two  years  past,  has  harass- 
ed them  with  long  and  destructive  marches  -to  Ohio. 

1  That  if  the  colonies,  in  a  body,  may  be  well  governed,  by  governors  and  councils 
appointed  by  the  crown,  without  representatives,  particular  colonies  may  as  well, 
or  better,  be  so  governed  ;  a  tax  may  be  laid  upon  them  all  by  act  of  parliament, 
for  support  of  government ;  and  their  assemblies  may  be  dismissed  as  an  useless 
part  of  the  constitution. 

'  That  the  powers  proposed  by  the  Albany  plan  of  union,  to  be  vested  in  a  grand 
council  representative  of  the  people,  even  with  regard  to  military  matters,  are  not 
so  great  as  those  which  the  colonies  of  Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut  are  entrusted 
with  by  their  charters,  and  have  never  abused  ;  for  by  this  plan,  the  president-gen 
eral  is  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  controls  all  by  his  negative  ;  but  in  those 
governments,  the  people  choose  the  governor,  and  yet  allow  him  no  negative. 

1  That  the  British  colonies  bordering  on  the  French,  are  frontiers  of  the  British 
empire  ;  and  the  frontiers  of  an  empire  are  properly  defended  at  the  joint  expense  of 
the  body  of  the  people  in  such  empire  :  it  would  now  be  thought  hard,  by  act  of  par- 
liament, to  oblige  the  Cinque  Ports,  or  sea  coasts  of  Britain,  to  maintain  the  whole 
navy,  because  they  are  more  immediately  defended  by  it,  not  allowing  them,  at  the 
same  time,  a  vote  in  choosing  members  of  parliament ;  and  as  the  frontiers  of  Ameri- 
ca bear  the  expense  of  their  own  defense,  it  seems  hard  to  allow  them  no  share  in 
voting  the  money,  judging  of  the  necessity  of  the  sum,  or  advising  the  measures. 

*  That  besides  the  taxes  necessary  for  the  defense  of  the  frontiers,  the  colonies 
pay  yearly  great  sums  to  the  mother  country  unnoticed  ;  for, 

1.  Taxes  paid  in  Britain  by  the  land-holder,  or  artificer,  must  enter  into  and  in- 
crease the  price  of  the  produce  of  land  and  manufactures  made  of  it,  and  great  part 
of  this  is  paid  by  consumers  in  the  colonies,  who  thereby  pay  a  considerable  part  of 
the  British  taxes. 

2.  We  are  restrained  in  our  trade  with  foreign  nations ;  and  where  we  could  be 
supplied  with  any  manufacture  cheaper  from  them,  but  must  buy  the  same  dearer 
from  Britain,  the  difference  of  price  is  a  clear  tax  to  Britain. 

3.  We  are  obliged  to  carry  a  part  of  our  produce  directly  to  Britain  ;  and  when 
the  duties  laid  upon  it  lessen  its  price  to  the  planter,  or  it  sells  for  less  than  it  would 
in  foreign  markets,  the  difference  is  a  tax  paid  to  Britain. 

4.  Some  manufactures  we  could  make,  but  are  forbidden,  and  must  take  them  of 
British  merchants ;  the  whole  price  is  a  tax. paid  to  Britain. 

5.  By  our  greatly  increasing  demand  and  consumption  of  British  manufactures, 
their  price  is  considerably  raised  of  late  years  ;  the  advantage  is  clear  profit  to 
Britain,  and  enables  its  people  better  to  pay  great  taxes  ;  and  much  of  it  being  paid 
by  us,  is  clear  tax  to  Britain. 

6.  Ir.  short,  as  we  are  not  suffered  to  regulate  our  trade,  and  restrain  the  importation 
and  consumption  of  British  superfluities,  as  Britain  can  the  consumption  of  foreign 
superfluities,  our  whole  wealth  centers  finally  among  the  merchants  and  inhabitants 
of  Britain;  and  if  we  make  them  richer,  ana  enable  them  better  to  pay  their  taxes, 
it  is  nearly  the  same  as  being  taxed  ourselves,  and  equally  benefieial  to  the  crown. 

1  These  kind  of  secondary  taxes,  however,  we  do  not  complain  of,  though  we  have 
no  share  in  laying  or  disposing  of  them  ;  but  to  pay  immediate  heavy  taxes,  in  the  lay- 
ing, appropriation,  and  disposition  of  which,  we  have  no  part,  and  which^perhaps,  we 
may  know  to  be  as  unnecessary  as  grievous,  must  seem  hard  measures  to  Englishmen, 
who  cannot  conceive,  that  by  hazarding  their  lives  and  fortunes  in  subduing  and  set- 
tling new  countries,  extending  the  dominion,  and  increasing  the  commerce  of  the 
mother  nation,  thev  have  forfeited  the  native  rights  of  Britons,  which  they  think 


58  NOTES.  BOOX.    I 

ought  rather  to  be  given  to  them  as  due  to  such  merit,  if  they  had  been  before  in  a 
state  of  slavery. 

f  These,  and  such  kinds  of  things  as  these,  I  apprehend  will  be  thought  and  said 
by  the  people,  if  the  proposed  alteration  of  the  Albany  plan  should  take  place.  Then 
the  administration  of  the  board  of  governors  and  council  so  appointed,  not  having 
the  representative  body  of  the  people  to  approve  and  unite  in  its  measures,  and  con- 
ciliate the  minds  of  the  people  to  them,  will  probably  become  suspected  and  odious  : 
dangerous  animosities  and  feuds  will  arise  between  the  governors  and  governed,  and 
every  thing  go  into  confusion.' 

ThV  was  the  letter  of  Franklin. 


NOTE    II. PAGE    47. 

STAMP  ACT. 

Whereas,  by  an  act  made  in  the  last  session  of  Parliament,  several  duties  were 
granted,  continued,  and  appropriated  towards  defraying  the  expenses  of  defending, 
protecting,  and  securing  the\British  colonies  and  plantations  in  America  ;  and  where- 
as it  is  first  necessary,  that  provision  be  made  for  raising  a  further  revenue  within  your 
majesty's  dominions  in  America,  towards  defraying  the  said  expenses;  we,  your  ma- 
jesty's most  dutiful  and  loyal  subjects,  the  Commons  of  Great  Britain,  in  parliament  as- 
sembled, have  therefore  resolved  to  give  and  grant  unto  your  majesty  tne  several  rights 
and  duties  hereinafter  mentioned  ;  and  do  most  humbly  beseech  your  majesty  that  it 
may  be  enacted,  And  be  it  enacted  by  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and  commons,  in  this 
present  parliament  assembled,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  same,  That  from  and  after 
the  first  day  of  November,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  sixty-five,  there  shall  be 
raised,  levied,  collected,  and,  paid  unto  his  majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors,  through- 
out the  colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  which  now  are,  or  hereafter  may  be, 
under  the  dominion  of  his  majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors, 

1.  For  every  skin  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on  which  shall 
be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  declaration,  plea,  replication,  rejoinder,  demur- 
rer, or  other  pleading,  or  any  copy  thereof,  in  any  court  of  law  within  the  British 
colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pence. 

2.  For  every*skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  special  bail,  and  appearance  upon 
such  bail  in  any  such  court,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings. 

3.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  may  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  petition,  bill  or  answer,  claim,  plea, 
replication,  rejoinder,  demurrer,  or  other  pleading  in  any  court  of  chancery  or  equity 
within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence. 

4.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  copy  of  any  petition,  bill,  answer, 
claim,  plea,  replication,  rejoinder,  demurrer,  or  other  pleading,  in  any  such  court,  a 
stamp  duty  of  three  pence. 

5.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  monition,  libel,  answer,  allegation, 
inventory,  or  renunciation,  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  in  any  court  of  probate,  court 
of  the  ordinary,  or  other  court  exercising  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  within  the  said 
colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

G.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  copy  of  any  will,  (other  than  the 
probate  thereof,)  monition,  libel,  answer,  allegation,  inventory,  or  renunciation,  in 
ecclesiastical  matters,  in  any  such  court,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

7.  For  every  skin  or  pjece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written  or  printed,  any  donation,  presentation,  collation  or 
institution,  of  or  to  any  benefice,  or  any  writ  or  instrument  for  the  like  purpose,  or 
any  register,  entry,  testimonial,  or  certificate  of  any  degree  taken  in.any  university, 
academy,  college,  or  seminary  of  learning,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations, 
a  stamp  auty  of  two  pounds. 


BOOK   I.  NOTES  59 

8.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  monition,  libel,  claim,  inswer, 
allegation,  information,  letter  of  request,  execution,  renunciation,  inventory,  or  other 
pleading  in  any  admiralty  court  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp 
duty  of  one  shilling. 

9.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  any  copy  of  any  such  monition,  libel,  claim,  answer,  allegation,  information, 
letter  of  request,  execution,  renunciation,  inventory,  or  other  pleading  shall  be  en- 
grossed, written,  or  printed,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

10.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  appeal,  writ  of  error,  writ  of  dower, 
ad  quod  damnum,  certiorari,  statute  merchant,  statute  staple,  attestation,  or  certificate, 
by  any  officer,  or  exemplification  of  any  record  or  pro  z  ceding,  in  any  court  whatso- 
ever within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  (except  appeals,  writs  of  error,  certiorari, 
attestations,  certificates,  and  exemplifications,  for,  or  relating  to  the  removal  of  any 
proceedings  from  before  a  single  justice  of  the  peace,)  a  stamp  duty  of  ten  shillings. 

11.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  writ  of  covenant  for  levying  fines, 
writ  of  entry  for  suffering  a  common  recovery ,  or  attachment  issuing  out  of  or  returnable 
into  any  court  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  Jive  shillings. 

12.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  judgment,  decree,  or  sentence,  or 
dimission,  or  any  record  of  nisi  prius  or  postea,  in  any  court  within  the  said  colonies 
and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  four  shillings. 

13.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  affidavit,  common  bail,  or  appear- 
ance, interrogatory,  deposition,  rule,  order  or  warrant  of  any  court,  or  any  dedimus 
potestatum,  capias  subpoena,  summons,  compulsory  citation,  commission,  recognizance, 
or  any  other  writ,  process,  or  mandate,  issuing  out  of,  or  returnable  into,  any  court, 
or  any  office  belonging  thereto,  or  any  other  proceeding  therein  whatsoever,  or  any 
copy  thereof,  or  ot  any  record  not  herein  before  charged,  within  the  said  colonies 
and  plantations,  (except  warrants  relating  to  criminal  matters,  and  proceedings  there- 
on, or  relating  thereto,)  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling 

14.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  note  or  bill  of  lading,  which  shall 
be  signed  for  any  kind  of  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  to  be  exported  from,  or  any 
cocket  or  clearance  granted  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty 
of  four  pence. 

15.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  letters  of  mart  or  commission  for  private 
ships  of  war,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  twenty  shillings. 

16.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  grant,  appointment,  or  admission 
of  or  to  any  public  beneficial  office  or  employment,  for  the  space  of  one  year,  or  any 
lesser  time,  of  or  above  twenty  pounds  per  annum  sterling  money,  in  salary,  fees,  and 
perquisites,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  (except  commissions  and  ap- 
pointments of  officers  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or  militia,  of  judges,  and  of  jus- 
tices of  the  peace,)  a  stamp  duty  often  shillings. 

17.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  any  grant  of  any  liberty,  privilege,  or  franchise,  under  the  seal  or  sign  manu- 
al of  any  governor,  proprietor,  or  public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  other 
person  or  persons,  or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  or  any  exempli- 
fication of  the  same,  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  within  the  said  colonies 
and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pounds. 

18.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  <r  r'  v;t  ««  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  license  for  retailing  of  spirituous 
liquors,  to  be  granted  to  r,ny  person  who  shall  take  out  the  same,  within  the  said 
colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  twenty  shillings. 

19.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  cr  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  license  for  retailing  of  wine,  to  be 
granted  to  any  person  who  shall  not  take  out  a  license  for  retailing  of  spirituous  li- 
quors, within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  four  pounds. 

20.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  license,  for  retailing  of  wine,  to  be 
granted  to  any  person  who  shall  take  out  a  license  for  retailing  of  spirituous  liquors, 
wiC'in  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pounds 


60  NOTES.  BOOK    I 

21.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  probate  of  will,  letters  of  administra- 
tion or  of  guardianship  for  any  estate  above  the  value  of  twenty  pounds  sterling  money, 
within  the  British  colonies  and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the  islands 
belonging  thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  five  shil* 
lings. 

22.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  probate,  letters  of  administra- 
tion or  of  guardianship,  within  all  other  parts  of  the  British  dominions  in  America,  a 
stamp  duty  of  ten  shillings. 

23.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  bond  for  securing  the  payment  of 
any  sum  of  money,  not  exceeding  the  sum  often  pounds,  sterling  money,  within  the 
British  oolonies  and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the  islands  belonging 
thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

24.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  bunJ  f«?  securing  the  payment  of 
any  sum  of  money  above  ten  pounds,  and  not  exceed. u„  twenty  pounds,  sterling 
money,  within  such  colonies,  plantations,  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling." 

25.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  pk^etor  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  bond  f  i  securing  the  payment  of 
any  sum  of  money  above  twenty  pounds,  and  not  exceeding  forty  pounds,  sterling 
money,  within  such  colonies,  plantations,  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  skilling 
and  six  pence. 

26.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  order  or  warrant  for  surveying  or 
setting  out  any  quantity  of  land,  not  exceeding  one  hundred  acres,  issued  by  any 
governor,  proprietor,  or  any  public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  other 
person  or  persons,  or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  within  the  Brit- 
ish colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  six  pence. 

27.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  order  or  warrant  for  surveying 
or  setting  out  any  quantity  of  land  above  one  hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hun- 
dred acres,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plan'ations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling. 

28.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  order  or  warrant  for  surveying 
or  setting  out  any  quantity  of  land  above  two  hundred  and  not  exceeding  three  hun- 
dred and  twenty  acres,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such  order  or  warrant  for  survey- 
ing or  setting  out  every  other  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  within  the  said  colo- 
nies and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence. 

29.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  original  grant  or  any  deed,  mesne 
conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land,  not  ex- 
ceeding one  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  within  the  British 
colonies  and  plantations  upon  the  continent  of  America,  the  islands  belonging  thereto, 
and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama  islands,  (except  leases  for  any  term  not  exceeding  the 
term  of  twenty-one  years)  a  stamp  duty  of  one  shilling  and  six  pence. 

30.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such  deed, 
mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of  land, 
above  one  hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  conveyed, 
or  assigned,  within  such  colonies,  plantations  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings. 

31.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  gran*,  or  any  such 
deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of 
land,  above  two  hundred,  and  not  exceeding  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  shall 
be  granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such  grant,  deed,  mesne 
conveyance,  or  other  instrument,  granting,  conveying,  or  assigning,  every  other  three 
hundred  and  twenty  acres,  within  such  colonies,  plantations  and  islands,  a  stamp  duty 
of  two  shillings  and  six  pence. 

32.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  oi  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be 'engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such 
deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of 
land,  not  exceeding  one  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  within 
all  other  parts  of  die  British  dominions  in  America,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  shillings. 


BOOK    I.  NOTES.  6  J 

33.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such 
deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  of 
land,  above  one  hundred  and  not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres,  shall  be  granted,  con- 
veyed, or  assigned,  within  the  same  parts  of  the  said  dominions,  a  stamn  duty  of  four 
shillings. 

34.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  original  grant,  or  any  such 
deed,  mesne  conveyance,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  by  which  any  quantity  o*" 
land,  above  two  hundred  and  not  exceeding  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  shall  be 
granted,  conveyed,  or  assigned,  and  in  proportion  for  every  such  grant,  deed,  mesne 
conveyance,  or  other  instrument,  granting,  conveying,  or  assigning  every  other  three 
hundred  and  twenty  acres,  within  the  same  parts  of  the  said  dominions,  a  stamp  duty 
of  Jive  shillings. 

35.  For  every  skin,  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  grant,  appointment,  or  admission,  of 
or  to  any  beneficial  office  or  employment,  not  herein  before  charged,  above  the  value 
of  twenty  pounds  per  annum  sterling  money,  in  salary,  fees,  and  perquisites,  or  anj 
exemplification  of  the  same,  within  the  British  colonies  and  plantations  upon  the  con- 
tinent of  America,  the  islands  "belonging  thereto,  and  the  Bermuda  and  Bahama 
islands,  (except  commissions  of  officers  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or  militia,  and  of 
justices  of  the  peace,)  a  stamp  duty  of  four  pounds. 

36.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  such  grant,  appointment,  or  ad- 
mission, of  or  to  any  such  public  beneficial  office  or  employment,  or  any  exemplifica- 
tion of  the  same,  within  all  other  parts  of  the  British  dominions  in  America,  a  stamp 
duty  of  six  pounds. 

37.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  indenture,  lease,  conveyance,  con- 
tract, stipulation,  bill  of  sale,  charter  party,  protest,  articles  of  apprenticeship,  or  cove- 
nant, (except  for  the  hire  of  servants  not  apprentices,  and  also  except  such  other  mat- 
ters as  herein  before  charged,)  within  the  British  colonies  and  plantations  in  America, 
a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings  and  six  pence. 

33.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  panchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  Oh 
which  any  warrant  or  order  for  auditing  any  public  accounts,  beneficial  warrant,  order, 
grant,  or  certificate,  under  any  public  seal,  or  under  the  seal  or  sign  manual  of  any  gov- 
ernor, proprietor,  or  public  officer,  alone,  or  in  conjunction  with  any  other  person  or 
persons,  or  with  any  council,  or  any  council  and  assembly,  not  herein  before  charged, 
or  any  passport  or  letpass,  surrender  of  office,  or  policy  of  assurance,  shall  be  engrossed, 
written,  or  printed,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  (except  warrants  or  orders 
for  the  service  of  the  army,  navy,  ordnance,  or  militia,  and  grants  of  offices  under  twen- 
ty pounds  per  annum,  in  salary,  fees,  and  perquisites,)  a  stamp  duty  of  Jive  shillings. 

39.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  notarial  act,  bond,  deed,  letter  of 
attorney,  procuration,  mortgage,  release,  or  other  obligatory  instrument,  not  herein  be- 
fore charged,  within  the  said  colonics  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings 
and  three  pence. 

40.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written ,  or  printed,  any  register,  entry,  or  enrollment  of  any 
grant,  deed,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  herein  before  charged,  within  the  said 
colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  three  pence. 

41.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  shall  be  engrossed,  written,  or  printed,  any  register,  entry,  or  enrollment  of  any 
grant,  deed,  or  other  instrument  whatsoever,  not  herein  before  charged,  within  the 
said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  of  two  shillings. 

42.  And  for  and  upon  every  pack  of  playing  cards,  and  all  dice,  which  shall  be  sold 
or  used  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  the  several  stamp  duties  following; 
(that  is  to  say  ;) 

43.  For  every  pack  of  such  cards,  one  shilling. 

44.  And  for  every  pair  of  such  dice,  ten  shillings. 

45.  And  for  and  upon  every  paper  called  a  pamphlet,  and  upon  every  newspaper, 
containing  public  news,  or  occurrences,  which  shall  be  printed,  dispersed,  and  made 
public,  within  any  of  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  and  for  and  upon  such  adver- 
tisements as  are  hereinafter  mentioned,  the  respective  d utietf  following;  (that  is  to  say ,) 

46.  For  every  such  pamphlet  and  paper,  contained  in  a  half  sheet,  or  any  lesser  piece 


62  NOTES,  BOOK    I. 

of  paper,  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  half-penny  for  every  printed 
copy  thereof. 

47.  For  every  such  pamphlet  and  paper,  (being  larger  than  half  a  sheet,  and  not  ex- 
ceeding one  whole  sheet,)  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  stamp  duty  of  one  penny  for 
every  printed  copy  thereof. 

48.  For  every  pamphlet  and  paper,  being  larger  than  one  whole  sheet,  and  not  ex- 
ceeding six  sheets  in  octavo,  or  in  a  lesser  page,  or  not  exceeding  twelve  sheets  in 
quarto,  or  twenty  sheets  in  folio,  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  duty  after  the  rate  of  one 
shilling  for  every  sheet  of  any  kind  of  paper  which  shall  be  contained  in  one  printed 
copy  tnereof. 

49.  For  every  advertisement  to  be  contained  in  any  gazette,  newspaper,  or  other 
paper,  or  any  pamphlet  which  shall  be  so  printed,  a  duty  of  two  shillings. 

50.  For  every  almanac  or  calendar  for  any  one  particular  year,  or  for  any  time  less 
than  a  year,  which  shall  be  written  or  printed  on  one  side  only  of  any  one  sheet,  skin 
or  piece  of  paper,  parchment,  or  vellum,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a 
stamp  duty  of  two  pence. 

51.  For  every  other  almanac,  or  calendar,  for  any  one  particular  year,  which  shall  be 
written  or  printed  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  stamp  duty  offour  pence. 

52.  And  for  every  almanac  or  calendar,  written  or  printed  in  the  said  colonies  and 
plantations,  to  serve  for  several  years,  duties  to  the  same  amount  respectively  shall 
be  paid  for  every  such  year. 

53.  For  every  skin  or  piece  of  vellum  or  parchment,  or  sheet  or  piece  of  paper,  on 
which  any  instrument,  proceeding,  or  other  matter  or  thing  aforesaid,  shall  be  engross- 
ed, written,  or  printed,  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  in  any  other  than  the 
English  language,  a  stamp  duty  of  double  the  amount  of  the  respective  duties  before 
charged  thereon. 

54.  And  there  shall  be  also  paid,  in  the  said  colonies  and  plantations,  a  duty  of  six 
pence  for  every  twenty  shillings,  in  any  sum  not  exceeding  fifty  pounds  sterling 
money,  which  shall  be  given,  paid,  contracted,  or  agreed  for,  with  or  in  relation  to 
any  clerk,  or  apprentice,  which  shall  be  put  or  placed  to  or  with  any  master  or  mis- 
tress, to  learn  any  profession,  trade,  or  employment.  II.  And  also  a  duty  of  one  shilling 
for  every  twenty  shillings,  in  any  sum  exceeding  fifty  pounds  which  shall  be  given, 
paid,  contracted,  or  agreed  for,  with,  or  in  relation  to,  any  such  clerk  or  apprentice. 

55.  Finally,  the  produce  of  all  the  aforementioned  duties  shall  be, paid  into  his  majes- 
ty'streasury  ;  and  there  held  in  reserve,  to  be  used,  from  time  to  time,  by  the  parliament, 
tor  the  purpose  of  defraying  the  expenses  necessary  for  the  defense,  protection,  and 
necurity  of  the  said  colonies  and  plantations.  [1765.  Statutes  at  Large.  Pickering'* 
t4itim,    4,  5,  George  III.   Vol.  XXVI.  Chap.  XII.  page  179  1 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  03 


BOOK    SECOND. 

1765.  It  is  difficult  to  describe  the  effervescence  excited  in 
America,  by  the  news  that  the  stamp  act  had  been  adopted  in 
parliament. 

The  minister,  Grenville,  knowing  how  odious  it  was  to  the  Ameri- 
cans, and  foreseeing  the  tumults  it  might  cause,  had  endeavored  tc 
mitigate  its  severity,  by  strictly  avoiding  to  employ,  as  collectors  of 
the  duty,  any  individuals  born  in  England ;  but  this  precaution 
proved  ineffectual  to  abate,  in  the  least,  the  tempest  of  indignation 
with  which  it  was  received. 

The  American  gazettes  began  to  be  filled  with  complaints  of  lost 
liberty  ;  the  most  influential  citizens  declared  openly,  that  this  was 
a  manifest  violation  of  their  rights,  which  proceeded  from  no  tran- 
sient error  of  the  English  government,  but  from  a  deliberate  design 
to  reduce  the  colonies  to  slavery ;  '  This,'  they  exclaimed, '  is  but  the 
commencement  of  a  system  of  the  most  detestable  tyranny.' 

Such  as  opposed  the  schemes  attributed  to  the  government  either 
to  contract  a  stricter  union  by  a  common  name,  or  to  render  them- 
selves more  agreeable  to  the  people,  alluding  to  the  words  of  colonel 
Barre  in  his  speech  before  parliament,  assumed  the  specious  title  of 
$oii3  of  liberty.  They  bound  themselves  mutually,  among  other 
tilings,  to  march  at  their  own  expense  to  any  part  of  the  continent, 
where  it  should  be  necessary  to  maintain  the  English  constitution 
in  America,  and  to  use  all  their  efforts  to  prevent  the  execution  of 
the  stamp  act. 

A  committee  of  correspondence  was  organized,  to  address  circular 
letters  to  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  country  ;  exhorting  them 
to  adopt  the  same  principles  and  the  same  resolutions.  These  meas- 
ures gave  a  powerful  activity  to  the  opposition,  and  to  the  tumults 
which  soon  followed.  The  people  were  prepared  for  insurrection, 
the  moment  an  occasion,  or  a  signal,  should  be  given  them. 

The  Virginians,  again  at  this  time,  were  the  first  to  give  it.  The 
29th  of  May,  1765,  the  house  of  burgesses  of  Virginia,  upon  the 
motion  of  George  Johnson  and  Patrick  Henry,  came  to  the  follow- 
ing resolutions  : 

1  Whereas  the  honorable  house  of  commons  in  England,  have  of 
late  drawn  into  question,  how  far  the  general  assembly  of  this  colo- 
ny hath  power  to  enact  laws  for  laying  taxes  and  imposing  duties, 
payable  by  the  people  of  this  his  majesty's  most  ancient  colony ;  for 
settling  and  ascertaining  the  same  to  all  future  times,  the  house  of 


Si  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IT. 

burgesses  of  this  present  general  assembly,  have  come  to  the  several 
following  resolutions  • 

'  That  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of  this  his  majesty's  colony 
and  dominion  of  Virginia,  brought  with  them  and  transmitted  to  their 
posterity,  and  all  other  his  majesty's  subjects  since  inhabiting  in  this 
his  majesty's  colony,  all  the  privileges  and  immunities  that  have  at 
any  time  been  held,  enjoyed  and  possessed  by  the  people  of  Great 
Britain.  That  by  the  two  royal  charters  granted  by  James  I.,  the 
colonists  aforesaid  are  declared  entitled  to  all  privileges  of  faithful, 
liege  and  natural  born  subjects,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if  they 
had  been  abiding  and  born  within  the  realm  of  England. 

<  That  his  majesty's  liege  people  of  this  his  most  ancient  colony, 
have  enjoyed  the  right  of  being  thus  governed  by  their  own  assem- 
bly, in  the  article  of  taxes  and  internal  police,  and  that  the  same 
have  never  been  forfeited,  or  any  other  way  yielded  up,  but  have 
been  constantly  recognized  by  the  king  and  people  of  Great  Britain. 

'  That  consequently  the  general  assembly  of  this  colony,  together 
with  his  majesty,  or  his  substitute,  have  in  their  representative  capaci- 
ty the  only  exclusive  right  and  power  to  lay  taxes  and  impositions 
upon  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony  ;  that  every  attempt  to  vest  such 
a  power  in  any  person  or  persons  whatsoever  other  than  the  general 
assembly  aforesaid,  is  illegal,  unconstitutional,  and  unjust,  and  has  a 
manifest  tendency  to  destroy  British,  as  well  as  American  freedom. 
That  his  majesty's  liege  people,  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony,  an; 
not  bound  to  yield  obedience  to  any  law  or  ordinance  whatsoever, 
designed  to  impose  any  taxation  whatsoever  upon  them,  other  than 
die  laws  and  ordinances  of  this  general  assembly.  That  any  person 
who  shall  by  speaking  or  writing,  maintain  that  any  person  or  per- 
sons, other  than  the  general  assembly  of  this  colony,  have  any  right 
or  power  to  impose  or  lay  any  taxation  whatsoever  upon  this  people, 
shall  be  deemed  an  enemy  to  this  his  majesty's  colony.' 

These  resolutions  were  passed  on  this  day,  by  an  immense  ma- 
jority ;  but  the  day  following,  the  assembly  being  more  full,  as  many 
of  the  older  and  more  prudent  citizens  attended,  the  subject  was  re- 
considered ;  and  by  their  influence  and  representations,  the  last  two 
articles  were  retrenched.  M.  Fauquier,  the  lieutenant-governor, 
being  informed  of  these  debates,  dissolved  the  assembly ;  but  this 
measure  had  little  success,  for  when  the  new  elections  took  place, 
those  who  did  not  assent  to  the  resolutions  were  excluded,  and  all 
those  who  did  were  re-elected.  Meanwhile,  the  resolutions  circu- 
lated from  hand  to  hand,  not  as  they  had  been  modified,  but  in 
*heir  original  form. 

The  members  of  the  confederacy,  called  the  sons  of  liberty,  were 


JOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN     VVAK.  G? 

especially  active  in  communicating  them  from  one  to  another,  ami 
in  a  short  time  they  were  dispersed  every  where,  and  every  where 
perused  and  reperused  with  ^.qual  avidity  and  enthusiasm. 

But  in  New  England,  and  particularly  in  the  province  of  Massa- 
chusetts, the  warm  advocates  of  American  privileges  were  not  con- 
tent with  these  marks  of  approbation,  but  to  propagate  them  the 
more  rapidly  among  all  classes  of  people,  caused  them  to  be  printed 
ill  the  public  journals,  which  was  the  principal  occasion  of  the  tu- 
mults that  shortly  ensued. 

Very  early  on  Wednesday  morning,  the  14th  of  August,  and  it  is 
believed  at  the  instigation  of  John  Avery,  Thomas  Crafts,  John 
Smith,  Henry  Welles,  Thomas  Chase,  Stephen  Cleverling,  Henry 
Bass,  and  Benjamin  Edes,  all  individuals  extremely  opposed  to  the 
pretensions  of  England,  and  zealous  partisans  of  innovation,  two 
effigies  were  discovered  hanging  on  a  branch  of  an  old  elm,  near  the 
southern  entrance  of  Boston,  one  of  which,  according  to  the  label 
that  was  attached  to  it,  represented  a  stamp  officer,  the  other  a  jack 
boot,  out  of  which  rose  a  horned  head,  which  appeared  to  look 
around.  This  spectacle  attracted  the  curious  multitude,  not  only 
from  the  city,  but  as  the  rumor  spread,  from  all  the  adjacent 
country. 

As  the  crowd  increased,  their  minds,  already  but  too  much  heated, 
were  inspired  with  a  spirit  of  enthusiasm  by  this  strange  exhibition, 
and  the  day  was  immediately  devoted  to  recreation.  About  dusk, 
the  images  were  detached  from  the  tree,  placed  on  a  bier,  and  car- 
ried in  procession  with  great  solemnity.  The  people  followed,  stamp- 
ing, and  shouting  from  all  quarters,  '  Liberty  and  property  forever — 
no  stamp.'  Having  passed  through  the  town  house,  they  proceeded 
with  their  pageantry  down  King  street,  and  into  Kilby  street ;  when 
arrived  in  front  of  a  house  owned  by  one  Oliver,  which  they  sup« 
posed  was  designed  for  a  stamp  office,  they  halted,  and  without 
further  ceremony,  demolished  it  to  the  foundation.  Bearing  oft",  as 
it  were  in  triumph,  the  wood  of  the  ruined  house,  with  continually 
increasing  shouts  and  tumult,  they  proceeded  to  the  dwelling  of  OtU 
ver  himself,  and  there  having  beheaded  his  effigy,  broke  all  his  win* 
dows  in  an  instant.  Continuing  to  support  the  two  figures  in  pro- 
cession, they  ascended  to  the  summit  of  Fort  hill,  where,  kindling 
with  their  trophies  a  bonfire,  they  burnt  one  of  them,  amidst  peals 
of  universal  acclamation.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  the  populace  re- 
turned to  the  house  of  Oliver,  with  clubs  and  staves  ;  the  garden, 
fences,  and  all  the  dependencies  of  the  edifice  were  destroyed. 
Oliver  had  fled,  to  avoid  the  popular  fury,  leaving  only  a  few  friends 
to  use  their  discretion,  for  the  prevention  of  further  damage.  But 
yoh.  i,  0, 


66  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  II. 

some  imprudent  words  of  theirs  having  exasperated  the  rage  of  the 
multitude,  they  broke  open  the  doors,  entered  the  lower  part  of  the 
house,  and  destroyed  the  furniture  of  every  description.  At  mid- 
night they  disbanded.  The  next  day,  Oliver,  finding  himself  thus 
the  object  of  public  detestation,  and  apprehensive  of  a  second  visit, 
notified  the  principal  citizens  that  he  had  written  to  England,  re- 
questing the  liberty  of  being  excused  from  the  office  of  distributor 
of  stamps.  In  the  evening,  the  people  re-assembled,  erected  a  pyra- 
mid, intending  another  bonfire,  but  upon  hearing  of  Oliver's  resigns  - 
tion,  they  desisted,  and  repaired  to  the  front  of  his  house,  gave  three 
cheers,  and  took  their  departure  without  damage. 

Meanwhile,  a  rumor  having  got  abroad,  that  Hutchinson,  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor, had  written  to  England  in  favor  of  the  stamp  du- 
ties, the  multitude  immediately  repaired  to  his  house,  and  could  not 
be"  persuaded  to  retire  till  they  were  assured,  that  this  gentleman  had 
even  written  to  dissuade  from  the  bill.  Upon  which  their  cries  of 
rage  were  followed  by  shouts  of  acclamation  ;  they  kindled  a  bonfire, 
and  quietly  returned  to  their  respective  habitations.  But  far  more 
serious  were  the  disorders  of  the  26th  of  the  same  month.  Some 
boys  were  playing  around  a  fire  they  had  kindled  in  King  street ;  the 
fire  ward  coming  to  extinguish  it,  he  was  whispered,  by  a  person  un- 
known, to  desist,  which  he  not  regarding,  received  a  blow  on  his  arm, 
and  such  other  marks  of  displeasure,  as  obliged  him  to  withdraw. 
Meanwhile,  a  particular  whistle  was  heard  from  several  quarters, 
which  was  followed  by  innumerable  cries  of *  Sirrah  !  Sirrah  !'  At 
this  signal  advanced  a  long  train  of  persons  disguised,  armed  with 
clubs  and  bludgeons,  who  proceeded  to  invest  the  house  of  Pax  ton, 
marshal  of  the  court  of  admiralty,  and  superintendent  of  the  port, 
who  had  time  to  escape  ;  and,  at  the  invitation  of  the  steward,*  the 
assailants  accompanied  him  to  the  tavern,  were  pacified,  and  the 
house  was  spared.  But  their  repeated  libations  having  renewed 
their  frenzy,  they  sallied  forth,  and  assaulted  the  house  of  William 
Story,  register  of  the  vice-admiralty,  opposite  the  court-house,  the 
lower  part  of  which,  being  his  office,  they  broke  open,  seized  and 
committed  to  the  flames  the  files  and  public  records  of  that  court, 
and  then  destroyed  the  furniture  of  the  house.  Nor  did  the  riot 
end  here.  The  mob,  continually  increasing  in  numbers  and  intoxi- 
cation, stimulated  by  the  havoc  already  committed,  rushed  onward3 
to  the  house  of  Benjamin  Hallowell,  collector  of  the  customs,  the 
furniture  of  which  they  soon  destroyed.  They  renewed  their  pota- 
tions, in  the  cellar ;  and  what  they  were  unable  to  drink,  they  wast- 

*  Paxton  wu  only  a  tenant;  the  owner  of  the  house,  T.  Palmer,  E»q.,  gave  the 
entertainment 


BOOK  TT.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  67 

ed  ;  they  searched  every  corner,  and  carried  off  about  thirty  pound? 
sterling  in  money.  They  are  joined  by  fresh  bands.  In  a  state  bor- 
dering on  madness,  they  proceed  to  the  residence  of  Hutchinson, 
the  lieutenant-governor,  about  ten  o'clock  at  night ;  they  invest  it, 
and  employ  every  means  to  enter  it  by  violence.  After  having  sent 
liis  children,  as  yet  of  tender  age,  to  a  place  of  safety,  he  barricaded 
his  doors  and  windows,  and  seemed  determined  to  remain  ;  but,  un- 
able to  resist  the  fury  of  the.  assailants,  he  was  constrained  to  quit 
the  place,  and  take  refuge  in  another  house,  where  he  remained  con- 
cealed till  four  in  the  morning.  Meantime,  his  mansion,  perhaps 
the  most  magnificent  and  the  best  furnished  house  in  the  colony, 
was  devoted  to  ruin  and  pillage.  The  plate,  the  pictures,  the  furni- 
ture of  every  kind,  even  to  the  apparel  of  the  governor,  were  car- 
ried off,  besides  nine  hundred  pounds  sterling  in  specie.  Not  con- 
tent with  this,  they  dispersed  or  destroyed  all  the  manuscripts  which 
the  governor  had  been  thirty  years  in  collecting,  as  well  as  papers, 
relating  to  the  public  service,  deposited  in  his  house ;  an  immense 
and  irreparable  loss. 

It  appears  that  Hutchinson  had  become  the  object  of  a  hatred  so 
universal,  because  he  was  accused  of  having  been  accessory  in  lay- 
ing on  the  stamp  duties  ;  which  imputation,  however,  was  absolutely 
false  ;  for  it  is  ascertained,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  had  always  op- 
posed that  measure,  in  his  letters  to  the  government.  Hence  it  is 
seen  how  erroneous  are  often  popular  opinions  ;  and  that  those  who 
govern  should  propose  to  themselves  a  nobler  object,  in  the  per- 
formance of  their  duty,  than  that  of  pleasing  the  multitude,  who 
are  more  often  found  to  fawn  upon  their  oppressors,  than  to  applaud 
their  benefactors. 

The  next  morning  was  the  time  for  holding  the  assize  and  the  su- 
preme court  of  judicature.  Hutchinson,  who  was  its  president,  was 
obliged  to  appear  on  the  bench  in  the  dress  of  a  private  citizen,  while 
the  other  judges,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  bar,  were  in  their  re- 
spective robes.  This  contrast  was  observed  with  grief  and  pity  by 
the  spectators.  The  court,  to  evince  with  what  indignation  they  re- 
ceived the  affront  they  had  sustained  in  the  person  of  their  presi- 
dent, and  how  much  they  detested  the  scenes  o£  anarchy  which  the 
preceding  day  had  witnessed,  resolved  to  abstain  from  all  exercise 
of  their  functions,  and  adjourned  to  the  15th  of  October. 

Some  individuals  who  had  been  apprehended,  refusing  to  de 
nounce  the  authors  of  the  tumult,  were  committed  to  prison  ;  but 
one  of  them  effected  his  escape,  and  the  rest  were  released  soon  af- 
ter ;  for  it  was  seen  distinctly,  that  the  people  were  not  disposed  to 
tolerate  any  further  proceedings  against  the  delinquents. 


68  TfiE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK.   II. 

Meanwhile,  the  principal  citizens,  either  from  *jA>i  *  testation 
of  the  excesses  committed  by  the  rioters,  or  perceiving  that  such 
outrages  must  infallibly  injure  a  cause  they  considered  just,  were 
very  strenuous  to  distinguish  this  tumultuous  conduct  from  a  truly 
noble  opposition,  as  they  called  it,  to  the  imposition  of  internal  taxes 
by  authority  of  parliament.  They  assembled,  in  consequence,  at 
Faneuil  Hall,  a  place  destined  for  public  meetings,  in  order  to  de- 
clare solemnly  how  much  they  abhorred  the  extraordinary  and  vio- 
lent proceedings  of  unknown  persons,  the  preceding  night ;  and 
voted,  unanimously,  that  the  selectmen  and  magistrates  of  the  city 
be  desired  to  use  their  utmost  endeavors,  agreeable  to  law,  to  sup- 
press such  disorders  for  the  future ;  and  that  the  freeholders  and 
other  inhabitants,  would  do  every  thing  in  their  power  to  assist  them 
therein. 

The  next  day,  a  proclamation  was  published  by  the  governor,  of- 
fering a  reward  of  three  hundred  pounds  for  the  discovery  of  any  of 
the  ringleaders,  and  one  hundred  pounds  for  any  of  the  other  per- 
sons concerned  in  that  tumult.  The  tranquillity  of  the  city  was  re- 
stored, and  preserved  by  a  nightly  military  watch. 

But  the  disorders  were  not  confined  to  the  limits  of  the  city  of 
Boston,  or  the  province  of  Massachusetts.  They  also  broke  out  in 
many  other  places,  and  almost  at  the  same  time  ;  which  renders  it 
probable  that  they  had  been  previously  concerted  between  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  different  provinces.  On  Tuesday,  the  27th  of  August, 
about  9  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  people  of  Newport,  in  Rhode 
Island,  began  to  manifest  their  agitation,  by  bringing  forth,  in  a  cart, 
three  images,  intended  as  the  effigies  of  Martin  Howard,  Thomas 
MofTatt,  and  Augustin  Johnston,  with  halters  about  their  necks,  to 
a  gallows  placed  near  the  town-house,  where  they  were  hung  to 
public  view,  till  near  night,  when  they  were  cut  down  and  burnt 
amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  multitude. 

The  following  day,  having  probably  received  the  news  of  what 
had  taken  place  in  Boston,  they  assembled  again,  and  beset  the 
house  of  Martin  Howard,  a  celebrated  advocate,  who  had  written 
with  great  zeal  in  favor  of  the  rights  of  parliament.  All  was  plun- 
dered or  destroyed,  except  the  walls.  Thomas  MofTatt,  a  physi- 
cian, maintained  the  same  opinions,  in  all  societies  ;  his  house 
was  pillaged,  also,  in  a  moment.  Both  fled  and  took  shelter  on 
board  an  English  ship  of  war,  at  anchor  in  the  port ;  and  soon  af- 
ter, believing  it  no  longer  safe  to  remain  in  the  country,  departed 
for  Great  Britain.  The  populace  proceeded  towards  the  house  of 
Johnston,  prepared  to  commit  the  same  disorders  ;  but  were  met, 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  <69 

*vna  parleyed  with,  by  a  gentleman,  who  persuaded  them  to  desist 
and  disperse. 

At  Providence,  the  principal  city  of  Rhode  Island,  a  gazette  ex- 
traordinary was  published,  on  the  24th  of  August,  with  '  V  ox  Pop- 
ulj ,  vox  Dei/  in  large  letters,  for  the  frontispiece ;  and  underneath, 
•  Where  the  spirit  of  the  Lord  is,  there  is  liberty.  St.  Paul.'  It 
congratulated  the  people  of  New  England,  on  the  glorious  ac- 
counts, from  all  parts,  of  the  laudable  commotions  of  the  people 
in  the  cause  of  liberty ;  and  on  the  lawful  measures  adopted  to  pre- 
vent the  execution  of  the  stamp  act,  not  hesitating  to  treat  as 
such  these  blamable  excesses  of  the  populace.  The  writers  ex- 
tolled to  the  skies  the  zeal  of  the  Bostonians,  who,  they  said,  had 
not  degenerated  from  their  fathers,  but  had  preserved  entire  that 
spirit  of  freedom  which  had  already  rendered  them  so  celebrated 
throughout  the  world.  Pasquinades,  farces,  satires,  and  popular 
railleries  were  not  spared,  in  the  public  prints.  The  effigies  of 
such  as  were  the  objects  of  popular  displeasure,  were  dragged,  with 
halters  about  their  necks,  through  the  streets,  hung  to  gibbets,  and 
afterwards  burnt. 

In  Connecticut,  Ingersoll,  the  principal  stamp  officer,  having 
appointed  for  his  deputy  an  inhabitant  of  Windham,  wrote  him  to 
come  and  receive  his  commission  at  New  Haven.  The  inhabitants 
of  Windham,  on  hearing  of  this,  demanded  the  letter  of  Ingersoll, 
and  warned  him  not  to  accept  the  office ;  which,  preferring  the  less 
evil,  he  consented  to  renounce.  Ingersoll  himself  was  reduced  to 
the  same  extremity,  at  New  Haven.  He  wrote  a  letter,  which  was 
afterwards  published,  in  which  he  declared,  that  since  the  inhabit- 
ants had  such  an  aversion  to  stamped  paper,  he  would  not  compel 
them  to  use  it.  He  hoped,  however,  that  if  they  should  change 
their  minds  on  further  consideration,  or  from  a  conviction  of  ne- 
cessity, they  would  receive  it  from  him.  This  declaration  was 
much  applauded  ;  but  the  people  having  conceived  new  suspicions 
of  his  sincerity,  they  surrounded  his  house,  and  he  was  informed 
that  he  must  decide  immediately,  either  for  or  against  the  resigna- 
tion of  his  office.  He  answered,  that  this  choice  was  not  in  his 
power.  They  next  demanded,  whether,  when  the  stamped  paper 
arrived,  he  would  deliver  it  to  them,  to  make  a  bonfire  ?  Or — 
have  his  house  pulled  down  ?  He  then  replied,  and  with  evident 
reluctance,  that  when  the  stamps  arrived  he  would  either  reship 
them  to  be  sent  back  ;  or  when  they  were  in  his  house,  he  would 
leave  his  doors  open,  that  they  might  then  act  as  they  thought 
proper. 

Similar  tumults  also  took  place  in  tho  town  of  N^wi-'h  and  that 


}0  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  tSvOK  II. 

of  Lebanon ;  but  in  the  latter  the  ceremony  of  a  mock  trial  was 
added,  by  which  the  effigies  were  condemned,  in  due  form,  to  be 
hung  and  burnt. 

The  next  morning  the  same  scenes  were  repeated,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  trial ;  but  the  deputy  collector  of  the  stamp  duty 
had  already  resigned. 

In  New  Hampshire,  Messerve,  another  stamp  officer,  was  com- 
pelled by  the  multitude  to  renounce  the  exercise  of  his  functions. 
In  Maryland,  Flood,  principal  distributor  of  stamped  paper,  was 
menaced  in  property  if  he  refused  to  resign ;  he  fled  for  refuge, 
first  to  New  York,  and  afterwards  to  Long  Island.  But  the  mul- 
titude, having  unexpectedly  crossed  the  strait,  constrained  him  not 
only  to  renounce  his  employment,  but  to  confirm  his  resignation 
upon  oath  before  a  magistrate. 

At  New  York,  the  stamp  act  was  held  in  such  contempt,  that  it 
was  printed  and  cried  through  the  country  as  the  Folly  of  England 
and  Ruin  of  America,  The  stamp  officers  in  this  quarter  perceived 
they  could  not  resign  too  promptly.  Similar  scenes  took  place 
in  the  other  American  provinces. 

To  foment  the  general  excitement,  and  encourage  the  people  to 
persevere  in  the  opposition  commenced,  their  leaders  took  care  to 
multiply  satirical  pamphlets  and  pasquinades  ;  epigrams  and  popular 
jests  were  incessant  in  the  public  prints.  At  Boston,  among  others,  a 
newspaper  was  published,  under  the  following  title  ;  '  The  Constitu- 
tional Courant ;  containing  matters  interesting  to  Liberty,  and  no 
wise  repugnant  to  Loyalty.'  The  frontispiece  represented  a  serpent 
cut  into  eight  pieces ;  on  the  part  of  the  head,  were  the  initial  let- 
ters of  New  England ;  and  on  that  of  the  body,  the  initials  of  the 
other  colonies,  as  far  as  South  Carolina ;  and  over  it,  '  Join  or  Die,' 
in  large  letters. 

In  many  places,  the  advocates,  attorneys  and  notaries,  held  meet- 
ings, in  which  the  query  was  proposed,  Whether,  when  the  stamps 
should  arrive,  and  the  day  prefixed  for  using  them,  they  would  agree 
to  purchase  stamped  paper  for  their  legal  writings  ?  The  negative 
was  decided  unanimously  :  they  protested,  however,  in  strong  terms, 
against  all  riotous  and  indecent  behavior,  and  pledged  themselves  to 
discountenance  it,  by  every  means  in  their  power ;  their  sole  inten- 
tion being,  by  the  refusal  of  the  stamps,  and  other  quiet  methods, 
to  endeavor  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  law. 

The  justices  of  the  peace  for  the  district  of  Westmoreland,  in  Vir- 
ginia, published,  that,  on  account  of  the  stamp  act,  they  had  discon- 
tinued their  functions ;  unwilling,  they  said,  to  become  instruments 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAtt.  ,  I 

of  the  destruction  of  the  most  essential  rights,  and  of  the  liberty  of 
their  country. 

Thus,  while  the  frantic  populace  rushed  headlong  into  the  most 
odious  excesses,  men  of  reputation  only  testified  their  resistance  by 
moderate  acts,  but  not  less,  and  perhaps  even  more,  efficacious,  to 
obtain  the  repeal  of  a  law  they  abhorred,  and  to  re-establish  Amer- 
ican liberty.  Thus  the  spirit  of  independence,  originating  at  first  in 
Virginia  and  Massachusetts,  was  progressively  propagated  in  the 
other  provinces  ;  and  passed  from  the  populace  to  the  middle  classes, 
and  from  these  to  the  most  eminent  citizens. 

Meanwhile  the  time  drew  nigh,  when  the  stamped  paper  destined 
for  America  was  expected  to  arrive  from  England  ;  and  the  day  was 
no  longer  distant,  when,  by  the  terms  of  the  law,  the  stamp  art  was 
to  go  into  effect :  it  was  the  first  of  November. 

The  Americans  already  viewed  it  as  a  day  of  sinister  presage,  and 
the  harbinger  of  future  calamities  to  their  country.  On  the  5th  of 
October,  the  ships  which  brought  the  stamps,  appeared  in  sight  of 
Philadelphia,  near  Gloucester  Point.  Immediately,  all  the  vessels 
in  the  harbor  hoisted  their  colors  half-staff  high ;  the  bells  were  muf- 
fled, and  tolled  for  the  rest  of  the  day  ;  and  every  thing  appeared 
to  denote  the  most  profound  and  universal  mourning.  At  four  in 
the  afternoon,  several  thousands  of  citizens  met  at  the  State  House, 
to  consult  on  proper  measures  to  prevent  the  execution  of  the  stamp 
act.  Upon  the  motion  of  William  Allen,  son  of  the  president  of  the 
court  of  justice,  it  was  agreed  to  send  a  deputation  to  John  Hughes, 
principal  officer  of  the  stamps  for  the  province,  to  request  he  would 
resign  his  office ;  to  which,  after  long  resistance,  and  with  extreme 
reluctance,  he  at  length  Consented. 

The  tumult  continued  many  days  ;  during  which  Hughes  was  ac- 
tive in  barricading  his  house,  and  securing  the  succors  of  his  friends, 
apprehensive,  notwithstanding  his  resignation,  of  being  attacked  ev- 
ery moment.  Amidst  this  general  effervescence,  the  quakers,  who 
are  very  numerous  in  Philadelphia,  maintained  a  perfect  calm,  and 
appeared  disposed  to  submit  to  the  stamp  act.  The  same  also  was 
the  conduct  of  the  episcopal  clergy  ;  but  they  were  few  in  number. 

The  stamped  paper  arrived  at  Boston  the  10th  of  September. 
The  governor  immediately  wrote  to  the  assembly  of  representatives, 
requesting  their  advice,  Oliver  having  resigned  his  office.  The  as- 
sembly replied,  that  this  affair  was  not  within  their  competency ;  and 
therefore  the  governor,  they  hoped,  would  excuse  them,  if  they  could 
not  see  their  way  clear,  to  give  him  either  advice  or  assistance.  The 
representatives  thus  avoided  the  snare,  and  left  the  governor  alone, 
tc  ettricttc  himself  as  he  could.     He  finally  camed  the  bfcjSf  of 


72  THIS    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK.    II. 

stamped  paper  to  be  lodged  in  the  castle,  where  they  could  be  de- 
fended, if  necessary,  by  the  artillery. 

But  on  the  first  of  November,  at  dawn  of  day,  all  the  bells  of 
Boston  sounded  the  funeral  knell.  Two  figures,  of  immense  pro- 
portions, were  found  suspended  on  the  elm,  of  which  we  have  spo- 
ken before.  This  tree,  since  the  date  of  the  first  tumults,  had  ac- 
quired the  name  of '  the  tree  of  liberty.'  Under  its  shade  the  pat- 
riots assembled  to  confer  upon  their  affairs  ;  and  thence  arose  the 
custom  of  planting,  in  every  town,  or  naming  those  already  planted, 
trees  of  liberty.  The  Bostonians  poured  into  the  streets  in  throngs, 
and  all  was  uproar.  At  three  in  the  afternoon,  the  two  effigies  were 
detached  from  the  tree,  in  the  midst  of  universal  acclamations,  car- 
ried round  the  city,  hung  to  a  gallows,  and  afterwards  Cut  in  pieces, 
and  thrown  to  the  winds.  This  executed,  the  people  withdrew  to 
their  habitations,  and  tranquillity  seemed  re-established.  But  the 
agitators,  soon  after,  proceeded  to  a  highly  biamable  excess.  Oli- 
ver, who  had  long  since  resigned  his  employment,  was  dragged  with 
violence  to  the  foot  of  the  tree  of  liberty,  through  the  tumultuous 
crowd,  and  there  compelled,  a  second  time,  to  renounce  upon  oath  ; 
as  if  any  importance  could  be  attached  to  these  oaths,  extorted  by 
coercion !  They  attest  the  tyranny  of  those  who  exact  them,  not 
the  will  of  him  that  takes  them. 

In  many  places,  over  the  doors  of  the  public  offices,  was  seen  this 
inscription :  '  Let  him  that  shall  first  distribute  or  employ  stamped 
paper,  look  well  to  his  house,  his  person,  and  his  furniture.     Vox 
Populi.'     The  people  went  armed  ;  the  friends  of  stamps  were  in 
timidated. 

Nor  less  serious  were  the  disorders  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
The  stamped  paper  arrived  there  about  the  last  of  October.  Mac 
Ever,  who  had  been  appointed  distributor,  having  resigned  the  of- 
fice, the  lieutenant-governor,  Colden,  a  person  little  agreeahJe  to  the 
multitude  on  account  of  his  political  opinions,  caused  the  paper  to 
be  lodged  in  fort  George ;  and  having  taken  some  precautions  for 
its  security,  the  people  began  to  suspect  some  sinister  intention  on 
nis  part. 

In  consequence,  on  the  first  of  November,  towards  evening,  the 
populace  assembled  in  great  numbers,  and  rushed  furiously  to  the 
citadel.  The  governor's  stables  were  forced,  his  coach  taken  out, 
and  drawn  in  triumph  through  the  principal  streets  of  the  city.  A 
gallows  having  been  erected  in  the  grand  square,  the  effigy  of  the 
lieutenant-governor  was  there  hung,  with  a  sheet  of  stamped  paper 
in  the  right  hand,  and  the  figure  of  a  demon  in  the  left.  It  was  af- 
terwards taken  down,  and  carried  in  procession,  the  coach  in  the  van, 


OOC        11.  l->        AMERICAN     WiR  73 

to  the  gut  -  oi  the  fortress,  and  finally  to  the  counterscarp,  under 
the  very  mouths  of  the  cannon,  where  they  made  a  grand  bonlire  of 
the  whole,  amidst  the  shouts  and  general  exultation  of  many  thou- 
sands of  people.  But  this  irritated  multitude  did  not  stop  here. 
They  soon  repaired  to  the  residence  of  major  James.  It  was  dis- 
tinguished for  its  rich  furniture,  a  library  of  great  value,  and  a  gar- 
Jen  of  singular  beauty.  In  a  moment  all  was  ravaged  and  destroy- 
ed. They  kindled  also  the  accustomed  bonfire ;  exclaiming,  Such 
are  the  entertainments  the  people  bestow  on  the  friends  of  stamps  ! 

The  coffee-houses  had  become  a  species  of  public  arena,  and 
schools  for  political  doctrines,  where  the  popular  orators,  mounting 
the  benches  or  tables,  harangued  the  multitude,  who  commonly  re- 
sorted to  these  places  in  great  numbers.  In  a  very  crowded  con- 
course of  this  sort,  an  honest  citizen  of  New  York  arose  and  exhort- 
ed the  people  to  a  more  regular  and  less  blamable  conduct.  He 
entreated  the  inhabitants  even  to  take  arms,  in  order  to  be  prepared 
to  repress  the  factious  on  the  first  symptoms  of  tumult.  His  dis- 
course was  received  with  great  approbation.  But  captain  Isaac 
Sears,  who  had  commanded  a  privateer,  and  was  violently  opposed 
to  the  stamps,  urged  the  people  not  to  give  ear  to  these  timid  men, 
who  take  alarm  at  cobwebs ;  let  them  follow  him,  and  he  would 
soon  put  them  in  possession  of  the  stamped  paper. 

He  is  joined  at  first  by  a  few  popular  chiefs ;  all  the  rest  follow 
their  example.  A  deputation  is  sent  to  the  lieutenant-governor,  to 
inform  him  that  he  will  do  well  to  deliver  up  the  stamped  paper. 
He  endeavored  at  first  to  gain  time,  alleging  that  the  governor,  Hen- 
ry Moore,  was  expected  shortly,  and  would  determine  what  was 
proper  in  this  conjuncture.  The  answer  was  by  no  means  satisfactory. 
It  was  represented  more  imperiously  to  the  lieutenant-governor,  that, 
peaceably  or  by  force,  the  people  must  have  the  stamped  paper ; 
and  that  a  moment's  delay  might  cause  the  effusion  of  blood.  To 
avoid,  therefore,  a  greater  evil,  he  consented  to  put  it  in  their  hands  ; 
and  they,  with  great  exultation,  deposited  the  same  in  the  City-Hall. 
Ten  bales,  however,  which  arrived  afterwards,  were  seized  by  the 
populace  and  burnt. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  disorders  committed  in  New  York  by  the 
lower  classes,  citizens  of  a  more  quiet  character  abounded  in  this 
city ;  who,  if,  on  the  one  hand,  they  were  averse  to  the  pretensions 
of  the  British  parliament,  and  especially  to  the  stamp  act,  on  the 
other,  felt  an  equal  abhorrence  for  these  excesses  of  popular  inso- 
lence ;  well  knowing,  that  they  are  only  excited  by  the  worthless 
and  desperate,  who  alone  can  be  gainers  by  anarchy.  Believing, 
therefore,  it  was  no  longer  advisable  to  leave  the  headlong  multitude 

VOL.    1.  7 


74  THE    AMfen.iisA.ia     •*«*»•  BOOK  II. 

without  a  check,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  it  was  essential  to  direct 
their  movements  towards  the  object  proposed  by  themselves,  they 
convoked  a  general  meeting  of  the  people,  in  the  fields  adjacent  to 
the  city.  It  was  there  proposed  to  appoint  a  committee  of  persons 
of  known  patriotism,  to  correspond  with  the  friends  of  liberty  in 
other  provinces,  and  communicate  intelligence  of  all  occurrences ; 
in  order  to  enable  the  people  of  the  different  provinces  to  move,  if 
requisite,  all  at  once,  and  as  it.  were  in  a  single  body.  This  meas- 
ure, however,  was  not  without  danger,  since  it  inclined  towards  an 
open  rebellion,  if  not  even  already  of  this  character. 

Many,  therefore,  who  had  been  nominated  members  of  the  com- 
mittee, excused  themselves  upon  various  pretexts  ;  but  finally,  Isaac 
Sears  and  four  others  of  distinguished  intrepidity,  offered  themselves, 
and  were  approved  by  the  multitude.  They  commenced  their  labors 
immediately,  subscribing  the  letters  with  all  their  names.  They  re- 
quested their  correspondents  of  Philadelphia,  to  transmit  their  dis- 
patches to  the  more  southern  colonies  ;  and  the  Bostonians,  to  those 
of  the  north.  This  produced,  as  it  were,  a  second  generation  of  the 
Sons  of  Liberty,  who,  by  means  of  regular  couriers,  were  enabled 
to  reciprocate  intelligence,  and  to  form  a  league  in  opposition  to  par- 
liamentary taxation.  But  if  the  utility  of  a  regular  correspondence 
was  recognized  by  all  the  party,  they  were  not  long  in  perceiving 
that  it  was  insufficient  to  accomplish  their  views.  They  saw  that  H 
was  requisite  to  determine  all  the  principles  of  the  association,  and 
cause  them  to  be  accepted  by  all  its  members,  in  order  that  each 
might  know  his  duty,  and  the  counsels  to  be  pursued.  The  authors 
of  this  plan  believed,  also,  that  as  the  articles  of  confederation  were 
to  be  solemnly  subscribed,  many  even  of  the  adverse  party  would 
not  dare  to  oppose  it,  and  would  therefore  give  their  signatures : 
they  would  thus  have  been  rendered  accessaries,  and  their  future 
support  consequently  secured.  The  articles  were  soon  drawn  up, 
and  accepted  by  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  the  two  provinces  of  New 
York  and  Connecticut ;  and  afterwards,  passing  from  hand  to  hand, 
by  those  of  the  other  colonies. 

In  the  preamble  to  this  league,  which  was  composed  very  ably 
the  confederates  affirmed,  that  perverse  men  had  formed  a  design  to 
alienate  the  minds  of  the  loyal  and  affectionate  American  subjects 
from  his  majesty's  person  and  government,  and  therefore  they  pro- 
fessed and  declared  their  fidelity  and  allegiance  to  the  king  to  be 
immutable  ;  that  they  would  defend  and  support  the  crown  with  all 
their  forces ;  that  with  the  greatest  promptitude  they  submitted  to 
its  government,  and  this  in  conformity  to  the  British  constitution, 
founded  upon  the  eternal  principles  of  equity  and  justice ;   that 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  75 

every  violation  of  this  constitution  was  at  the  same  time  a  high  of- 
fense against  Heaven,  and  an  audacious  contempt  of  the  people, 
from  whom,  under  God,  all  just  government  proceeds ;  that  they 
were  therefore  resolved  to  unite  all  their  endeavors,  their  vigilance 
and  their  industry,  to  defeat  these  criminal  designs.  \  And  since/ 
they  added,  '  a  certain  pamphlet  (thus  designating  a  law  passed  by 
the  parliament  of  Great  Britain)  has  appeared  in  America,  under 
the  form  of  an  act  of  parliament,  and  under  the  name  of  the  stamp 
act,  although  it  has  not  been  legally  published  nor  introduced ;  by 
which  the  colonists  would  be  divested  of  their  dearest  rights,  and 
especially  that  of  taxing  themselves ;  in  order  to  preserve  these 
rights  entire,  and  to  defend  them  as  well  as  every  other  part  of  the 
British  constitution,  we  bind  ourselves,  and  promise  to  march  with 
all  our  forces,  and  at  our  own  expense,  upon  the  first  advice,  to  the 
succor  of  those  who  shall  be  menaced  with  any  peril  whatever,  on 
account  of  any  thing  done  in  opposition  to  the  stamp  act.  We  will 
attentively  watch  all  those,  who,  by  commission  or  of  their  own  ac- 
cord, shall  endeavor  to  introduce  the  use  of  stamped  paper,  which 
would  be  the  total  subversion  of  the  English  constitution,  and  of 
American  liberty.  We  will  reciprocally  designate  to  each  other  all 
persons  of  this  sort  that  we  may  discover,  whatever  shall  be  their 
rank  or  their  names,  and  will  endeavor,  with  all  our  power,  by  every 
lawful  means,  to  bring  these;  traitors  to  their  country  to  condign 
punishment.  We  will  defen  i  the  liberty  of  the  press  from  all  ille- 
gal violation,  and  from  every  impediment  which  may  result  from  the 
stamp  act ;  the  press  being  the  only  means,  under  Divine  Providence, 
of  preserving  our  lives,  liberty,  and  property.  We  will  also  defend 
and  protect  the  judges,  advocates,  attorneys,  notaries,  and  similar 
persons,  against  all  penalties,  fines  or  vexations,  they  may  incur  by 
not  conforming  to  the  act  aforesaid,  in  the  exercise  of  their  respec- 
tive avocations.' 

Such  was  the  league  of  New  York,  which  increased  the  ardor 
and  concert  of  the  parties,  then  fermenting  at  every  point  of  the 
American  colonies. 

Meanwhile,  the  seeds  of  the  new  doctrine,  in  respect  to  govern- 
ment, were  rapidly  propagated  in  the  province  of  New  York ;  the 
public  journals  offered  them  to  the  daily  consideration  of  their  read- 
ers. It  was  every  where  asserted,  that  the  colonies  ought  not  to 
have  any  other  connection  with  Great  Britain  but  that  of  living  un- 
der the  same  sovereign  ;  and  that  all  dependence  ought  to  cease,  as 
to  legislative  authority. 

These  opinions,  supported  with  equal  ardor  and  ingenuity,  were 
daily  acquiring  new  roots ;  they  were  disseminated  in  the  other  col- 


76  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOCK  II. 

onies,  and  insensibly  prepared  the  minds  of  the  people  for  the  new 
order  of  things,  towards  which  the  multitude  advanced  without  sus- 
pecting it.  but  its  leaders,  with  deliberate  purpose — a  revolution, 
for  which  England,  with  quite  opposite  views,  had  herself  paved  .  he 
way,  and  prepared  the  most  favorable  circumstances. 

The  merchants  of  New  York  resorted  to  another  mode  of  oppo- 
sition, very  efficacious,  and  well  adapted  to  obtain  the  repeal  of  the 
act.  They  entered  into  reciprocal  agreements,  not  only  to  order  no 
more  goods  from  Great  Britain,  until  the  act  was  repealed,  and  to 
withdraw  all  the  orders  already  given*  and  which  should  not  be  exe- 
cuted previous  to  the  1st  of  January,  1766,  but  also,  not  even  to 
permit  the  sale  of  any  English  merchandise,  which  should  be  shipped 
after  this  date.  According  to  the  ordinary  progress  of  minds  once 
agitated,  which  become  continually  more  bold  in  their  opinions,  the 
merchants  added,  that  they  would  persevere  in  these  resolutions, 
until  the  acts  relative  to  sugar,  molasses,  and  bills  of  credit,  were 
also  revoked.  The  same  resolutions  were  voluntarily  adopted  also 
by  the  retail  traders,  who  agreed  not  to  buy  or  sell  any  English  mer- 
chandise, that  should  be  introduced  into  the  country  in  contraven- 
tion of  these  stipulations. 

The  merchants  and  traders  of  Philadelphia  also  assembled,  and 
entered  into  an  agreement ;  but  n  a  with  the  same  unanimity.  The 
Quakers  refused  their  concurrence.  They  thought  it  was  prudent, 
however,  to  conform  to  circumstances ;  and  wrote  to  England,  re- 
questing that  no  more  goods  might  be  sent  them.  The  Philadelphi- 
ans  went  Ct^J  fuither;  and  prohibited  any  lawyer  from  instituting  an 
action  for  moneys  due  to  an  inhabitant  of  England  ;  and  no  Ameri- 
can was  to  make  any  payment  for  the  benefit  of  a  subject  of  that 
kingdom,  until  the  acts  should  be  repealed.  At  Boston,  although  a 
little  later,  similar  associations  were  formed ;  and  the  example  of 
these  principal  cities  was  imitated  by  nearly  all  the  other  cities  and 
commercial  towns  of  English  America. 

From  these  measures,  England  experienced,  in  her  manufactures, 
an  incalculable  prejudice ;  while  Ireland,  on  the  contrary,  derived 
un  immense  advantage  from  their  effects  ;  for  the  Americans  resort- 
ed to  the  latter  country,  to  obtain  such  articles  of  merchandise  as 
they  considered  indispensably  necessary,  and  carried,  in  exchange, 
immense  quantities  of  the  seed  of  flax  and  of  hemp.  But  the'  colo- 
nists were  desirous  also  to  withdraw  themselves  from  this  necessity. 
A  society  of  arts,  manufactures  and  commerce,  was  formed  at  New 
York,  after  the  model  of  that  in  London.  Markets  were  opened,  in 
different  places,  for  the  sale  of  articles  manufactured  in  the  country ; 
to  which  were  brought,  in  abundance,  cloths  and  linens,  stuffs  of 


BOOK    II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  i  i 

wool  and  of  flax,  works  in  iron,  of  a  tolerable  quality,  though  a  lit- 
tle rough,  spirits,  distilled  from  barley,  paper  stained  for  hangings, 
and  other  articles  of  general  utility.  That  the  first  materials  of 
fabrics  in  wool  might  sustain  no  diminution,  it  was  resolved  to  ab- 
stain from  eating  the  flesh  of  lambs,  and  also  from  buying  meat,  of 
any  sort,  of  butchers  who  should  kill  or  offer  for  sale  any  of  these 
animals. 

Every  citizen,  even  the  most  opulent,  the  most  ostentatious,  con- 
forming to  the  general  mode,  preferred  to  wear  clothing  made  in 
the  country,  or  their  old  clothes,  to  using  English  manufactures. 
Thus  a  general  opinion  obtained,  that  America  could  suffice  to  her- 
self, without  need  of  recourse  to  the  industry  and  productions  of 
England.  And,  as  if  these  wounds,  inflicted  upon  the  commerce 
of  the  mother  country,  were  not  sufficiently  severe,  it  was  proposed, 
in  Virginia  and  South  Carolina,  to  suspend  all  exportation  of  tobac- 
co to  any  pert  of  Great  Britain  ;  from  which  the  latter  must  have 
sustained  a  very  serious  detriment,  not  only  by  the  diminution  of 
public  revenue,  consequent  to  that  of  the  duties  upon  importation, 
but  by  the  diminution  of  commerce  itself;  for  the  English  supplied 
foreign  markets  with  great  quantities  of  these  tobaccos. 

On  the  first  of  November,  the  day  prefixed  by  the  law  for  the 
emission  of  stamped  paper,  not  a  single  sheet  of  it  could  have  been 
found  in  all  the  colonies  of  New  England,  of  New  York,  of  New 
Jersey,  of  Pennsylvania,  of  Maryland,  and  of  the  two  Carolinas. 
It  had  either  been  committed  to  the  flames  during  the  popular  com- 
motions, or  sent  back  to  England,  or  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
party  in  opposition,  who  guarded  it  carefully.  Hence  originated  a 
sudden  suspension,  or  rather  a  total  cessation,  of  all  business  that 
could  not  be  transacted  without  stamped  paper.  The  printers  of 
newspapers  only  continued  their  occupation ;  alledging  for  excuse, 
that  if  they  had  done  otherwise,  the  people  would  have  given  them 
such  admonitions  as  they  little  coveted.  None  would  receive  the 
gazettes  coming  from  Canada,  as  they  were  printed  upon  stamped 
paper.  The  courts  of  justice  were  closed ;  the  ports  were  shut ; 
even  marriages  were  no  longer  celebrated ;  and  in  a  word,  an  ab- 
solute stagnation  in  all  the  relations  of  social  life  was  established. 

The  governors  of  the  provinces,  though  bound  by  their  oaths, 
and  the  severest  penalties,  to  cause  the  stamp  act  to  be  executed, 
considering,  on  the  one  hand,  the  obstinacy  of  the  Americans,  and. 
on  the  other,  the  impossibility  of  finding  any  stamped  paper,  in  the 
greater  part  of  the  towns,  considering  also  the  incalculable  detri- 
ment that  must  remit,  as  well  to  the  public  as  to  individuals,  from  a 
total  stagnation  ol  .;'  civil  transactions,  resolved  to  grant  letters  of 

r 


<8  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK    II 

dispensation  to  such  as  requested  them,  and  particularly  to  ships 
about  to  sail  from  the  ports ;  for  the  captains,  without  this  precau- 
tion, would  have  been  liable  to  heavy  penalties,  in  other  ports  of  the 
British  dominions,  for  not  having  conformed  to  the  stamp  act.  The 
lieutenant-governor  of  South  Carolina,  the  governor  being  absent, 
alone  obstinately  persisted  in  exacting  a  strict  execution  of  the  law, 
and  never  consented  to  grant  dispensations.  Nor  is  it  easy  to  con- 
ceive how  great  was  the  damage  sustained,  in  all  civil  transactions, 
by  the  inhabitants  of  this  opulent  colony,  in  consequence  of  the 
obstinacy  shown  by  the  two  parties. 

But  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  the  most  populous  of  all,  and 
that  in  which  the  opposition  to  the  designs  of  England  was  the  most 
determined  and  the  most  universal,  took  another  resolution,  of  ex- 
treme importance,  which  was  soon  adopted  by  all  the  others.  The 
leading  patriots  of  Massachusetts  reflected  that  popular  commotions 
are  oommonly  of  little  duration  ;  and  that  governments,  to  preserve 
their  dignity,  are  more  disposed  to  punish  their  authors,  than  to  re- 
move their  causes ;  and  consequently,  that  both  reasons  of  state, 
and  the  wounded  pride  of  those  they  had  braved,  would  be  united 
against  them.  They  reflected,  also,  that  the  regular  correspondence 
established  between  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  the  different  provinces, 
although  of  great  importance  to  diffuse  and  uphold  a  common 
opinion,  was  still  but  a  correspondence  of  private  men,  acting  by  no 
public  authority ;  and  that,  although  the  assemblies  of  representa- 
tives of  each  province,  had  opposed  the  late  laws  by  suitable  de- 
liberations, yet  these  acts  were  but  the  remonstrances  of  particular 
provinces,  which  did  not  represent  the  entire  united  body  of  the 
English  colonies.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to  take  measures  pre- 
liminary to  the  formation  of  a  general  congress,  to  which  each  of 
the  provinces  should  send  its  deputies,  for  the  purpose  of  concluding 
a  general  and  public  confederacy  against  the  laws  of  which  America 
complained.  They  hoped  that  England  would  pay  more  regard  to 
the  opposition  and  remonstrances  of  such  a  body  than  to  those  of 
private  individuals,  or  of  the  provincial  assemblies,  separated  one 
from  another.  Perhaps  they  also  hoped,  as  they  probably  already 
meditated  the  design  of  independence,  that,  by  means  of  this  con- 
gress, the  colonies  would  become  accustomed  to  act  in  concert,  and 
consider  themselves  as  a  single  and  united  nation.  The  first  au- 
thors of  this  deliberation  were  the  Otises,  father  and  son,  and 
James  Warren,  who  took  a  more  active  part  than  others  in  affairs 
of  this  nature. 

The  proposition  having  been  submitted  to  the  house  of  assembly. 
i\  'vas  immediately  adopted  by  passing  a  resolution,  that  it  was  high- 


BOOK   II.  THE   AMERICAN    WAft.  '  Ifc 

ly  expedient  to  form  a  congress  without  delay,  to  be  composed  of 
all  the  deputies  that  should  be  sent  by  the  houses  of  representatives 
or  burgesses  of  the  different  colonies,  to  consult  together  respecting 
the  present  occurrences,  and  to  form  and  transmit  to  England  the 
remonstrances  which  might  be  deemed  proper.  It  was  decided,  that 
this  congress  should  be  convoked  in  the  city  of  New  York,  on  the 
first  Tuesday  of  October* 

This  was  the  first  general  congress  held  in  the  colonies  since  the 
commencement  of  the  tumults ;  it  served  as  a  model  to  the  other, 
which  governed  the  affairs  of  America  during  the  course  of  the  war 
which  broke  out  some  time  after*  The  other  colonies  addressed 
their  acknowledgments  to  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  for  kg  zeal 
in  the  common  cause ;  and  sent  their  deputies  to  the  congress  of 
New  York — a  memorable  example!  The  same  councils  which 
tended  to  establish  a  law  by  the  divisions  supposed  to  have  resulted 
from  the  conflict  of  interests,  produced,  on  the  contrary,  an  univei- 
sal  combination  against  this  law ;  and  where  it  was  expected  to  find 
general  obedience,  an  unanimous  resistance  was  encountered- — a 
manifest  proof,  that  where  no  powerful  armies  exist,  to  constrain  the 
opinion  of  the  people,  all  attempts  to  oppose  it  are  fraught  with 
danger.  The  rulers  of  free  states  ought  to  show  themselves  their 
administrators,  rather  than  masters ;  they  should  be  capable  of  guid- 
ing, without  frequent  use  of  the  curb,  or  of  the  spur. 

On  Monday,  the  7th  of  October,  1765,  the  delegates  of  the 
American  provinces  convened  in  the  city  of  New  York.  The  bal- 
lot being  taken,  and  the  votes  examined;  Timothy  Ruggles  was  elect- 
ed president.  The  congress,  after  a  long  preamble,  full  of  the  ordi- 
nary protestations  of  affection  and  loyalty  towards  the  person  of  the 
king,  and  the  English  government,  inserted  a  series  of  fourteen  arti- 
cles, which  were  but  a  confirmation  of  the  rights  claimed  by  the 
Americans,  both  as  men  and  as  subjects  of  the  British  crown,  of 
which  we  have  already  made  frequent  mention ;  concluding  with 
complaints  of  the  restraints  and  impediments  to  their  commerce, 
created  by  the  late  laws. 

They  afterwards  drew  up  three  petitions,  or  remonstrances,  ad* 
dressed  to  the  king,  to  the  lords  in  parliament,  and  to  the  house  of 
commons.  They  enlarged  upon  the  merits  of- the  Americans,  in 
having  converted  vast  deserts,  and  uncultivated  lands,  into  populous 
cities  and  fertile  fields  ;  inhospitable  shores  into  safe  and  commodi- 
ous ports ;  tribes  of  ignorant  and  inhuman  savages  into  civilized 
and  sociable  nations,  to  whom  they  had  communicated  the  know! 
edge  of  things,  divine  and  human ;  and  thus  had  greatly  advanced 
the  glory,  power,  and  prosperity  of  the  British  nation. 


60  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    II* 

1  We  have  always  enjoyed/  they  said,  ( the  privileges  of  English 
subjects :  to  these  we  are  indebted  for  the  happy  life  we  have  led 
for  so  long  a  time.     We  cannot,  we  ought  not,  to  renounce  them  ; 
none  has  the  right  to  tax  us  but  ourselves.     We  have  been  aggrieved 
and  injured,  beyond  measure,  by  the  late  commercial  restrictions  ; 
but  especially  by  the  new  and  extraordinary  act  for  imposing  stamp 
duties.     The  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  colonies  render  it  impos- 
sible to  pay  these  duties ;  and,  though  it  were  possible,  the  payment 
would  soon  drain  them  of  all  their  specie.     The  execution  of  these 
laws  would,  by  reaction,  becoma  extremely  detrimental  to  the  com- 
mercial interest  of  Great  Britain.     The  colonies  owe  an  immensely 
heavy  debt,  as  well  to  England  for  British  manufactures,  as  to  their 
own  inhabitants,  for  advances  made  by  them  for  the  public  service 
in  the  late  war.     It  is  evident,  the  more  the  commerce  of  the  colo- 
nies is  favored,  the  more  also  that  of  England  is  promoted  and  in- 
creased.    In  such  a  country  as  America,  where  the  lands  are  ex- 
tremely divided;  and  transfers  of  property  very  frequent,  where  a 
multiplicity  of  transactions  take  place  every  day,  the  stamp  act  is 
not  only  vexatious,  but  altogether  insupportable ;  the  house  of  com- 
mons cannot,  at  so  great  a  distance,  be  acquainted  with  our  wants 
or  with  our  faculties ;  every  one  knows  the  distinction  between  the 
jurisdiction  of  parliament,  in  regulating  the  affairs  of  commerce  in 
all  parts  of  the  empire,  and  colonial  taxation ;  for  the  latter  object, 
the  provincial  assemblies  have  been  expressly  instituted  in  the  colo- 
nies, which  would  become  altogether  useless,  if  the   parliament 
should  arrogate  the  right  of  imposing  taxes  ;  the  colonists  have  never 
obstructed,  but  have  always  promoted,  to  the  extent  of  their  power, 
the  interests  of  the  crown ;  they  bear  a  filial  affection  towards  the 
government  and  people  of  England ;  they  love  their  opinions,  their 
manners,  their  customs ;  they  cherish  the  ancient  relations,  which 
unite  them ;  they  hope,  therefore,  that  their  humble  representations 
"will  be  heard ;  that  their  deplorable  situation  will  be  taken  into  a 
just  consideration ;  that  the  acts  which  have  oppressed  their  com- 
merce and  their  property,  with  such  grievances,  will  be  repealed,  or 
that  the  British  government  will  otherwise  relieve  the  American  peo- 
ple, as  in  its  wisdom  and  goodness  shall  seem  meet.' 

But,  as  if  they  feared  being  called  to  participate  in  the  general 
representation  in  parliament,  by  sending  their  delegates  also,  they 
inserted  in  their  petitions  an  assertion  entirely  new,  which  was,  that, 
considering  the  remote  situation,  and  other  circumstances  of  the  col- 
onies, it  would  be  impracticable  that  they  should  be  otherwise  repre- 
sented, than  by  their  provincial  assemblies.  Another  of  their  com- 
ports was  directed  against  the  clauses  of  the  late  laws,  by  which 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  8i 

the  penalties  and  forfeitures,  that  might  be  incurred  by  the  violation 
of  the  late  regulations,  and  of  the  stamp  act,  were  not  to  be  decided, 
as  in  England,  by  the  ordinary  tribunals,  but,  at  the  election  of  the 
informer,  by  one  of  the  courts  of  admiralty.  Thus,  they  affirmed, 
at  the  good  pleasure  of  the  first  suborner,  they  were  liable  to  be  car- 
ried, for  trial,  from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other ;  while,  at 
the  same  time,  they  would  be  deprived  of  the  right,  so  dear  to  all, 
of  being  tried  by  a  jury ;  their  fortunes,  their  characters,  would  be 
in  the  hands  of  a  single  judge. 

The  24th  of  October,  it  was  determined  by  congress,  that  the  pe- 
titions should  be  preferred  in  England,  with  the  requisite  solicita- 
tions, by  special  agents,  to  be  appointed  for  this  purpose  by  the 
several  provinces,  and  indemnified  for  all  their  expenses.  The  day 
following,  having  accomplished  the  objects  for  which  it  was  con- 
vened, the  congress  dissolved  itself. 

The  news  of  the  disturbances  excited  in  America,  by  the  stamp 
act,  being  arrived  in  England,  the  minds  of  all  were  deeply  but  dif- 
ferently affected,  according  to  their  various  opinions  and  interests. 

The  merchants,  foreseeing  that  the  sums  they  had  lent  the  Ameri- 
cans could  not  be  reimbursed,  censured  and  detested  the  extraordi- 
nary law  which  had  interrupted  the  ancient  course  of  things.  The 
greater  part  of  them  did  not  blame,  but  even  appeared  to  approve 
the  resolution  taken  by  the  Americans,  to  discontinue  all  remittances 
to  England,  persuaded  that  the  new  duties  had  deprived  them  of 
the  means.  The  manufacturers,  finding  their  orders  diminished, 
and  their  business  rapidly  declining,  were  reduced  to  the  greatest 
straits,  and  many  to  ruin.  Some  abandoned  tliemsekes  to  dejection 
and  despondency,  others  manifested  a  lofty  indignation  at  the  ex- 
cesses committed  by  the  Americans.  Disputations  and  controversies 
were  without  number.  Pamphlets  were  daily  published,  written 
upon  different,  and  even  opposite  principles.  In  some,  the  Ameri- 
cans were  extravagantly  extolled,  and  praised  as  the  defenders  of 
liberty,  the  destroyers  of  tyranny,  the  protectors  and  supporters  of 
all  that  is  dear  to  man  upon  earth ;  in  others,  they  were  acrimoni- 
ously accused  of  ingratitude,  avarice,  turbulence,  suspicion,  and 
finally,  of  rebellion. 

Those  who  in  parliament,  or  elsewhere,  had  promoted  the  late 
laws,  were  disposed  to  employ  force,  and  constrain  the  obedience 
of  the  Americans  at  all  hazards ;  and  to  inflict  condign  punishment 
upon  the  authors  of  such  enormities.  Those,  on  the  contrary,  who 
had  opposed  the  act,  declared  for  more  lenient  measures ;  they  af- 
firmed, that  all  other  means  should  be  tried  before  resorting  to  force ; 
that  an  attempt  should  first  be  made  to  soothe  the  minds  of  the  cok) 


82  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK 

nists,  as  it  was  never  too  late  to  employ  coercion ;  that  the  signal  of 
civil  war  once  given,  the  first  blood  once  shed,  it  was  impossible  to 
foresee  the  consequences,  or  the  termination  of  the  contest. 

It  was  believed,  at  the  time,  that  lord  Bute,  who  had  the  king's 
entire  confidence,  and,  concealed  behind  the  scenes,  was  the  prompt- 
er of  all,  had  strongly  advised  to  trample  down  all  obstacles,  and  to 
use  the  promptest  means  to  subdue  all  opposition.  The  gentlemen 
of  the  royal  household,  who  in  their  ambrosial  life  are  ignorant  of 
human  miseries,  would  have  winged  the  dispatches  io  America  with 
fire  and  sword.  The  members  of  the  episcopal  clergy  itself,  for- 
getting the  clemency  of  their  character,  professed  the  same  senti- 
ments ;  perhaps  they  already  imagined  that  the  Americans  being 
reduced  to  submission,  and  the  petulance,  as  they  said,  of  their  spirits 
Drought  under  the  curb,  to  prevent  the  return  of  similar  disorders, 
U  would  be  determined  to  introduce  in  the  colonies  the  English  hi- 
erarchy. It  was  also  known  that  the  king  was  inclined  to  enforce 
the  execution  of  the  stamp  act,  but  that  if  this  could  not  be  effected 
without  bloodshed,  he  wished  its  repeal. 

Meanwhile,  the  ministry,  who  had  been  the  authors  ot  the  restraints 
imposed  on  American  commerce,  and  of  the  stamp  act,  had  received 
their  dismission.  In  appearance,  and  perhaps  in  reality,  this  change 
took  place  on  account  of  the  coldness  with  which  they  had  proposed 
and  supported  the  regency  bill,  before  the  two  houses  of  parliament ; 
such  at  least  was  the  general  opinion ;  but  it  is  not  improbable  that 
it  was  occasioned  by  the  alarming  commotions  raised  in  England  by 
the  silk-weavers,  who  complained  of  the  declension  of  their  manu- 
facture ;  the  cause  of  which  was  imputed,  by  some,  to  the  intro- 
duction of  an  unusual  quantity  of  foreign  silks,  and  particularly  those 
of  France,  but  the  real  or  principal  cause,  was  the  diminution  of 
purchases  for  American  account.  Perhaps,  also,  the  government 
already  suspected,  or  was  apprised  of  the  tumults  in  America.  But 
it  was  given  out  and  circulated  with  much  industry,  that  the  change 
of  ministry  ought  to  be  attributed  solely  to  the  statute  of  regency. 
The  government  thus  sheltered  itself  from  the.  blame  incurred  by  the 
new  direction  given  to  the  affairs  of  America,  and  left  the  people  at 
liberty  to  throw  it  upon  the  late  ministry.  For  it  is  a  salutary  prin- 
ciple of  the  English  constitution,  that  when,  in  consequence  of  a 
false  or  unfortunate  measure,  the  state  is  menaced  with  serious  dan- 
gers, (as  this  measure  could  not,  however,  be  renounced  without  pre- 
judice to  the  dignity  of  government,)  some  occasion  of  a  nature  quite 
foreign,  is  eagerly  sought  as  a  pretext  for  dismissing  the  ministers. 
Then,  without  other  accusation,  the  censure  attaches  to  them ;  the 
affair  is  again  brought  under  deliberation,  and  the  plan  of  conduct 


BOOK  II.  THE    AEMRICAN   WAR.  63 

is  entirely  changed.  Thus  it  is  seen,  that  what,  in  other  govern- 
ments, where  the  sovereign  is  absolute,  could  only  be  obtained  by 
his  abdication,  or  otherwise  would  expose  the  state  to  the  most  disas- 
trous events,  and  perhaps  total  ruin,  is  easily  obtained  in  England, 
by  a  simple  change  of  ministers.  In  this  manner  the  wishes  of  the 
nation  are  gratified  without  impairing  the  dignity  of  the  throne,  or 
the  security  of  the  state.  But,  as  in  all  human  things  evil  is  always 
mingled  with  good,  this  procedure  has  also  its  inconveniences,  and 
the  new  ministers  are  placed  in  a  situation  full  of  embarrassment ; 
for  to  march  in  a  direction  altogether  opposite  to  that  of  their  pred- 
ecessors, would  be  giving  a  complete  triumph  to  the  factious,  to  in- 
surgents, to  enemies,  domestic  or  foreign,  and  would  tend  to  ani- 
mate them  with  new  audacity.  On  the  other  hand,  to  follow  tame- 
ly the  same  track,  would  be  continuing  in  evil,  and  doing  precisely 
that  which  it  is  desired  to  avoid.  It  happens,  therefore,  too  often, 
that  the  new  ministers  are  obliged  to  pursue  a  certain  middle  course, 
which  rarely  leads  to  any  desirable  end  ;  a  remarkable  example  of 
which  is  exhibited  in  the  history  of  the  events  we  retrace. 

The  marquis  of  Rockingham,  one  of  the  wealthiest  noblemen  of 
the  kingdom,  and  much  esteemed  by  all  for  the  vigor  of  his  genius, 
and  especially  for  the  sincerity  of  his  character,  was  appointed  first 
lord  of  the  treasury,  in  the  room  of  George  Grenville  ;  the  other  de- 
partments of  the  ministry  passed  from  the  friends  of  the  latter  to 
the  friends  of  the  former.  The  greater  part  were,  or  at  least  pro- 
fessed to  be,  friendly  to  the  American  cause.  One  of  them,  general 
Conway,  had  been  appointed  secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies  ;  and 
no  choice  could  have  been  more  agreeable  to  the  Americans.  The 
new  ministers  soon  turned  their  attention  to  the  state  of  the  colo- 
nies, which  they  resolved  to  meliorate,  by  procuring  the  abroga- 
tion of  the  laws  which  had  caused  such  bitter  complaints,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  stamp  act.  But  this  they  could  not  do  at  present, 
without  a  great  prejudice  to  the  dignity  of  government ;  it  was  also 
necessary  to  wait  for  the  regular  meeting  of  parliament,  which  is 
usually  convened  at  the  close  of  the  year ;  finally  it  was  requisite  to 
take,  at  least  in  appearance,  sufficient  time  to  acquaint  themselves 
thoroughly  with  the  state  of  affairs  in  America,  and  to  weigh  them 
with  much  deliberation,  in  order  to  lay  them  before  parliament  with 
all  due  precision  and  illustrations.  They  endeavored  in  the  mean 
time  to  soothe  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  and  bring  them  back  to 
reason,  by  pruning  from  the  odious  acts  all  the  conditions  that  could 
be  removed  by  an  extreme  laxity  of  interpretation ;  by  speaking, 
in  their  correspondence  with  the  governors  of  the  colonies,  with 
great  indulgence  of  the  American  disturbances ;  and  by  encourag- 


£4  fttE    AMERICA*    tf'AR. 


BOOK  II 


ing  the  colonists  themselves  to  hope  that  their  grievances  would  be 
redressed. 

The  boai  d  of  treasury  decided  that  all  the  produce  of  the  Ameri- 
can stamp  duties  should  be  paid,  from  time  to  time,  to  the  deputy 
paymaster  in  America,  to  defray  the  subsistence  of  the  troops,  and 
any  military  expenses  incurred  in  the  colonies. 

The  member's  of  the  board  of  trade,  having  taken  into  considera- 
tion the  energetic  resolutions  of  the  assembly  of  Virginia,  were  ur- 
gent in  their  representations  to  the  king,  that  he  should  notice  them, 
\y  a  declaration  of  the  royal  disapprobation,  and  send  instructions 
t  y  the  agents  of  the  crown  in  Virginia,  to  enforce  the  strict  execution 
of  the  stamp  act,  and  all  other  laws  proceeding  from  the  legitimate 
authority  of  parliament.  But  all  this  was  but  a  vain  demonstration, 
for  they  well  knew  that  their  opinion  Would  not  be  approved  by  the 
king's  privy  council.  In  effect,  the  council  decided  that  the  present 
matter  could  not  be  determined  by  the  king  in  his  privy  council,  but 
was  within  the  competency  of  parliament. 

The  resolutions  of  the  other  colonial  assemblies  having  been  de- 
nounced to  the  king,  the  privy  council  r^ade  the  same  answer  in 
respect  to  them.  Thus  it  was  apparent,  that  a  disposition  existed 
to  discourage  all  deliberations  directed  against  America. 

The  secretary  of  state,  Conway,  found  himself  in  a  very  difficult 
situation.  He  could  not  but  condemn  the  excesses  to  which  the 
Americans  had  abandoned  themselves ;  but,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
detested  the  thought  of  procuring,  by  force,  the  execution  of  a  law 
which  had  been  the  cause  of  such  commotions,  and  was  considered 
by  the  new  ministers,  and  by  himself,  perhaps,  more  than  any  other, 
if  not  unjust,  certainly,  at  least,  unseasonable  and  prejudicial.  H<;, 
therefore,  had  recourse  to  temporizing  and  subterfuges ;  and  dis- 
played in  all  his  conduct  a  surprising  address. 

In  the  letters  addressed  to  the  lieutenant-governor  of  Virginia,  and 
to  the  other  colonial  governors,  he  expressed  a  full  persuasion  of  the 
attachment  of  the  mass  of  the  Virginians  to  the  mother  country ; 
that  the  violent  proceedings  of  some  among  them,  had  in  no  degree 
diminished  the  confidence  his  majesty  had  always  placed  in  his  good 
colony  of  Virginia ;  that  neither  the  crown  nor  its  servants  had  any 
intention  to  violate  the  real  rights  and  liberties  of  any  part  of  his 
majesty's  dominions  ;  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  government  would 
never  endure  that  the  dignity  of  parliament  should  be  made  a  sac- 
rifice to  certain  local  and  anticipated  opinions.  He  therefore  ex- 
horted the  governors  to  maintain,  with  all  their  power,  but  by  all 
prudent  measures,  the  just  rights  of  the  British  government,  (without, 
however,  explaining  what  rights  were  intended.)     He  recommended 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  85 

to  them,  especially,  to  preserve  the  peace  and  tranquillity  of  the 
provinces  committed  to  their  care ;  then,  adverting  to  the  violences 
and  outrages  which  had  taken  place  in  the  colonies,  he  did  not  hesi- 
tate to  attribute  them  to  the  lowest  of  the  population,  always  fond 
of  change;  he  was  confident,  the  better  and  wiser  part  of  the  citi- 
zens had  taken  no  part  in  them,  who  must  know  that  submission 
and  decency  are  more  efficacious  than  violence  and  outrage,  to  ob- 
tain redress,  indulgence  and  favor.  '  If  prudence  and  lenity  should 
prove  insufficient  to  calm  the  fermentation,  it  would  be  necessary 
tp  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  peace  and  good  order,  by  such  a 
timely  exertion  of  force  as  the  occasion  might  require ;  for  which 
purpose,  they  would  make  the  proper  applications  to  general  Gage 
or  lord  Colvil,  commanders  of  his  majesty's  land  and  naval  forces 
-$}  America.' 

He  praised,  however,  the  patience  and  magnanimity  of  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  in  having  abstained  from  firing  the  artillery  of 
the  fort  on  the  infatuated  populace,  which  so  provokingly  approached  : 
and  testified  his  joy,  that  amidst  so  many  disorders  no  blood  had 
been  spilt.  He  remarked  that  the  distance  of  places  prevented  him 
from  giving  them  more  precise  instructions ;  and,  finally,  that  he 
placed  great  reliance  upon  their  wisdom,  discretion  and  prudence. 
These  dispatches  of  the  secretary  of  state  sufficiently  evince 
what  was  his  mode  of  thinking,  with  respect  to  xlmerican  affairs ; 
for,  although  he  recommends  the  employment  of  force,  if  requisite, 
for  the  repression  of  tumults,  he  no  where  speaks  of  constraining 
the  Americans  to  submit  to  the  stamp  act. 

In  the  midst  of  so  many  storms,  the  year  1765  approached  its  con- 
clusion, when  the  parliament  was  convoked,  on  the  17th  of  Decem- 
ber. Although  the  king,  in  his  opening  speech,  had  made  mention 
of  American  affairs,  this  subject,  which  held  in  suspense  not  only 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  but  even  all  Europe,  was  adjourned 
till  the  meeting  of  parliament,  after  the  Christmas  holidays.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  the  14th  of  January  ,  1766,  the  king  adverted  again  to 
the  events  which  had  occurred  in  America,  as  matters  of  extreme 
importance,  which  would  require  the  most  serious  attention  of  par- 
liament during  its  present  session.  Things  were  on  all  sides  brought 
to  maturity.  The  new  ministers  had  laid  before  parliament  all  the 
information  relating  to  this  subject ;  and,  having  previously  arranged 
the  system  of  measures  they  intended  to  pursue,  they  were  fully  pre- 
nared  to  answer  the  objections  which  they  knew  it  must  encounter 
from  the  opposite  party.  Likewise,  those  who  from  personal  inter- 
est, or  from  conviction,  voluntarily,  or  at  the  suggestion  of  others, 
proposed  to  support  the  ministers  in  their  debates,  had  made  all  th« 

8 


86  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  If, 

dispositions  they  believed  conducive  to  the  object  in  view.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  late  ministers,  and  all  their  adherents,  had  strenu- 
ously exerted  themselves,  in  making  preparations  to  defend  a  law 
they  had  ushered  into  being,  and  the  darling  object  of  their  solici- 
tude ;  fully  apprised,  apart  from  partiality  for  their  own  opinion, 
what  dishonor,  or  at  least  what  diminution  of  credit,  they  must  sus- 
tain from  its  abrogation.  But,  whatever  might  have  been  the  mo- 
tives, deducible  from  reasons  of  state,  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
law,  the  prejudice  which  must  result  from  it  to  the  commerce  of 
Great  Britain,  was  already  but  too  evident. 

Accordingly,  as  if  the  merchants  of  the  kingdom  had  leagued  for 
the  purpose,  they  presented  themselves  at  the  bar  of  parliament. 
with  petitions,  tending  to  cause  the  repeal  of  the  act.  They 
represented  how  much  their  commerce  had  been  affected  in 
consequence  of  the  newr  regulations  and  new  laws  concerning 
America. 

<  At  this  moment,'  they  said,  {  we  see  accumulated  or  perishing 
in  our  warehouses,  immense  quantities  of  British  manufactures, 
which  heretofore  have  found  a  ready  market  in  America ;  a  very 
great  number  of  artisans,  manufacturers,  and  seamen,  are  without 
employment  and  destitute  of  support.  England  is  deprived  of  rice, 
indigo,  tobacco,  naval  stores,  oil.  whale  fins,  furs,  potash,  and  other 
commodities  of  American  growth,  that  were  brought  to  our  ports 
in  exchange  for  British  manufactures.  The  merchants  of  Great 
Britain  are  frustrated  of  the  remittances,  in  bills  of  exchange  and 
bullion,  which  the  Americans  have  hitherto  procured  them  ;  and 
which  they  obtained  in  payment  for  articles  of  their  produce,  not 
required  for  the  British  market,  and  therefore  exported  to  other 
places ;  already,  many  articles  are  wanting,  heretofore  procured  by 
the  Americans  with  their  own  funds,  and  with  English  manufac- 
tures, and  which  they  brought  eventually  to  the  ports  of  England. 
From  the  nature  of  this  trade,  consisting  of  British  manufactures 
exported,  and  of  the  import  of  raw  materials  from  America,  it  must 
be  deemed  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  British  nation  :  since, 
among  other  advantages,  it  tended  to  lessen  its  dependence  on  for- 
eign states  ;  but  it  is  henceforth  annihilated,  without  the  immediate 
interposition  of  parliament.  The  merchants  of  Great  Britain  arc 
in  advance  to  the  colonists  for  the  sum  of  several  millions  sterling, 
who  are  no  longer  able  to  make  good  their  engagements  as  they 
have  heretofore  done,  so  great  is  the  damage  they  have  sustained 
from  the  regulations  of  commerce  recently  introduced ;  and  many 
bankruptcies  have  actually  occurred  of  late  in  the  colonies — a  thin2 
almost  without  example  in  times  oast.'    The  petitioners  added,  thnl 


BOOK  II.  THL    AMERICAN    WAR.  87 

their  situation  was  critical ;  without  the  immediate  succors  of 
parliament,  they  must  be  totally  ruined  ;  that  a  multitude  of  manu- 
facturers would  likewise  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  seeking  sub- 
sistence in  foreign  countries,  to  the  great  prejudice  of  their  own. 
They  implored  the  parliament  to  preserve  the  strength  of  the  nation 
entire,  the  prosperity  of  its  commerce,  the  abundance  of  its  reve- 
nues, the  power  of  its  navy,  the  immensity  and  wealth  of  its  navi- 
gation, (the  sources  of  the  true  glory  of  England,  and  her  strong- 
est bulwark,)  and  finally  to  maintain  the  colonies,  from  inclination, 
duty  and  interest,  firmly  attached  to  the  mother  country. 

The  agent  of  Jamaica  also  presented  a  petition,  in  which  were 
detailed  the  pernicious  effects  produced,  in  that  island,  by  a  stamp 
law,  which  had  originated  in  the  assembly  of  its  own  representa- 
tives. Other  petitions  were  presented  by  the  agents  of  Virginia 
and  Georgia.  All  these  were  got  up  at  the  suggestion  of  the  min- 
isters. The  representations  of  the  congress  of  New  York  were 
not  admitted,  because  this  assembly  wras  unconstitutionally  formed. 

Not  trusting  to  these  preparatives,  the  ministers,  passionately 
desirous  of  obtaining  the  revocation,  resolved  to  employ  the  name 
and  authority  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  the  man  who  enjoyed  at  that 
time  the  greatest  reputation.  He  was  therefore  interrogated,  dur- 
ing the  debates,  in  the  presence  of  the  house  of  commons.  The 
celebrity  of  the  person,  the  candor  of  his  character,  the  recol- 
lection of  all  the  services  he  had  rendered  his  country,  and  the 
whole  human  race,  by  his  physical  discoveries,  roused  the  attention 
of  every  mind.  The  galleries  were  crowded  with  spectators,  ea- 
ger to  hear  so  distinguished  an  individual  speak  upon  a  subject 
of  so  much  moment.  He  answered  with  gravity,  and  with  extreme 
presence  of  mind.  '  The  Americans,'  he  said,  l  already  pay  taxes 
on  all  estates,  real  and  personal ;  a  poll  tax ;  a  tax  on  all  offices, 
profusions,  trades,  and  businesses,  according  to  their  profits;  an 
excise  on  all  wine,  rum,  and  other  spirits  ;  and  a  duty  of  ten  pounds 
per  head  on  all  negroes  imported ;  with  some  other  duties.  The 
assessments  upon  real  and  personal  estates  amount  to  eighteen 
pence  in  the  pound ;  and  those  upon  the  profits  of  employments  to 
half  a  crowrn.  The  colonies  could  not  in  any  way  pay  the  stamp 
duty  ;  there  is  not  gold  and  silver  enough,  in  all  the  colonies,  to 
pay  the  stamp  duty  even  for  one  year.  The  Germans  who  inhabit 
Pennsylvania  are  more  dissatisfied  with  this  duty  than  the  native 
colonists  themselves.  The  Americans,  since  the  new  laws,  have 
abated  much  of  their  affection  for  Great  Britain,  and  of  their  re- 
spect for  parliament.  There  exists  a  great  difference  between  in- 
ternal and  external  duties;  duties  laid  on  commodities  imported 


88  THE    AMERICAN     A  BOOK    IU 

have  no  other  effect  than  to  raise  the  price  of  these  articles  in  the* 
American  market ;  they  make,  in  fact,  a  part  of  this  price  ;  but  it 
is  optional  with  the  people  either  to  buy  them  or  not,  and  conse- 
quently to  pay  the  duty  or  not.  But  an  internal  tax  is  forced 
from  the  people  without  their  own  consent,  if  not  laid  by  their  own 
representatives.  The  stamp  act  says,  we  shall  have  no  commerce, 
make  no  exchange  of  property  with  each  other,  neither  purchase, 
nor  grant,  nor  recover  debts,  we  shall  neither  marry,  nor  make  our 
wills,  unless  we  pay  such  and  such  sums ;  and  thus  it  is  intended 
to  extort  our  money  from  us,  or  ruin  us  by  the  consequences  of  re- 
fusing to  pay  it.  The  American  colonists  could,  in  a  short  time, 
find  in  their  own  manufactures  the  means  of  sufficing  to  themselves. 
The  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  would  restore  tranquillity,  and  things 
would  resume  their  pristine  course.' 

Thus  spoke  Franklin  ;  and  his  words  were  a  powerful  support  to 
the  ministers.  But  the-advocates  of  the  law  were  not  inactive ;  and 
they  marshaled  all  their  strength  to  obstruct  their  repeal.  The 
disquisitions  and  debates  had  continued  with  equal  warmth  on  both 
sides,  and  the  moment  of  decision  approached  ;  when  George  Gren- 
ville,  the  same  who,  being  prime  minister,  had  first  proposed  the 
stamp  act  in  parliament,  a  man  whose  influence  was  extensive,  and 
his  adherents  very  numerous,  arose  in  his  place  and  spoke  in  the 
following  terms ;  '  If  I  could  persuade  myself  that  the  pride  of 
opinion,  the  spirit  of  party,  or  the  affection  which  man  usually  bea.  * 
to  things  done  by  himself,  had  so  fascinated  my  intellectual  sight 
and  biased  the  faculties  of  my,  mind,  as  to  deprive  me  of  all  power 
to  see  and  distinguish  that  which  is  manifest,  I  certainly,  ononis 
occasion,  should  have  intrenched  myself  in  silence,  and  thus  dis- 
played, if  not  my  zeal  for  the  public  service,  at  least  my  prudence 
and  discretion.  But,  as  the  affair  now  before  us  has  been  the  sub- 
ject of  my  most  attentive  consideration,  and  of  my  most  deliberate 
reflection,  at  the  period  when  the  general  tranquillity  w£.s  uninter- 
rupted by  scandalous  excesses ;  and  as  from  a  contingency  for 
which  I  claim  no  merit,  it  appears  that  to  my  honor  and  reputation 
the  honor  and  dignity  of  this  kingdom  are  attached,  my  prudence 
might  be  reputed  coldness,  and  my  discretion  a  base  desertion. 

'  But  where  is  the  public,  where  is  the  private  man,  whatever  may 
be  his  moderation,  who  is  not  roused  at  the  present  dangers  which 
so  imminently  threaten  the  safety  of  our  country  ?  Who  does  not 
put  forth  all  his  strength  to  avert  them  ?  And  who  can  help  indulg- 
ing the  most  sinister  anticipation,  in  contemplating  the  new  coun- 
sels and  fatal  inactivity  of  the  present  servants  of  the  crown  ?  A 
solemn  law  has  been  enacted  in  parliament,  already  a  year  since      It 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  SO 

was,  and  still  is,  the  duty  of  ministers  to  carry  it  into  effect.  The 
constitution  declares,  that  to  suspend  a  law,  or  the  execution  of  a 
law,  by  royal  authority,  and  without  consent  of  parliament,  is  felo- 
ny ;  in  defiance  of  which,  this  law  has  been  suspended, — has  been 
openly  resisted, — but  did  I  say  resisted  ?  Your  delegates  are  insult- 
ed, their  houses  are  pillaged ;  even  their  persons  are  not  secure 
from  violence  and,  as  if  to  provoke  your  patience,  you  are  mocked 
and  braved  under  the  mouths  of  your  artillery.  Your  ears  arc  as- 
sailed from  every  quarter,  with  protestations  that  obedience  cannot,, 
shall  not,  ought  not,  to  be  rendered  to  your  decrees.  Perhaps  other 
ministers,  more  old  fashioned,  would  have  thought  it  their  duty,  in 
such  a  case,  to  lend  the  law  the  aid  of  force ;  thus  maintaining  the 
dignity  of  the  crown,  and  the  authority  of  your  deliberations.  Bet 
those  young  gentlemen  who  sit  on  the  opposite  benches,  and  no  one 
knows  how,  look  upon  these  principles  as  the  antiquated  maxims  of 
our  simple  ancestors,  and  disdain  to  honor  with  their  attention  mere 
acts  of  riot,  sedition,  and  open  resistance.  With  a  patience  truly 
exemplary,  they  recommend  to  the  governors  lenity  and  moderation  ; 
they  grant  them  permission  to  call  in  the  aid  of  three  or  four  soldiers 
from  general  Gage,  and  as  many  cock-boats  from  lord  Colvil ;  they 
commend  them  for  not  having  employed,  to  carry  the  law  into  effect, 
the  means  which  had  been  placed  in  their  hands. 

'Be  prepared  to  see  that  the  seditious  are  in  the  right,  and  that 
we  Only  are  in  fault ;  such,  assuredly,  is  the  opinion  of  the  minis- 
ters. And  who  could  doubt  it  ?  They  have  declared  it  themselves, 
they  incessantly  repeat  it  in  your  presence.  It  is  but  too  apparent 
that,  much  against,  their  will,  they  have  at  length  laid  before  you  the 
disorders  and  audacious  enormities  of  the  Americans ;  for  they  be- 
gan in  July,  and  now  we  are  in  the  middle  of  January  ;  lately,  they 
were  only  occurrences — they  are  now  grown  to  disturbances,  tumults 
and  riots.  I  doubt  they  border  on  open  rebellion  ;  and  if  the  doc~ 
trine  I  have  heard  this  day  be  confirmed,  I  fear  they  will  lose  that 
name,  to  take  that  of  revolution.  May  Heaven  bless  the  admirable 
resignation  of  our  ministers ;  but  I  much  fear  we  shall  gather  no 
fruits  from  it  of  an  agreeable  relish.  Occasion  is  fleeting,  the  dan- 
ger is  urgent ;  and  this  undisciplinable  people,  the  amiable  object  of 
their  fond  solicitude,  of  their  tender  care,  are  forming  leagues,  are 
weaving  conspiracies,  are  preparing  to  resist  the  orders  of  the  king 
and  of  the  parliament.  Continue  then,  ye  men  of  long  suffering,  to 
march  in  the  way  you  have  chosen ;  even  repeal  the  law ;  and  see 
how  many  agents  you  will  find  zealous  in  the  discharge  of  their  du- 
ty, in  executing  the  laws  of  the  kingdom,  in  augmenting  the  reve- 
nues and  diminishing  the  burthens  of  your  people ;  see,  also;  how 
VOL.  i.  g, 


90  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II 

many  ministers  you  will  find,  who,  for  the  public  service,  will  op- 
pose a  noble  and  invincible  firmness  against  the  cabals  of  malignity, 
against  the  powerful  combination  of  all  private  interests,  against 
the  clamors  of  the  multitude,  and  the  perversity  of  faction.  In  a 
word,  if  you  would  shiver  all  the  springs  of  government,  repeal 
the  law. 

\  I  hear  it  asserted,  from  every  quarter,  by  these  defenders  of  the 
colonists,  that  they  cannot  be  taxed  by  authority  of  parliament,  be- 
cause they  are  not  there  represented.  But  if  so,  why,  and  by  what 
authority,  do  you  legislate  for  them  at  all  ?  If  they  are  represent- 
ed, they  ought  to  obey  all  laws  of  parliament  whatsoever,  whether 
of  the  nature  of  taxes,  or  any  other  whatever.  If  they  are  not, 
they  ought  neither  to  submit  to  tax  laws  nor  to  any  other.  And  if 
you  believe  the  colonists  ought  not  to  be  taxed  by  authority  of  par- 
liament, from  defect  of  representation,  how  will  you  maintain  that 
nine  tenths  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  kingdom,  no  better  represent- 
ed than  the  colonists,  ought  to  submit  to  your  taxation  .?  The  Ameri- 
cans have  taken  a  hostile  attitude  towards  the  mother  country  ;  and 
you  would  not  only  forgive  their  errors,  dissemble  their  outrages, 
remit  the  punishment  due,  but  surrender  at  discretion,  and  acknowl- 
edge their  victory  complete  !  Is  this  preventing  popular  commo- 
tions ?  Is  this  repressing  tumults  and  rebellion  ?  Is  it  not  rather  to 
foment  them,  to  encourage  them  to  supply  fresh  fuel  to  the  confla- 
gration ?  Let  any  man,  not  bimded  by  the  spirit  of  party,  judge  and 
pronounce.  I  would  freely  listen  to  the  counsels  of  clemency,  I 
would  even  consent  to  the  abrogation  of  the  law,  if  the  Americans 
had  requested  it  in  a  decent  mode ;  but  their  modes  are  outrages, 
derision,  and  the  ways  of  force ;  pillage,  plunder,  arms  and  open  re- 
sistance to  the  will  of  government.  It  is  a  thing  truly  inadmissible, 
and  altogether  new,  that,  at  any  moment,  whenever  the  fancy  may 
take  them,  or  the  name  of  a  law  shall  happen  to  displease  them, 
these  men  should  at  once  set  about  starving  our  manufacturers,  and 
refuse  to  pay  what  they  owe  to  the  subjects  of  Great  Britain.  The 
officers  of  the  crown,  in  America,  have  repeatedly  solicited,  and 
•earnestly  entreated,  the  ministers,  to  furnish  them  with  proper  means 
to  carry  the  law  into  effect ;  but  the  latter  have  disregarded  their 
instances  ;  and,  by  this  negligence,  the  American  tumults  have  taken 
the  alarming  character  we  see.  And  shall  we  now  surfer  the  minis- 
ters to  come  and  alledge  the  effects  of  their  own  neglect,  to  induce 
us  to  sacrifice  the  best  interests  of  this  kingdom,  the  majesty,  the 
power,  and  even  the  reputation  of  the  government,  to  an  evil,  over- 
grown indeed,  but  not  past  cure,  the  moment  a  suitable  resolution  is 
demonstrated  to  bring  this  infatuated  multitude  to  a  sense  of  duty  ? 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  9i 

But,  again,  if  the  colonists  are  exempted,  by  their  constitutions,  from 
parliamentary  taxes,  as  levies  of  seamen  have  been  either  prohibited 
or  restricted  in  America,  by  different  acts  of  parliament,  it  follows, 
of  necessity,  that  they  are  not  bound  either  to  furnish  men  for  the 
defense  of  the  common  country,  or  money  to  pay  them;  and  that 
England  alone  must  support  the  burthen  of  the  maintenance  and 
protection  of  these  her  ungrateful  children.  If  such  a  partiality 
should  be  established,  it  must  be  at  the  hazard  of  depopulating  this 
kingdom,  and  of  dissolving  that  original  compact  upon  which  all 
human  societies  repose.     - 

1  But  I  hear  these  subtle  doctors  attempting  to  inculcate  a  fantas- 
tical distinction  between  external  and  internal  taxes,  as  if  they  were 
not  the  same  as  to  the  effect — that  of  taking  money  from  the  subjects 
for  the  public  service.  Wherefore,  then,  these  new  counsels?  When 
I  proposed  to  tax  America,  I  asked  the  house  if  any  gentleman  would 
object  to  the  right  ?  I  repeatedly  asked  it ;  and  no  man  would  at- 
tempt to  deny  it.  And  tell  me  when  the  Americans  were  emanci- 
pated. When  they  want  the  protection  of  this  kingdom,  they  are 
always  very  ready  to  ask  it.  This  protection  has  always  been  afford- 
ed them  in  the  most  full  and  ample  manner ;  and  now  they  refuse 
to  contribute  their  mite  towards  the  public  expenses.  For,  let  not 
gentlemen  deceive  themselves,  with  regard  to  the  rigor  of  the  tax ; 
it  would  not  suffice  even  for  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  troops 
stationed  in  America ;  but  a  peppercorn,  in  acknowledgment  of  the 
right,  is  of  more  value  than  millions  without.  Yet,  notwithstanding 
the  slightness  of  the  tax,  and  the  urgency  of  our  situation,  the  Ameri- 
cans grow  sullen,  and  instead  of  concurring  in  expenses  arising  from 
themselves,  they  renounce  your  authority,  insult  your  officers,  and 
break  out,  I  might  almost  say,  into  open  rebellion. 

1  There  has  been  a  time  when  they  would  not  have  proceeded 
thus  ;  but  they  are  now  supported  by  ministers  more  American  than 
English,  Already,  by  the  artifice  of  these  young  gentlemen,  in- 
flammatory petitions  are  handed  about  against  us,  and  in  their  favor. 
Even  within  this  house,  even  in  this  sanctuary  of  the  laws,  sedition 
has  found  its  defenders.  Resistance  to  the  laws  is  applauded,  obsti- 
nacy encouraged,  disobedience  extolled,  rebellion  pronounced  a  vir- 
tue !  Oh  more  than  juvenile  imprudence  !  Oh  blind  ambition  of  the 
human  mind !  But  you  give  a  fatal  example ;  you  will  soon  have 
ample  cause  to  repent  your  own  work. 

*  And  thou,  ungrateful  people  of  America,  is  this  the  return  for 
the  cares  and  fondness  of  thy  ancient  mother  ?  When  I  had  the 
honor  of  serving  the  crown,  while  you  yourselves  were  loaded  with 
an  enormous  debt,  you  have  given  bounties  on  their  lumber,  on  theur 


92  THE    AMERICAN     WAR.  BOOK  II 

iron,  their  hemp,  and  many  other  articles.  You  have  relaxed,  in 
their  favor,  the  act  of  navigation,  that  palladium  of  the  British 
commerce ;  and  yet  I  have  been  abused,  in  all  the  public  papers,  as 
an  enemy  to  the  trade  of  America.  I  have  been  charged  with 
giving  orders  and  instructions  to  prevent  the  Spanish  trade.  I  dis- 
couraged no  trade  but  what  was  illicit,  what  was  prohibited  by  act 
of  parliament. 

'  But  it  is  meant  first  to  calumniate  the  man,  and  then  destroy  his 
work.  Of  myself,  I  will  speak  no  more  ;  and  the  substance  of  my 
decided  opinion,  upon  the  subject  of  our  debates,  is  briefly  this  ;  let 
the  stamp  act  be  maintained  ;  and  let  the  governors  of  the  American 
provinces  be  provided  with  suitable  means  to  repress  disorders,  and 
carry  the  law  into  complete  effect.' 

William  Pitt,  venerable  for  his  age,  and  still  more  for  the  services 
he  had  rendered  his  country,  rose  to  answer  this  discourse ;  '  I  know 
not  whether  I  ought  most  to  rejoice,  that  the  infirmities  which  have 
been  wasting,  for  so  long  a  time,  a  body  already  bowed  by  the  weight 
of  years,  of  late  suspending  their  ordinary  violence,  should  have  al- 
lowed me,  this  day,  to  behold  these  walls,  and  to  discuss,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  this  august  assembly,  a  subject  of  such  high  importance, 
and  which  so  nearly  concerns  the  safety  of  our  country  ;  or  to  grieve 
at  the  rigor  of  destiny,  in  contemplating  this  country,  which,  within 
a.  few  years,  had  arrived  at  such  a  pinnacle  of  splendor  and  majesty, 
and  become  formidable  to  the  universe  from  the  immensity  of  its 
power,  now  wasted  by  an  intestine  evil,  a  prey  to  civil  discords,  and 
madly  hastening  to  the  brink  of  the  abyss,  into  which  the  united 
force  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  Europe  struggled  in  vain  to 
plunge  it.  Would  to  Heaven  that  my  health  had  permitted  my  at- 
tendance here,  when  it  was  first  proposed  to  tax  America !  If  my 
feeble  voice  should  not  have  been  able  to  avert  the  torrent  of  ca- 
lamities which  has  fallen  upon  us,  and  the  tempest  which  threatens 
us,  -at  least  my  testimony  would  have  attested  that  I  had  no  part 
in  them. 

1  It  is  now  an  act  that  has  passed  ;  I  would  speak  with  decency  of 
every  act  of  this  house,  but  I  must  beg  the  indulgence  of  the  house 
to  speak  of  it  with  freedom.  Assuredly,  a  more  important  subject 
never  engaged  your  attention,  that  subject  only  excepted,  when, 
near  a  century  ago,  it  was  the  question  whether  you  yourselves  were 
to  be  bound  or  free.  Those  who  have  spoken  before  me,  with  so 
much  vehemence,  would  maintain  the  act  because  our  honor  de- 
mands it.  If  gentlemen  consider  the  subject  in  that  light,  they  leave 
all  measures  of  right  and  wrong  to  follow  a  delusion  that  may  lead 
to  destruction.     But  can  the  point  of  honor  stand  opposed  against 


BOOK  II.  THE    AMERICAN    WAft.  93 

justice,  against  reason,  against  right  ?  Wherein  can  honor  better 
consist  than  in  doing  reasonable  things  ?  It  is  my  opinion  that  En« 
land  has  no  right  to  tax  the  colonies.  At  the  same  time,  I  assort 
the  authority  of  this  kingdom  over  the  colonies  to  be  sovereign  and 
supreme,  in  every  circumstance  of  government  and  legislation  what- 
soever. The  colonists  are  the  subjects  of  this  kingdom,  equally  en- 
titled with  yourselves  to  all  the  natural  rights  of  mankind,  and  the 
peculiar  privileges  of  Englishmen  ;  equally  bound  by  its  laws,  and 
equally  participating  of  the  constitution  of  this  free  country.  The 
Americans  are  the  sons,  not  the  bastards,  of  England.  Taxation  is 
no  part  of  the  governing  or  legislative  power.  The  taxes  are  a  vol- 
untary gift  and  grant  of  the  commons  alone.  In  legislation,  the 
three  estates  of  the  realm  are  alike  concerned  ;  but  the  concurrence 
of  the  peers  and  the  crown  to  a  tax,  is  only  necessary  to  close  with 
the  form  of  a  law.  The  gift  and  grant  is  of  the  commons  alone ; 
now  this  house  represents  the  commons,  as  they  virtually  represent 
the  rest  of  the  inhabitants ;  when,  therefore,  in  this  house,  we  give 
and  grant,  we  give  and  grant  what  is  our  own.  But  in  an  American 
tax,  what  do  we  do  ?  We,  your  majesty's  commons  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, give  and  grant  to  your  majesty,  what  ?  Our  own  property  ? 
No.  We  give  and  grant  to  your  majesty  the  property  of  your  com- 
mons of  America.  It  is  an  absurdity  in  terms.  It  was  just  now 
affirmed,  that  no  difference  exists  between  internal  and  external 
taxes,  and  that  taxation  is  an  essential  part  of  legislation.  Are  not 
the  crown  and  the  peers  equally  legislative  powers  with  the  com- 
mons ?  If  taxation  be  a  part  of  simple  legislation,  the  crown,  the 
peers,  have  rights  in  taxation  as  well  as  yourselves  ;  rights  which  they 
will  claim,  which  they  will  exereise,  whenever  the  principle  can  be 
supported  by  power. 

'  There  is  an  idea  in  some,  that  the  Americans  are  virtually  rep- 
resented in  this  house ;  but  I  would  fain  know  by  what  province, 
county,  city,  or  borough,  they  are  repiesented  here  ?  No  doubt  by 
some  province,  county,  city,  or  borough,  never  seen  or  known  by 
them  or  their  ancestors,  and  which  they  never  will  see  or  know. 

'  The  commons  of  America,  represented  in  their  several  assem- 
blies, have  ever  been  in  possession  of  the  exercise  of  this,  their  con- 
stitutional right,  of  giving  and  granting  their  own  money.  They 
would  have  been  slaves  if  they  had  not  enjoyed  it. 

'  I  come  not  here  armed  at  all  points,  with  law  cases,  and  acts  of 
parliament,  with  the  statute  book  doubled  down  in  dog's  ears,  as  my 
valiant  adversary  has  done.  But  I  knovv,  at  least,  if  we  are  to  take 
example  from  ancient  facts,  that,  even  under  the  most  arbitrary  reigns, 
parliaments  were  ashamed  of  taxing  a  people  without  their  consent, 


94  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  II 

and  allowed  them  representatives  ;  and  in  our  own  times,  even  those 
who  send  no  members  to  parliament,  are  all  at  least  inhabitants  ot 
Great  Britain.  Many  have  it  in  their  option  to  be  actually  represent- 
ed. They  have  connections  with  those  that  elect,  and  they  have  in- 
fluence over  them.  Would  to  Heaven  that  all  were  better  represent- 
ed than  they  are !  It  is  the  vice  of  our  constitution ;  perhaps  the 
day  will  arrive,  and  I  rejoice  in  the  hope,  when  the  mode  of  repre- 
sentation, this  essential  part  of  our  civil  organization,  and  principal 
safeguard  of  our  liberty,  will  be  carried  to  that  perfection,  which 
every  good  Englishman  must  desire. 

*  It  has  been  asked,  When  were  the  Americans  emancipated  ?  But 
I  desire  to  know  when  they  were  made  slaves. 

It  is  said,  that  in  this  house  the  signal  of  resistance  has  been 
given,  that  the  standard  of  rebellion  has  been  erected ;  and  thus  it 
is  attempted  to  stigmatize  the  fairest  prerogative  of  British  senators, 
that  of  speaking  what  they  think,  and  freely  discussing  the  interests 
of  their  country.  They  have  spoken  their  sentiments  with  freedom, 
against  this  unhappy  act ;  they  have  foreseen,  they  have  predicted 
the  perils  that  impend ;  and  this  frankness  is  imputed  as  a  crime. 
Sorry  I  am  to  observe,  that  we  can  no  longer  express  our  opinions 
in  this  house,  without  being  exposed  to  censure ;  we  must  prepare 
for  a  disastrous  futurity,  if  we  do  not  oppose,  courageously,  with 
our  tongues,  our  hearts,  our  hands,  the  tyranny  with  which  we  are 
menaced.  I  hear  it  said  that — America  is  obstinate,  America  is  almost 
in  open  rebellion.  I  rejoice  that  America  has  resisted.  Three  mil- 
lions of  people,  so  dead  to  all  the  feelings  of  liberty,  as  voluntarily 
to  submit  to  be  slaves,  would  have  been  fit  instruments  to  make 
slaves  of  ourselves.  The  honorable  member  has  said  also,  for  he  is 
fluent  in  words  of  bitterness,  that  America  is  ungrateful ;  he  boasts 
of  his  bounties  towards  her ;  but  are  not  these  bounties  intended, 
finally,  for  the  benefit  of  this  kingdom  ?  And  how  is  it  true  that 
America  is  ungrateful  ?  Does  she  not  voluntarily  hold  a  good  cor- 
respondence with  us  ?  The  profits  to  Great  Britain,  from  her  com- 
merce with  the  colonies,  are  two  millions  a  year.  This  is  the  fund 
that  carried  you  triumphantly  through  the  last  war.  The  estates 
that  were  rented  at  two  thousand  pounds  a  year,  seventy  years  ago, 
are  at  three  thousand  pound?  at  present.  You  owe  this  to  America. 
This  is  the  price  she  pays  for  your  protection.  I  omit  the  increase 
of  population  in  the  colonies ;  the  migration  of  new  inhabitants 
from  every  part  of  Europe  ;  and  the  ulterior  progress  of  American 
commerce,  should  it  be  regulated  by  judicious  laws.  And  shall  we 
hear  a  miserable  financier  come  with  a  boast  that  he  can  fetch  a  pep- 
percorn into  the  exchequer,  to  the  loss  of  millions  to  the  nation  ? 


BOOK  tl. 


TttE    AMERICAN   WAR.  93 


The  gentleman  complains  that  he  has  been  misrepresented  in  the 
public  prints.  I  can  only  say,  it  is  a  misfortune  common  to  all  that 
fill  high  stations,  and  take  a  leading  part  in  public  affairs.  He  says, 
also,  that  when  he  first  asserted  the  right  of  parliament  to  tax  Amer* 
ica,  he  was  not  contradicted.  I  know  not  how  it  is,  but  there  is  a 
modesty  in  this  house,  which  does  not  choose  to  contradict  a  minis* 
ter.  If  gentlemen  do  not  get  the  better  of  this  modesty,  perhaps 
the  collective  body  may  begin  to  abate  of  its  respect  for  the  repre- 
sentative. A  great  deal  has  been  said  without  doors,  and  more  than 
is  discreet,  of  the  power,  of  the  strength,  of  America.  But,  in  a 
good  cause,  on  a  sound  bottom,  the  force  of  this  country  can  crush 
America  to  atoms ;  but  on  the  ground  of  this  tax,  when  it  is  wished 
to  prosecute  an  evident  injustice,  I  am  one  who  will  lift  my  hands 
and  voice  against  it. 

'  In  such  a  cause,  your  success  would  be  deplorable,  and  victory 
hazardous.  America,  if  she  fell,  would  fall  like  the  strong  man. 
She  would  embrace  the  pillars  of  the  state,  and  pull  down  the  con- 
stitution along  with  her.  Is  this  your  boasted  peace? — not  to 
sheath  the  sword  in  its  scabbard,  but  to  sheath  it  in  the  bowels  of 
your  countrymen?  Will  you  quarrel  with  yourselves,  now  the 
whole  house  of  Bourbon  is  united  against  you  ? — while  France  dis- 
turbs your  fisheries  in  Newfoundland,  embarrasses  your  slave  trade 
with  Africa,  and  withholds  from  your  subjects  in  Canada  their  prop- 
erty stipulated  by  treaty? — while  the  ransom  for  the  Manillas  is  de- 
nied by  Spain,  and  its  gallant  conqueror  traduced  into>  a  mean  plun- 
derer ?  The  Americans  have  not  acted  in  all  things  with  prudence 
and  temper.  They  have  been  wronged.  They  have  been  driven  to 
madness  by  injustice*  Will  you  punish  them  for  the  madness  you 
have  occasioned  ?  Rather  let  prudence  and  benignity  come  first 
from  the  strongest  side.  Excuse  their  errors  ;  learn  to  honor  their 
virtues.  Upon  the  whole,  I  will  beg  leave  to  tell  the  house  what  is 
really  my  opinion.  I  consider  it  most  consistent  with  our  dignity, 
most  useful  to  our  liberty,  and  in  every  respect  the  safest  for  this 
kingdom,  that  the  stamp  act  be  repealed,  absolutely,  totally,  and  im- 
mediately. At  the  same  time,  let  the  sovereign  authority  of  this 
country  over  the  colonies  be  asserted  in  as  strong  terms  as  can  be 
devised,  and  be  made  to  extend  to  every  point  of  legislation  what- 
soever ;  that  we  may  bind  their  trade,  confine  their  manufactures, 
and  exercise  every  power  whatsoever,  except  that  of  taking  their 
money  out  of  their  pockets  without  their  consent.' 

These  words,  pronounced  in  a  firm  and  solemn  tone,  by  a  man 
of  so  great  authority,  acted  with  extreme  force  upon  the  minds  of 
the  hearers. 


SW  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOR   It, 

They  still  retained,  however,  a  deep  resentment,  on  account  of  the 
excesses  committed  by  the  Americans;  and  perhaps  the  repeal  of 
the  act  would  not  have  taken  place,  if,  at  the  same  time,  the  minis- 
ters had  not  accompanied  it  with  the  declaration  of  which  we  shall 
speak  presently.  Some  also  are  of  the  opinion,  that  the  affair  was 
much  facilitated  by  the  promise  of  an  early  repeal  of  the  cider  tax. 
which  was,  in  effect,  afterwards  debated,  and  pronounced  in  the 
month  of  April.  The  merrtbers  from  the  counties  where  cider  H 
made,  all  voted  for  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act.  However  the  truth 
of  this  may  be,  the  question  being  put,  on  the  22d  of  Febm; -v, 
whether  the  act  for  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  should  pass  ?  it  was 
carried  in  the  affirmative  ;  not,  however,  without  a  great  number  of 
contrary  votes  ;  two  hundred  and  sixty-five  voting  in  favor,  and  one 
hundred  and  sixty-seven  against.  It  was  approved  in  the  house  of 
peers ;  one  hundred  and  fifty-five  votes  were  in  favor,  sixty-one 
were  contrary.  At  the  same  time  was  passed  the  declaratory  act, 
purporting  that  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain  has  authority  to  make 
laws  and  statutes  to  bind  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever.  On 
the  19th  of  March,  the  king,  having  repaired  to  the  house  of  peers, 
gave  his  assent  to  the  act  of  repeal,  and  that  of  the  dependence  of 
the  colonies  towards  Great  Britain.  The  American  merchants  at 
that  time  in  London,  went,  in  a  body,  to  testify  their  joy  and  grati- 
tude upon  this  occasion.  The  ships  which  lay  at  anchor  in  the 
Thames,  displayed  their  colors  in  token  of  felicitation.  The  houses 
were  illuminated  in  all  parts  of  the  city ;  salutes  were  heard,  and 
bonfires  were  kindled,  ;n  all  quarters.  In  a  word,  none  of  the  pub- 
lic demonstrations,  usual  on  similar  occurrences,  were  omitted,  to 
celebrate  the  goodness  of  the  king,  and  the  wisdom  of  parliament. 

Couriers  wrere  immediately  dispatched  to  Falmouth,  to  spread 
throughout  the  kingdom,  and  transmit  to  America,  the  tidings  of  a 
law,  which,  to  appearance,  must,  on  the  one  hand,  by  appeasing 
irritation,  put  a  stop  to  all  further  tumults ;  and,  on  the  other,  dis- 
sipate the  alarms  produced  by  the  losses  the  manufacturers  had 
tustained. 


END    OF    BOOK    SECOND, 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  97 

BOOK    THIRD. 

The  Americans,  generally,  either  weary  of  the  present  disorders, 
annoyed  by  the  interruption  of  commerce,  or  terrified  at  the  aspect 
of  the  future,  which  seemed  to  threaten  the  last  extremities,  receiv- 
el  with  great  exultation  the  news  of  the  revocation  of  the  stamp  act, 

With  infinite  delight,  they  found  themselves  released  from  the 
necessity  either  of  proceeding  to  the  last  resort,  and  to  civil  blood- 
shed, a  thing  horrible  in  itself,  and  accompanied  with  innumerable 
dangers,  or  of  submitting  their  necks  to  a  yoke  equally  detested, 
and  which  had  become  the  more  odious  from  the  efforts  they  had  al- 
ready made  in  resistance.  It  is  easy  to  imagine,  therefore,  how  great 
were,  in  every  place,  the  demonstrations  of  public  joy.  Even  the 
assembly  of  Massachusetts,  either  from  a  sentiment  of  gratitude,  or 
to  confirm  itself  in  opposition,  for  among  its  members  were  many  of 
the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  the  province,  all  firmly  resolved  to 
maintain  the  dependence  of  America  towards  Great  Britain,  unani- 
mously voted  thanks  to  be  addressed  to  the  duke  of  Grafton,  to 
William  Pitt,  and  to  all  those  members  of  the  house  of  peers,  or  of 
commons,  who  had  defended  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  procured 
the  abrogation  of  the  odious  law.  In  like  manner,  the  assembly 
of  burgesses  of  Virginia  resolved  that  a  statue  should  be  erected  to 
the  king,  in  acknowledgment  and  commemoration  of  the  repeal  of 
the  stamp  act ;  and  an  obelisk,  in  honor  of  those  illustrious  men  who 
had  so  efficaciously  espoused  their  cause.  William  Pitt,  especially, 
had  become  the  object  of  public  veneration  and  boundless  praises, 
for  having  said  the  Americans  had  done  well  in  resisting ;  little  heed- 
ing that  he  had  recommended,  in  terms  so  strong  and  remarkable, 
the  confirmation  of  the  authority  of  parliament  over  the  colonies, 
in  all  points  of  legislation  .  :1  external  taxation.  But  they  saw  the 
consequences  of  these  measures  only  in  the  distance ;  and  considered 
(he  assertion  of  certain  rights  of  parliament  merely  as  speculative 
principles  thrown  out  to  spare  its  dignity,  to  soothe  British  pride, 
and  facilitate  the  digestion  of  so  bitter  a  morsel.  Besides,  to  justify 
past  events,  and  perhaps  also  to  authorize  their  future  designs,  the 
colonists  were  glad  to  have  the  shield  of  so  great  a  name.  They 
received  with  the  same  alacrity  the  declaratory  act,  which  the  secre- 
tary of  state  transmitted  to  America  at  the  same  time  with  that  for 
the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act. 

Notwithstanding  this  expression  of  universal  exultation,  the  pub- 
lic mind  was  not  entirely  appeased.  Secret  grudges,  and  profound 
vol.i  9 


9B  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

resentments,  still  rankled  under  these  brilliant  appearances.  The 
restraints  recently  laid  upon  commerce,  had  caused  a  disgust  no 
less  extreme  than  the  stamp  act  itself,  particularly  in  the  northern 
provinces ;  and  the  success  of  the  first  resistance  encouraged  ulte- 
rior hopes. 

During  the  late  disturbances,  men  had  become  extremely  conver- 
sant with  political  disquisitions ;  every  charter,  every  right,  had  been 
the  subject  of  the  strictest  investigation  ;  and  the  Americans  rarely, 
if  ever,  pronounced  against  themselves.  From  these  discussions 
and  debates,  new  opinions  had  resulted  upon  a  great  number  of 
points,  and  some  of  them  strangely  exaggerated,  respecting  the 
rights  of  the  Americans,  and  the  nature  of  their  relations  with  Great 
Britain.  The  irritation  and  inflexibility  of  their  minds  had  in- 
creased in  the  same  proportion.  In  this  state  of  excitement,  the 
shadow  of  an  encroachment  upon  their  political  or  civil  liberty, 
would  have  caused  a  sudden  insurrection ;  and  the  attentive  ob- 
server might  easily  have  perceived,  that  the  reconciliation  between 
the  colonies  and  the  mother  country  was  more  apparent  than  real ; 
and  that  the  first  occasion  would  be  seized,  to  break  out  afresh  in 
discord  and  revolt. 

The  occasion  of  new  dissensions,  and  the  elements  of  a  new  com- 
bustion, originated  in  the  provinces  of  Massachusetts  and  of  New 
York.  The  assembly  of  the  former  bore  ill  will  to  the  governor, 
Sir  Francis  Bernard,  for  being,  as  they  believed,  a  foe  to  the  cause 
of  America ;  and  having  chosen  for  their  speaker  James  Otis,  one  of 
the  warmest  advocates  of  liberty  existing  in  America  at  that  period, 
the  governor  refused  to  confirm  the  choice ;  at  which  the  represen- 
tatives were  highly  exasperated.  Otis,  meanwhile,  to  retaliate,  suc- 
ceeded in  causing  to  be  excluded  from  the  assembly  the  officers  of 
the  crown,  and  the  members  of  the  superior  court  of  judicature, 
who  were  Hutchinson  and  Oliver.  The  governor,  much  incensed, 
pronounced,  on  his  part,  the  exclusion  of  six  of  the  proposed  can- 
didates for  the  speaker's  chair.  Thus  the  spirit  of  division  was  re- 
ciprocally fomented.  But  the  patriots  went  further  still ;  and  pro- 
cured a  resolution  of  the  assembly,  that  their  debates  should  be  pub- 
lic, and  that  galleries  should  be  constructed,  for  the  accommodation 
of  such  as  might  wish  to  attend  them  ;  this  was  promptly  executed. 
The  intervention  of  the  public  at  their  deliberations  encouraged  the 
partisans  of  liberty,  and  disheartened  the  friends  of  power;  the  for- 
mer were  sure  of  increasing  their  popularity,  by  warmly  advocating 
the  privileges  of  the  colonies  ;  the  latter,  of  incurring  greater  aver- 
sion, and  more  universal  hatred,  in  proportion  to  their  zeal  in  sup- 
porting the  cause  of  the  government.     Hence,  numbers  were  deter 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  99 

red  from  taking  part  in  the  debates.  The  first  had,  besides,  a  pow- 
erful advantage  over  them  ;  for  it  sufficed  to  render  their,  adversa- 
ries odious  to  the  people,  to  reproach  them,  true  or  false,  with  hav- 
ing favored  the  stamp  act.  The  secretary  of  state,  along  with  the 
act  repealing  the  stamp  act,  had  also  sent  the  governors  of  the  prov- 
inces a  resolution  of  the  house  of  commons,  purporting,  '  That  all 
persons,  who,  on  account  of  the  desire  which  they  had  manifested 
to  comply  with,  or  to  assist  in  carrying  into  execution,  any  acts  of 
parliament,  had  suffered  any  injury  or  damage,  ought  to  have  full 
compensation  made  to  them,  by  the  respective  colonies  in  which 
such  injuries  or  damages  were  sustained.'  The  secretary  had  also 
recommended  to  the  governors,  to  be  particularly  attentive  that  such 
persons  should  be  effectually  secured  from  any  further  insult  or  dis- 
gust; and  that  they  might  be  treated  with  that  respect  and  justice 
which  their  merits  towards  the  crown,  and  their  past  sufferings,  un- 
doubtedly claimed. 

It  was  principally  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  that  these  dis- 
orders had  taken  place ;  and  the  governor,  Bernard,  lost  no  time  in 
communicating  to  the  assembly  the  resolution  of  the  house  of  com- 
mons ;  but  this  he  did  in  such  intemperate  language  as  gave  great 
offense  to  the  representatives,  and  greatly  imbittered,  on  both  sides, 
the  misunderstanding  already  existing  between  them.  Much  alter- 
cation ensued ;  in  which  the  assembly  armed  itself  sometimes  with 
one  excuse,  and  sometimes  vv"  th  another,  for  not  granting  the  indem- 
nifications required ;  till  at  length,  resuming  the  further  considera- 
tion of  the  subject,  and  reflecting,  on  the  one  hand,  that  in  any 
event  the  parliament  would  have  the  power  to  raise  the  sum  neces- 
sary for  the  compensations,  by  imposing  some  new  duty  on  the  mari- 
time ports,  and  on  the  other,  that  this  new  resistance  might  render 
them  odious  in  the  eyes  of  prudent  men,  as  the  refractory  spirit  of 
Massachusetts  had  already  been  greatly  censured,  they  resolved,  that 
the  indemnifications  should  be  made,  at  the  expense  of  the  province  ; 
and  accordingly  passed  an  act  for  granting  compensation  to  the  suf- 
ferers, and  general  pardon,  amnesty  and  oblivion,  to  the  offenders ; 
to  \\  hich  the  king  afterwards  refused  his  sanction  ;  denying  the  au- 
thority of  the  colonial  assemblies  to  grant  acts  of  general  pardon. 
Meanwhile,  the  indemnifications  were  made ;  and  the  offenders  were 
not  prosecuted.  The  assembly  of  New  York  appeared  to  receive 
the  act  of  compensation  more  favorably ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
sufferers  were  indemnified.  Colden,  the  lieutenant-governor,  was 
alone  refused  compensation  ;  the  assembly  alledging,  that  if  the  peo- 
ple had  risen  against  him,  he  had  brought  it  upon  himself  by  his 
misconduct. 


100  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

But,  in  the  same  province,  another  dispute  soon  arose,  which 
manifested  how  imperfectly  the  seeds  of  discord  were  extinguished. 
General  Gage  was  expected  at  New  York  with  a  considerable  body 
of  troops  ;  in  consequence  of  which,  the  governor  addressed  a  mes- 
sage to  the  assembly,  requesting  it  to  put  in  execution  the  act  of 
parliament  called  the  mutiny  act,  which  requires,  that  in  the  colo- 
nies where  the  royal  troops  are  stationed,  they  shall  be  provided 
with  barracks  and  other  necessary  articles.  The  assembly  complied 
only  in  part  with  this  requisition,  and  with  evident  repugnance. 
They  passed  a  bill  for  providing  barracks,  fire-wood,  candles,  bed- 
ding, and  utensils  for  the  kitchen,  as  demanded  ;  but  *hey  refused  to 
grant  salt,  vinegar,  and  cider  or  beer ;  saying,  it  was  not  customary 
to  furnish  these  articles  to  soldiers  when  in  quarters,  but  only  when 
they  are  on  the  march. 

The  governor  thought  it  prudent  to  acquiesce  in  this  decision. 
And  here  is  presented  a  striking  example  of  the  mildness  of  the 
British  ministers  at  this  epoch ;  for,  instead  of  resenting  and  chas- 
tising, as  some  advised,  this  new  disobedience,  they  contented  them- 
selves with  procuring  a  law  to  be  passed,  by  which  it  was  enacted 
that  the  legislative  power  of  the  general  assembly  of  New  York 
should  be  totally  suspended,  until  it  fully  complied  with  all  the  terms 
of  the  requisition.  The  assem- .]?  :  forwards  obeyed;  and  things 
were  restored  to  their  accustomed  order. 

The  same  disputes  were  renewed  in  Massachusetts.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  year,  some  companies  of  artillery  were  driven,  by 
stress  of  weather,  into  the  port  of  Boston.  The  governor  was  re- 
quested to  lodge  them,  and  procure  them  the  necessary  supplies ; 
the  council  gave  their  consent ;  and  the  money  was  drawn  from  the 
treasury,  by  the  governor's  order.  Meanwhile,  the  assembly  met ; 
and,  desirous  of  engaging  in  controversy,  sent  a  message  to  the 
governor,  to  inquire  if  any  provision  had  been  made  for  his  majes- 
ty's troops,  and  whether  more  were  expected  to  arrive,  to  be  quar- 
tered also  in  the  town  ?  The  governor  replied  by  sending  them  the 
minutes  of  the  council,  with  an  account  of  the  expenses  incurred ; 
and  added,  that  no  other  troops  were  expected.  They  had  now 
ample  matter  foi  discussions.  They  exclaimed,  that  the  governor, 
in  giving  orders  for  these  supplies,  upon  the  mere  advice  of  his  coun- 
cil, had  acted,  in  an  essential  point,  contrary  to  the  statutes  of  the 
province.  They  added,  however,  some  protestations  of  their  readi- 
ness to  obey  the  orders  of  the  king,  when  requested  according  to 
established  usages. 

This  obstinacy  of  two  principal  provinces  of  America,  this  dispo- 
sition to  seek  new  causes  of  contention,  sensibly  afflicted  those  per- 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  101 

sons  in  England  who  had  shown  themselves  favorable  to  American 
privileges ;  and  furnished  a  pretext  for  the  bitter  sarcasms  of  their 
adversaries,  who  repeated,  every  where,  that  such  were  the  fruits  of 
ministerial  condescension, — such  was  the  loyalty,  such  the  gratitude 
of  the  colonists  towards  the  mother  country ! 

'  Behold  their  attachment  for  public  tranquillity !  Behold  the  re- 
spect and  deference  they  bear  towards  the  British  government !  They 
have  now  thrown  off  the  mask ;  they  now  rush,  without  restraint, 
towards  their  favorite  object  of  separation  and  independence.  It  is 
quite  time  to  impose  a  curb  on  these  audacious  spirits  ;  they  must  be 
taught  the  danger  of  contending  with  their  powerful  progenitors,  of 
resisting  the  will  of  Great  Britain.  Since  they  are  thus  insensible  to 
the  indulgence  and  bounty  she  has  shown  them  in  the  repeal  of  the 
stamp  duty,  they  must  be  made  to  pay  another ;  both  to  maintain 
the  right,  and  compel  them  to  contribute  directly  to  the  common  de- 
fense of  the  kingdom.' 

These  suggestions  were  greatly  countenanced  by  the  landholders 
of  the  British  islands ;  who  persuaded  themselves,  that  the  more 
could  be  raised  by  a  tax  laid  upon  the  colonies,  the  more  their  own 
burthens  would  be  lessened.  These  opinions  were  also  flattering  to 
British  pride,  which  had  been  hurt  to  the  quick  by  the  revocation  of 
the  stamp  act,  and  still  more  profoundly  stung  by  the  repugnance 
of  the  Americans  to  any  submission.  The  king  himself,  who,  with 
extreme  reluctance,  had  consented  to  the  repeal  of  the  act,  mani- 
fested a  violent  indignation ;  and  lord  Bute,  always  his  most  inti- 
mate counsellor,  and  generally  considered  as*  the  author  of  rigorous 
counsels,  appeared  anew  much  disposed  to  lay  a  heavy  hand  upon 
the  Americans.  Hence,  about  the  last  of  July,  an  unexpected  change 
of  ministry  was  effected.  The  duke  of  Grafton  was  appointed  first 
secretary  of  the  treasury,  in  the  place  of  the  marquis  of  Rocking- 
ham ;  the  earl  of  Shelburne,  secretary  of  state,  instead  of  the  duko 
01  Richmond ;  Charles  Townsend,  a  man  of  versatile  character,  but 
of  brilliant  genius,  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  in  the  room  of  Wil- 
liam Dowdeswell ;  and  finally,  William  Pitt,  who  had  recently  been 
created  viscount  Pincent,  and  earl  of  Chatham,  was  promoted  (1767) 
to  the  charge  of  keeper  of  the  seals.  The  new  ministers,  with  the 
exception,  however,  of  the  earl  of  Chatham,  who  was  prevented  by 
his  infirmities  from  taking  part  in  the  councils,  resolved  to  impose 
certain  duties  on  tea,  glass,  and  paints,  upon  their  introduction  into 
the  colonies  of  America.  The  bill  was  drawn  up  to  be  submitted 
to  parliament.  No  sooner  was  it  convened,  than  Charles  Townsend 
began,  vauntingly,  to  vociferate  in  the  house  of  commons,  that  he 
knew  a  mode  of  drawing  a  revenue  from  the  colonies,  without  vio- 

9* 


1—  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Ith 

lating  fheir  rights  or  opinions.  Grenville  caught  at  the  words,  and 
urged  the  minister  to  declare  whafit  was,  and  to  promise,  that  he 
would  bring  it  before  parliament  without  delay.  A  short  time  after, 
in  effect,  the  chancellor  of  the  exchequer  moved  in  the  house  of 
commons,  to  impose  duties  on  tea,  glass  and  colors,  imported  from 
England  into  the  American  colonies  ;  he  proposed,  also,  to  suppress 
the  duties  on  teas  that  should  be  shipped  from  England,  intended 
for  America ;  and  impose  a  duty  of  three  pence  per  pound,  upon 
their  introduction  into  the  American  ports.  These  two  bills  were 
passed  without  much  opposition,  and  approved  by  the  king. 

In  the  preamble  it  was  declared  that  the  produce  of  the  duties 
should  be  applied  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  government  and 
administration  of  the  colonies.  In  one  article  it  was  provided,  that 
in  each  province  of  North  America  should  be  formed  a  general 
civil,  list,  without  any  fixed  limit ;  that  is,  that  from  the  produce  of 
the  new  duties,  a  public  fund  should  be  composed,  of  which  the 
government  might  dispose  immediately,  even  to  the  last  shilling,  for 
the  salaries  and  pensions  to  be  paid  in  America.  The  ministers 
were  authorized  to  draw  this  money  from  the  treasury,  and  employ 
it  at  their  discretion ;  the  surplus  was  to  remain  in  the  treasury,  sub- 
ject to  the  disposal  of  parliament.  It  was  also  enacted,  that  the 
government  might,  from  the  same  funds,  grant  stipends  and  salaries 
to  the  governors  and  to  the  judges,  in  the  colonies,  and  determine 
the  amount  of  the  same.  These  last  measures  were  of  much 
greater  importance  than  the  taxes  themselves,  since  they  were  en- 
tirely subversive  of  the  British  constitution. 

In  effect,  since  the  time  of  Charles  II.,  the  ministers  had  many 
times  attempted,  but  always  without  success,  to  establish  a  civil  list, 
or  royal  chamber,  in  America,  independent  of  the  colonial  assem- 
blies ;  and  yet  Charles  Townsend,  with  his  shrewd  and  subtle  ge- 
nius, thus  obtained,  as  it  were,  while  sporting,  this  difficult  point ; 
and  obtained  it,  while  the  remembrance  of  American  opposition,  in 
a  matter  of  much  less  importance,  was  still  recent ;  while  the  traces 
of  so  great  a  conflagration  were  still  smoking !  These  new  meas- 
ures produced  another  change  of  great  importance  ;  the  governors 
and  the  judges,  being  able  to  obtain,  through  the  ministers,  their  re- 
spective emoluments,  from  funds  raised  by  an  act  of  parliament, 
without  the  intervention,  and  perhaps  against  the  will  of  the  colo- 
nial assemblies,  became  entirely  independent  of  the  American  na- 
tion, and  of  its  assemblies ;  and  founded  all  their  future  hopes 
on  the  favor  of  the  general  government  alone,  that  is,  of  the  British 
ministers.  The  act  imposing  the  new  duties  was  to  take  effect  on 
the  20th  of  No\ ember;  but  as  if  it  was  apprehended  in  England 


BOOK  Ml*  *HE   AMERICAN   WAft.  1&3 

that  the  new  tax  would  be  too  well  received  by  the  colonists  ;  ami 
purposely  to  irritate  their  minds,  by  placing  before  their  eyes  the  im- 
pressive picture  of  the  tax  gatherers  to  be  employed  in  the  collec- 
tion of  these  duties,  another  act  was  passed,  creating  a  permanent 
administration  of  the  customs  in  America.  And,  to  crown  such  a 
measure,  the  city  of  Boston  was  selected  for  the  seat  of  this  new  es- 
tablishment ;  for  such  a  purpose,  less  proper  than  any  other  ;  for  no 
where  were  the  inhabitants  more  restless  or  jealous  of  their  privi- 
leges; which  they  interpreted  with  a  subtilty  peculiar  to  themselves. 

They  were,  besides,  not  accustomed  to  see  among  them  an  order 
of  financiers.  lavishing  in  the  refinements  of  luxury,  the  large  emol- 
uments to  be  defrayed  with  the  money  of  the  colonies,  while  thoy 
were  themselves  constrained  to  observe  the  limits  of  an  extremely 
narrow  mediocrity.  From  these  causes  combined,  it  resulted  that 
many  commotions  were  excited  anew  among  the  Americans.  The 
recent  disturbances  had  given  them  a  more  decided  inclination 
towards  resistance  ;  and  their  political  researches  had  increased  the 
pretensions  of  rights,  and  the  desire  of  a  liberty  more  ample.  As 
this  was  an  external  tax,  if  more  tranquil  times  had  been  chosen  for 
its  introduction,  and  without  the  combination  of  so  many  circum- 
stances, which  wounded  them  in  their  dearest  interests,  the  people, 
perhaps,  would  have  submitted  to  it.  But  in  such  a  state  of  things, 
what  could  have  been  expected  from  a  tax,  the  produce  of  which 
was  destined  to  form  a  branch  of  the  public  revenue,  and  which  ex- 
ceeded the  limits  of  a  commercial  regulation,  a  thing  which  had 
already  furnished  the  subject  of  so  much  controversy  ?  It  was  too 
manifest  that  the  British  government  had  resolved  to  renew  its  an- 
cient pretensions,  so  long  and  firmly  disputed,  of  establishing  a 
public  revenue  in  the  colonies,  by  the  authority  of  parliament. 

Resistance,  therefore,  was  every  where  promptly  resolved  ;  and  as 
the  passions,  after  being  compressed  for  a  time,  when  rekindled  in 
the  human  breast,  no  longer  respect  their  ancient  limits,  but  com- 
monly overleap  them  with  impetuosity ;  so  the  political  writers  of 
Boston  began  to  fill  the  columns  of  the  public  papers  with  new 
and  bold  opinions  respecting  the  authority  of  parliament.  Already 
intimations  were  thrown  out,  allusive  to  independence ;  and  it  was 
asserted,  that  freemen  ought  not  to  be  taxed,  any  more  than  gov- 
erned, without  their  consent,  given  by  an  actual  or  virtual  repre- 
sentation. 

The  legislative  power  of  the  parliament  over  the  colonies  was  not 
made  the  subject  of  doubt,  but  denied.  Adopting  the  opinion  of 
those  who  in  the  two  houses  had  opposed  the  repeal  of  the  stamp 
act,  the  patriots  affirmed  that  all  distinction  between  internal  and 


104  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

external  taxes  was  chimerical,  and  that  parliament  had  no  right  to 
impose  the  one  or  the  other ;  that  it  had  no  power  to  make  laws  to 
bind  the  colonies ;  and,  finally,  they  went  so  far  as  to  maintain,  that 
not  being  represented  in  parliament,  they  were  exempted  from  every 
sort  of  dependence  towards  it. 

The  rights  which  the  colonists  pretended  to  enjoy,  were  explained 
with  great  perspicuity,  and  a  certain  elegance  of  style,  in  a  pamphlet 
entitled,  Letters  from  a  Pennsylvania  Farmer,  to  the  Inhabitants  of 
the  English  Colonies.  They>  were  received  with  great  and  universal 
favor ;  the  author  was  John  Dickenson. 

The  excitement  soon  became  general.  New  associations  were 
formed  against  the  introduction  of  British  manufactures,  and  in  fa- 
vor of  those  made  at  home.  A  paper  to  this  effect  was  circulated 
in  Boston,  for  such  to  subscribe  as  were  disposed  to  become  parties 
to  the  confederacy ;  they  bound  themselves  by  it  not  to  purchase 
certain  articles  of  commerce,  after  the  last  day  of  December. 

But  on  the  other  hand,  James  Otis,  from  a  motive  unknown, 
whether  from  levity  of  character,  or  because  the  most  ardent  are 
frequently  the  least  constant  in  their  opinions,  or  because  he  really 
was  apprehensive  that  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  would  be  left 
alone  in  the  present  controversy,  passing  from  one  extreme  to  the 
other,  pronounced  a  long  discourse  in  favor  of  government.  Not- 
withstanding which,  the  league  was  approved  at  Providence,  at 
Newport,  and  in  all  Connecticut.  The  affair  of  these  combinations, 
however,  advanced  very  slowly  this  time,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts 
of  the  most  zealous  patriots. 

1768.  The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  opened  their  session  at 
the  commencement  of  the  year  1768,  and  immediately  took  into 
consideration  the  subject  of  the  new  taxes ;  a  very  elaborate  letter 
w >»  ?  ldressed  to  Dennis  de  Berdt,  their  agent  at  London,  instruct- 
ing him  to  make  remonstrances.  They  protested  their  affection 
towards  Great  Britain,  and  condemned  all  idea  of  independence ;  they 
gloried  in  the  English  name,  and  their  participation  in  the  British 
constitution.  *  The  design,'  they  observed, ?  to  draw  a  public  reve- 
nue from  the  colonies,  without  their  consent,  is  manifest ;  a  thing 
absolutely  contrary  to  the  established  laws,  and  to  our  rights. 
Though  men  are  known  sometimes  to  disregard  life,  and  even  to 
contemn  liberty,  they  are  always  at  least  inviolably  attached  to  their 
property ;  even  those  who  ridicule  the  ideas  of  right  and  justice, 
who  despise  faith,  truth  and  honor,  and  every  law,  divine  and  hu 
man,  will  put  a  high  value  upon  money ;  the  savages  themselves, 
who  inhabit  the  forests,  know  and  admit  the  right  of  property ;  they 
are  as  strongly  attached  to  the  bow,  the  arrow,  and  the  tomahawk, 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  105 

to  their  hunting  and  fishing  ground,  as  other  nations  can  be  to  gold 
or  silver,  and  the  most  precious  objects.  The  Utopian  schemes  of 
leveling,  and  a  community  of  goods,  are  as  visionary  and  impracti- 
cable, as  those  which  vest  all  property  in  the  crown,  are  arbitrary 
and  despotic.  Now,  what  property  can  the  colonists  be  conceived 
to  have,  if  their  money  may  be  granted  away  by  others,  without 
their  consent  ? '  They  added  a  long  enumeration  of  their  rights, 
and  of  the  commercial  advantages  accruing  to  Great  Britain,  from 
her  colonies ;  they  affirmed,  that  stipends  and  salaries,  granted  by 
the  crown  to  governors  and.  judges,  were  things  of  a  nature  to  alarm 
the  freemen  of  America ;  that  a  more  solid  foundation  for  tyranny 
could  not  be  laid,  since  the  judges  in  America  hold  their  places,  not 
as  in  England,  during  good  behavior,  but  during  pleasure ;  that  the 
colonists  were  ready  to  supply  the  subsidies  necessary  for  the  public 
service,  without  the  intervention  of  parliamentary  authority ;  that  a 
standing  army  was  unnecessary  in  America ;  that  the  inhabitants  had 
an  aversion  to  these  armies,  as  dangerous  to  their  civil  liberties ; 
that  England  herself,  considering  the  examples  of  ancient  times, 
ought  to  fear  lest  these  large  bodies  of  mercenary  troops,  stationed 
in  a  country  so  remote,  might  occasion  another  Caesar  to  arise,  and 
usurp,  at  length,  the  authority  of  his  sovereign.  They  also  com- 
plained of  the  new  board  of  customs,  as  tending  to  create  a  swarm 
of  pensioners ;  a  race  ever  obnoxious  to  the  people,  and  prejudicial 
to  the  rectitude  and  purity  of  manners.  'Can  any  thing  be  more 
extraordinary  than  the  suspension  of  the  assembly  of  New  York  ? 
Liberty  has  no  longer  an  existence,  and  these  assemblies  are  useless 
if,  willing  or  not  willing,  they  must  conform  to  the  mandates  of  par- 
liament. And  supposing  also,  what  we  deny,  that  the  new  laws  are 
founded  in  right,  it  is  not  the  less  certain  that  a  real  prejudice  to 
the  two  nations  will  be  their  result,  and  that  the  confidence  and  af- 
fection which  have  hitherto  united  them,  will  experience,  from  their 
continuance,  a  signal  diminution.  These  are  points  which  merit  the 
serious  consideration  of  a  good  government.  The  colonists  are 
not  insensible  that  it  has  become  fashionable  in  England,  to  speak 
with  contempt  of  the  colonial  assemblies  ;  an  abuse  from  which  the 
English  have  more  to  apprehend  than  the  Americans  themselves ; 
for  only  a  few  reigns  back,  the  habit  also  prevailed  of  contemning 
the  parliament ;  and  it  was  even  an  aphorism  with  king  James  I., 
that  the  lords  and  commons  were  two  very  bad  copartners  with  a 
monarch,  in  allusion  to  the  ancient  proverb,  that  supreme  power  de- 
clines all  participation  ;  and  these  attacks,  though  at  present  aimed 
at  the  colonial  assemblies,  will  one  day  be  directed  against  the  par- 
liament itself. 


106  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

The}  concluded  by  recommending  to  their  agent  to  exert  his  ut- 
most endeavors  to  defeat  the  projects  of  those  who  persisted  with 
obstinacy  in  their  attempts  to  sow  dissensions,  and  foment  jealousy 
and  discord  between  the  two  parts  of  the  realm  ;  dispositions,  which, 
if  not  promptly  repressed,  it  was  to  be  feared,  would  lead  to  irrep- 
arable mischief. 

The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  wrote  in  similar  terms  to  the  earl 
of  Shelburne,  and  to  general  Conway,  secretaries  of  state ;  to  the 
marquis  of  Rockingham,  to  lord  Camden,  to  the  earl  of  Chatham, 
and  to  the  commissioners  of  the  treasury.  These  letters,  as  usual, 
recapitulated  the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  their  grievances  ;  those 
to  whom  they  were  addressed,  were  styled  the  patrons  of  the  colo- 
nies, the  friends  of  the  British  constitution,  the  defenders  of  the  hu- 
man race.  The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  also  addressed  a  petition 
to  the  king,  with  many  protestations  of  loyalty,  and  strenuous  re- 
monstrances against  the  grievances  already  mentioned.  But  not 
content  with  these  steps,  and  wishing  to  unite  all  the  provinces  in 
one  opinion,  they  took  a  very  spirited  resolution,  that  of  writing  to 
all  the  other  assemblies,  that  it  was  now  full  time  for  all  to  take  the 
same  direction,  and  to  march  in  concert  towards  the  same  object. 
This  measure  gave  the  ministers  no  little  displeasure,  and  they  cen 
sured  it,  in  their  letters  to  the  governors,  with  extreme  asperity. 

The  governor  of  Massachusetts,  not  without  apprehensions  from 
the  refractory  spirit  of  this  assembly,  dissolved  it.  Nor  should  it  be 
omitted,  that  for  a  long  time,  there  had  existed  an  open  breach  be- 
tween these  two  authorities,  which  proceeded  from  no  defect  of  ge- 
nius or  experience  in  affairs,  on  the  part  of  the  governor,  who  pos^ 
sessed,  on  the  contrary,  an  ample  measure  of  both ;  but  he  was  re- 
puted a  secret  enemy  to  American  privileges,  and  it  was  believed 
that  in  his  letters  to  the  earl  of  Hillsborough,  he  had  prompted  the 
government  to  acts  of  rigor,  and  exaggerated  the  colonial  disturb- 
ances. On  the  other  hand,  the  representatives  were  of  a  lofty  spirit, 
and  devotedly  attached  to  their  prerogatives.  In  this  .state  of  recip- 
rocal umbrage  and  jealousy,  the  smallest  collision  led  to  a  dissen- 
sion, and  few  were  the  affairs  that  could  be  concluded  amicably.  In 
effect,  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that  the  animosity  which  subsisted  be- 
tween the  assembly  of  so  capital  a  province,  and  governor  Bernard, 
was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  first  commotions,  and  event- 
ually, of  the  American  revolution. 

The  government  of  Great  Britain,  continually  stimulated  by  the 
exhortations  of  the  governor, — dissatisfied  with  the  Bostonians,  and 
the  inhabitants  generally  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  was  ap- 
prehensive of  new  tumults ;  and  resolved  to  provide  effectually  for 


BOOK  HI. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR*  107 


the  execution  of  the  laws.  Orders  were  dispatched  to  general 
Gage,  to  send  a  regiment,  and  even  a  more  considerable  force,  if  he 
should  deem  it  expedient,  to  form  the  garrison  of  Boston.  It  was 
also  determined,  that  a  frigate,  two  brigs,  and  two  sloops  of  war, 
should  be  stationed  in  the  waters  of  Boston,  to  aid  the  officeis  of 
the  customs  in  the  execution  of  their  functions. 

At  this  same  epoch,  a  violent  tumult  had  occurred  in  this  city. 
The  Bostonians,  wishing  to  protect  a  vessel  suspected  of  illicit  traffic, 
had  riotously  assailed  and  repulsed  the  officers  of  the  revenue. 

Informed  of  this  event,  general  Gage  detached  two  regiments  in- 
stead of  one,  to  take  up  their  quarters  in  Boston.  At  this  news, 
the  inhabitants  assembled,  and  sent  a  deputation  to  the  governor, 
praying  him  to  inform  them,  if  the  reports  in  circulation,  relative  to 
a  garrison  extraordinary,  were  true ;  and  to  convoke  another  assem- 
bly. He  answered,  that  he  had  indeed  received  some  private  inti- 
mation of  the  expected  arrival  of  troops,  but  no  official  notice  ;  that 
as  to  the  convocation  of  an  assembly,  he  could  take  no  resolution 
without  the  orders  of  his  majesty. 

He  flattered  himself,  that  the  people  would  become  more  submis- 
sive, when,  left  to  themselves,  they  should  no  longer  have  .a  rallying 
point  for  sedition  in  the  colonial  assembly.  He  endeavored,  there- 
fore, to  gain  time ;  inventing,  every  day,  new  motives  for  delaying 
the  session  of  the  assembly.  But  this  conduct  produced  an  effect 
directly  contrary  to  his  anticipations.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston, 
having  received  the  answer  of  the  governor,  immediately  took  an 
unanimous  resolution,  sufficiently  demonstrative  of  the  real  nature 
of  the  spirit  by  which  they  were  animated  ;  it  was  resolved,  that,  as 
there  was  some  probability  of  an  approaching  war  with  France,  all 
the  inhabitants  should  provide  themselves  with  a  complete  military 
equipment,  according  to  law ;  and  that,  as  the  governor  had  not 
thought  proper  to  convene  the  general  assembly,  a  convention  should 
be  convoked  of  the  whole  province.  These  resolutions  were  trans- 
mitted, by  circulars,  to  every  part  of  Massachusetts ;  and  such  was 
the  concert  of  opinions,  that  out  of  ninety-seven  townships,  ninety- 
six  sent  their  deputies  to  the  convention  of  Boston. 

They  met  on  the  22d  of  September.  Wishing  to  proceed  with 
moderation,  they  sent  a  message  to  the  governor,  assuring  him  that 
they  were,  and  considered  themselves,  as  private  and  loyal  individu- 
als ;  but  no  less  averse  to  standing  -armies,  than  to  tumults  and  se- 
dition. They  complained,  but  in  measured  terms,  of  the  new  laws, 
and  the  imputations  of  disloyalty  with  which  they  had  been  traduc- 
ed in  England.  Finally,  they  entreated  the  governor  to  convoke 
the  general  assembly,  as  the  only  constitutional  remedy  that  could 


108  THE    AMEfltCAft    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

be  resorted  to  in  the  present  calamities.  The  governor  answered 
haughtily,  as  the  troops  already  approached.  The  convention,  after 
having  communicated  what  had  occurred  to  De  Berdt,  the  agent  at 
London,  dissolved  itself. 

The  day  preceding  their  separation,  the  soldiers  destined  for  the 
garrison,  arrived,  on  board  a  great  number  of  vessels,  in  the  bay  of 
Nantasket,  not  far  from  Boston.  The  governor  requested  the  coun- 
cil to  furnish  quarters  in  the  city.  The  council  refused  ;  alledging 
that  castle  William,  situated  on  a  small  island  in  the  harbor,  was  suf- 
ficiently roomy  to  receive  the  troops.  But  the  commanders  of  the 
corps  had  orders  to  take  their  quarters  in  the  town.  Meanwhile,  it 
was  given  out,  that  the  Bostonians  would  n  t  urfer  the  soldiers  to 
land.  This  menace,  and  especially  the  resolution  of  a  general  ar- 
mament, inspired  the  commanders  of  the  rcyal  troops  with  much 
distrust.  Consequently,  general  Gage,  whose  intention,  it  appears, 
had  been  at  first  to  land  one  regiment  only,  gave  orders  to  colonel 
Dalrymple,  to  disembark  the  two,  and  to  keep  a  strict  guard  in  the 
city.  Accordingly,  on  the  first  of  October,  every  preparation  hav 
ing  been  made,  the  squadron,  consisting  of  rourteen  ships  of  war. 
began  to  move,  and  took  such  a  position  as  Vo  command  the  whole 
city ;  the  ships  presented  their  broadsides,  and  the  artillery  was  in 
readiness  to  fire  upon  the  town,  in  case  of  any  resistance.  The 
troops  began  to  disembark  at  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  without 
receiving  any  molestation  ;  they  immediately  entered  the  town,  with 
their  arms  loaded,  a  suitable  train  of  artillery,  and  all  the  military 
parade  usually  displayed  in  such  circumstances.  The  selectmen  of 
Boston  being  requested,  in  the  evening,  to  provide  quarters  for  the 
soldiers,  peremptorily  refused.  The  governor  ordered  the  soldiers 
to  enter  and  occupy  the  State  House.  Thus  stationed,  the  main 
guard  was  posted  in  front  of  this  edifice,  with  two  field  pieces  point- 
ed towards  it.  The  Bostonians  were  naturally  much  shocked  at 
these  arrangements.  They  could  not  see,  without  extreme  indigna- 
tion, the  palace  of  the  public  councils,  the  ordinary  seat  of  their  gen- 
eral assemblies,  and  the  courts  of  judicature,  occupied  by  so  many 
troops,  and  on  all  sides  surrounded  by  such  a  display  of  arms.  The 
streets  were  full  of  tents,  and  of  soldiers,  continually  coming  and 
going  to  relieve  the  posts  ;  who  challenged  at  every  moment  the  citi- 
zens as  they  passed.  The  divine  services  were  interrupted  by  the 
continual  beating  of  drums  and  the  sound  of  fifes ;  and  all  things 
presented  the  image  of  a  camp.  The  inhabitants  experiem  ed  the 
most  insupportable  constraint  from  a  state  of  things  not  only  extra- 
ordinary, but  even  without  example,  in  the  province  of  Massachu- 
setts.    Cries  of  displeasure  resounded  from  every  quarter  against 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN     WAR.  109 

these  new  orders  of  the  governor.  The  soldiers  beheld  the  citizens 
with  an  evil  eye,  believing  them  to  be  rebels ;  the  citizens  detested 
the  soldiers,  whom  they  looked  upon  as  the  instruments  of  nn  odious 
project  to  abolish  their  rights,  and  sent  to  impose  on  them  the  yoke 
of  an  unheard  of  tyranny.  The  most  irritating  language  frequently 
passed  between  them,  and  thus  exasperated  their  reciprocal  ani- 
mosity, '^m,- 

It  is  true,  however,  that  this  display  of  military  force  so  repressed 
the  multitude,  that  for  a  considerable  space  of  time  tranquillity  was 
preserved. 

1769.  But  in  England,  the  parliament  having  been  convoked 
about  the  close  of  the  year  1768,  the  obstinacy  of  the  Americans, 
in  refusing  obedience  to  its  new  laws,  determined  the  government  to 
adopt  rigorous  measures  against  the  colonies,  and  especially  against 
the  province  of  Massachusetts,  where  sedition  had  acquired  the 
profoundest  roots.  The  parliament  condemned,  in  the  severest 
terms,  all  the  resolutions  taken  by  this  province.  They  approved 
that  the  king  should  employ  force  of  arms?  for  the  repression  of  the 
disobedient ;  and  declared,  that  he  had  the  right  to  cause  the  chief 
authors  of  the  disorders  to  be  arrested,  and  brought  to  England 
for  trial,  according  to  the  statute  of  the  35th  year  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  VIII. 

But  these  new  measures  of  the  English  encountered  a  very  ill  re- 
ception in  America.  The  assembly  of  Virginia  immediately  took, 
in  the  strongest  terms  that  could  be  devised,  the  resolutions  they  be- 
lieved the  most  proper  to  secure  their  rights.  They  also  drew  up  a 
supplication  to  be  presented  to  the  king,  with  a  view  of  exciting  his 
compassion  towards  an  unfortunate  people.  He  was  conjured  as 
the  father  of  his  subjects,  and  as  a  clement  king,  to  interpose  his 
royal  intercession,  and  avert  the  evils  which  menaced  and  already 
oppressed  them ;  his  pity  was  implored,  that  he  would  not  suffer  the 
colonists,  who  had  no  powerful  protection,  to  be  forced  from  their 
firesides,  wrested  from  the  embraces  of  their  families,  and  thrust  into 
dungeons,  among  robbers  and  felons,  at  the  distance  of  three  thou- 
sand miles  from  their  country,  to  linger  until  judges  whom  they 
knew  not  should  have  pronounced  their  fate.  A  condition  so  deplor- 
able would  leave  them  no  other  wish,  no  other  prayer,  but  that  u 
lenting  death  might  soon  deliver  them  from  so  many  miseries.  These 
proceedings  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  governor,  who  dissolved 
them,  with  a  severe  reprimand.  But  they  assembled  in  another 
place,  as  private  individuals ;  and  having  chosen  for  their  moderator 
Peyton  Randolph,  a  man  of  great  influence  in  the  province,  they 
resorted,  more  strenuously  than  ever,  to  the  ordinary  remedy  of  as- 

10 


110  THE    AMERICAN    waK  BOOK  III 

sociations  agairiht  the  introduction  of  British  manufactures.  The 
articles  of  the  league,  having  been  circulated  for  the  purpose,  were 
soon  invested  with  all  the  signatures,  not  only  of  the  assembly,  but 
of  the  entire  province.  The  other  colonies  followed  the  example, 
and  adhered  to  the  confederacy  upon  oath.  The  inhabitants  of 
Charleston,  the  capital  of  South  Carolina,  even  discontinued  all 
commerce  with  those  of  Rhode  Island  and  of  Georgia,  as  well  be- 
cause they  had  refused  to  join  this  combination,  or  the  preceding, 
as  because  they  had  exercised  an  extensive  contraband  traffic.  But 
at  length,  these  provinces  also  concurred  with  the  others  ;  Georgia, 
in  September,  Providence  and  Rhode  Island,  a  month  later. 

In  order  to  prevent  the  contraventions  which  avarice,  or  a  secret 
opposition,  might  have  produced,  committees  of  inspectors  were 
created,  to  examine  the  cargoes  of  all  vessels  arriving  from  England, 
and  to  stigmatize  with  the  censure  specified  in  their  regulations, 
those  who  should  violate  their  compact,  by  publishing  their  names 
in  the  public  papers,  and  declaring  them  enemies  to  the  country ; 
and,  as  the  people  were  always  ready  to  take  those  in  hand  who 
should  be  thus  denounced,  the  decrees  of  these  committees  were  re- 
ceived with  general  obedience,  as  if  they  had  proceeded  from  the 
authority  of  government.  AH  were  emulous  to  make  use  of  the 
manufactures  of  the  country  ;  even  the  women,  hitherto  so  decided 
in  their  taste  for  English  merchandise,  not  only  renounced  it,  but 
took  a  laudable  pride  in  adorning  themselves  with  objects  of  do- 
mestic manufacture. 

It  is  not  to  be  understood,  however,  that  in  the  midst  of  this  gen 
eral  zeal  and  enthusiasm,  there  were  no  examples  of  persons,  who. 
governed  by  interest  and  a  thirst  of  gain,  these  powerful  motives  of 
tho  human  breast,  sought  to  make  their  profit  of  circumstances ;  ex- 
tolling, in  public,  the  magnanimity  of  the  American  people,  but  de- 
riding it  in  their  hearts,  they  addicted  themselves  to  a  secret  com- 
merce in  the  merchandise  proscribed.  Even  among  those  who 
{reached  liberty,  and  affected  to  be  called  by  its  name,  even  among 
those  who  with  the  most  forwardness  had  embraced  the  league,  there 
was  more  than  one  individual  who  clandestinely  bought  and  sold. 
The  patriots  had  declared  with  so  much  violence  against  tea,  that,  in 
several  provinces,  nearly  all  the  inhabitants  abstained  from  the  use 
of  it ;  but  this  first  ardor  having  abated  with  time,  many,  either  in 
secret,  or  even  openly,  regaled  themselves  with  this  beverage,  giving 
it  some  other  name.  The  British  officers  themselves,  affecting  a 
military  contempt  for  the  civil  laws,  but  not  less  than  others  mindful 
of  private  interest,  ordered  merchandise  from  England  in  their  own 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  1  ]  1 

names,  as  if  destined  for  the  use  of  their  troops,  which  they  secretly 
introduced  into  the  country. 

Notwithstanding  these  infringements  of  the  general  compact,  men 
of  integrity,  as  always  happens,  faithful  to  their  public  professions, 
persisted  in  the  retrenchments  exacted  by  their  pledge,  from  which 
there  eventually  resulted  an  incalculable  prejudice  to  the  English 
commerce. 

The' assembly  of  Massachusetts,  having  met,  about  the  last  of 
May,  immediately  resumed  the  ancient  controversy,  and  sent  a  mes- 
sage to  the  governor,  purporting  that  whereas  the  capital  of  the 
province  was  invested  with  an  armed  force  by  land  and  sea,  and  the 
gates  of  the  State  House  occupied  with  cannon  by  a  military  guard, 
the  assembly  could  not  deliberate  with  that  freedom  and  dignity 
which  became  them ;  that  they  hoped,  therefore,  this  hostile  appa- 
ratus would  be  removed  from  the  city  and  port.  The  governor  an- 
swered, briefly,  that  he  had  no  authority  over  his  majesty's  ships 
that  were  moored  in  the  port,  or  over  the  troops  which  occupied  the 
city.  The  assembly  replied,  that  this  display  of  armed  force  was 
contrary  to  law ;  and,  no  power  being  superior  to  that  of  arms,  they 
asked,  what  privilege,  or  what  security,  was  left  to  the  house  ?  that, 
where  arms  prevail,  the  civil  laws  are  silent ;  that,  therefore,  the  as- 
sembly had  resolved  to  abstain  from  all  deliberation  whatever,  until 
it  should  be  re-established  in  all  its  authority.  The  governor  ad- 
journed it  to  Cambridge,  a  t-.wn  at  a  short  distance  from  Boston ; 
and  addressed  it  a  requisition  for  a  supply  of  money  for  the  troops. 
Without  noticing  this  demand,  the  assembly  answered  with  new  res- 
olutions, which  discovered  the  extreme  exasperation  of  their  minds. 
They  represented  that  the  discontent  which  had  been  excited  in  the 
province  by  the  tax  laws,  the  expectation  of  more  troops,  the  ap- 
prehension that  they  were  to  be  quartered  in  private  houses,  ano\  the 
people  reduced  to  desperation,  were  things  which  demonstrated  the 
necessity  of  new  conventions  ;  that  the  presence  of  a  standing  army 
in  the  province  in  time  of  peace,  was  a  violation  of  their  natural 
rights,  and  imminently  perilous  to  public  liberty ;  that  governor  Ber- 
nard, in  his  letters  to  the  earl  of  Hillsborough,  had  recommended 
new  modes  of  tyranny  ;  that  general  Gage,  in  writing  that  there  was 
no  longer  a  government  at  Boston,  had  written  the  truth ;  but  that 
this  ought  not  to  be  attributed  to  an  innocent  and  loyal  people,  but, 
in  justice,  to  those  who  had  violated  the  laws,  and  subverted  the 
toundations  of  the  constitution.  At  length,  the  governor  having  re- 
turned to  the  charge  for  subsidies  to  subsist  the  troops,  the  assembly 
declared,  that,  for  their  own  honor,  and  the  interest  of  the  province, 
they  could  not  consent  to  grant  them.     South  Carolina,  Maryland, 


112  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   III. 

Delaware,  and  New  York,  following  the  example  of  the  provinces 
of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  took  the  same  resolutions,  and 
refused  obedience  to  the  mutiny  act. 

Meanwhile,  the  English  government,  willing  to  give  some  indi- 
cation of  a  better  spirit  towards  its  colonies,  announced  to  them  its 
determination  to  propose,  at  the  next  session  of  parliament,  the  re- 
peal of  the  duties  upon  glass,  paper,  and  colors ;  thus  maintaining 
only  the  duty  on  tea.  This  new  mildness  did  not  suit  the  'Ameri- 
cans ;  the  exception  of  tea,  and  the  declaration  that  the  law  should 
be  abrogated  as  contrary  to  the  regulations  of  commerce,  persuad- 
ed them  that  it  was  intended  to  maintain  the  right;  and  this  in 
reality  was  the  truth.  They  were  apprehensive  that  the  affair  might 
be  revived  when  the  present  heats  were  dissipated ;  and  that  the 
government,  then  proceeding  with  more  address  and  vigor,  might 
renew  its  attempts  to  establish  the  authority  of  taxation  forever. 
The  assembly  of  Virginia  protested  in  stronger  terms  than  at  first. 
Combinations  were  again  formed,  as  well  in  this  province  as  in  Mas- 
sachusetts and  the  greater  part  of  the  others ;  but  they  were  this 
time  upon  the  point  of  being  dissolved,  by  the  defection  of  New 
York ;  this  province  authorized  the  importation  of  every  species  of 
English  merchandise,  except  such  as  were  charged  with  some  duty. 

Governor  Bernard  was  at  lengi !•  :  icceeded.  He  departed,  with- 
out leaving  any  regret ;  which  should  be  attributed  to  circumstan- 
ces. He  was  a  man  of  excellent  judgment,  sincerely  attached  to 
the  interests  of  the  province,  and  of  an  irreproachable  character ; 
but  he  was  also  a  defender  of  the  prerogatives  of  the  crown,  and 
wanted  the  pliancy  necessary  in  these  difficult  times ;  ardent,  and 
totally  devoid  of  dissimulation,  he  could  never  abstain  from  declar- 
ing his  sentiments ;  qualities,  none  of  which,  however  laudable,  can 
fail. to  prove  unprofitable,  or  rather  pernicious,  as  well  to  him  that 
possesses  them,  as  to  others,  in  the  political  revolutions  of  states ; 
for  the  multitude  is  either  indulged  without  profit,  or  opposed  with 
detriment. 

Meanwhile,  at  Boston,  things  assumed  the  most  serious  aspect. 
The  inhabitants  supported  with  extreme  repugnance  the  presence  of 
the  soldiers ;  and  these  detested  the  Bostonians.  Hence,  mutual 
insults  and  provocations  occurred. 

1770.  Finally,  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  March,  as  a  soldier 
was  passing  by  the  premises  of  John  Gray,  a  ropemaker,  he  was  as- 
sailed with  abusive  words,  and  afterwards  beaten  severely.  Ho 
soon  returned,  accompanied  by  some  of  his  comrades.  An  aflray 
ensued  between  the  soldiers  and  the  ropemakers,  in  which  the  lat- 
ter had  the  worst. 


BOOR  HI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  113 

The  people  became  greatly  exasperated ;  and,  on  the  5th  of  the 
same  month,  between  seven  and  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  a  vio- 
lent tumult  broke  out.  The  multitude,  armed  with  clubs,  ran 
towards  King  street,  crying,  '  Let  us  drive  out  these  ribalds ;  they 
have  no  business  here.'  The  soldiers  who  were  lodged  in  the  bar- 
racks of  Murray,  were  eager  to  fall  upon  the  populace ;  and  their 
officers  had  the  greatest  difficulty  in  restraining  them.  Meanwhile, 
it  was  cried  that  the  town  had  been  set  on  fire ;  the  bells  pealed 
alarm,  and  the  crowd  increased  from  all  parts.  The  rioters  rushed 
furiously  towards  the  custom  house ;  they  approached  the  sentinel, 
crying,  c  Kill  him !  hill  him ! '  They  assaulted  him  with  snow  balls, 
pieces  of  ice,  and  whatever  they  could  lay  their  hands  upon.  The 
sentinel  in  this  conjuncture,  having  called  the  guard,  captain  Pres- 
ton detached  a  corporal  and  a  few  soldiers  to  protect  this  man,  and 
the  chest  of  the  customs,  from  the  popular  fury.  They  marched 
with  their  arms  loaded,  and  the  captain  himself  followed ;  they  en- 
countered a  band  of  the  populace,  led  by  a  mulatto  named  Attucks, 
who  brandished  their  clubs,  and  pelted  them  with  snow  balls.  The 
maledictions,  the  imprecations,  the  execrations  of  the  multitude, 
were  horrible.  In  the  midst  of  a  torrent  of  invectives  from  every 
quarter,  the  military  was  challenged  to  fire.  The  detachment  was 
surrounded  :  and  the  populace  advanced  to  the  points  of  their  bayo- 
nets. The  soldiers  appeared  like  statues ;  the  cries,  the  howlings, 
the  menaces,  the  violent  din  of  bells,  still  sounding  the  alarm,  in- 
creased the  confusion  and  the  horrors  of  these  moments  ;  at  length 
the  mulatto  and  twelve  of  his  companions,  pressing  forward,  envi- 
roned the  soldiers,  and  striking  their  muskets  with  their  clubs,  cried 
to  the  multitude  ;  '  Be  not  afraid,  they  dare  not  fire ;  ivhy  do  you 
hesitate,  why  do  you  not  kill  them,  why  not  crush  them  at  once  1 ' 
The  mulatto  lifted  his  arm  against  captain  Preston,  and  having  turned 
one  of  the  muskets,  he  seized  the  bayonet  with  his  left  hand,  as 
if  he  intended  to  execute  his  threat.  At  this  moment,  confused 
cries  were  heard,  '  The  wretches  dare  not  fire'  Firing  succeeds ; 
Attucks  is  slain.  Two  other  discharges  follow.  Three  were  killed, 
five  severely  wounded ;  several  others  slightly ;  the  greater  part, 
persons  that  were  passing  by  chance ;  or  quiet  spectators  of  this 
scene.  Eight  soldiers  only  fired,  and  none  more  than  once.  The 
populace  dispersed,  but  returned  soon  after  to  carry  off  the  dead 
and  wounded. 

Meanwhile,  the  whole  city  was  become  a  scene  of  incredible  con- 
fusion, the  crowd  was  seen  hurrying  through  all  the  streets.  The 
sound  of  drums,  and  cries  to  arms,  were  heard  from  every  quarter 
The  citizens  flocked  together  by  thousands.     The  lieutenant  gover 

VOL.   I  10» 


114  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   tit. 

nor,  Hutchinson,  being  arrived  upon  the  spot,  said  in  a  menacing 
tone  to  captain  Preston,  '  Why  have  you  fired  without  the  orders  of 
the  civil  magistrate  ? '    The  other  answered, '  We  have  been  insulted':' . 
But  no  more  was  said,  either  by  the  one  or  by  the  other  ;  this  being 
neither  the  proper  time,  nor  place,  for  an  inquest. 

Hutchinson  made  his  way  through  the  press  of  the  multitude,  and 
they  were  persuaded,  by  his  efforts,  to  disperse. 

The  following  morning,  at  a  very  early  hour,  the  people  re-assem- 
bled.  A  message  was  dispatched  to  the  governor,  declaring  in  the 
name  of  all  the  inhabitants,  that  without  the  immediate  removal  of 
the  soldiers,  it  would  be  impossible  to  restore  the  tranquillity  of  the 
city,  or  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood.  After  repeated  menaces, 
on  the  one  part,  and  many  evasions  on  the  other,  the  troops  were 
removed  to  castle  William.  Captain  Preston,  with  all  the  detach- 
ment he  commanded,  were  committed  to  prison. 

It  was  resolved  to  celebrate  the  obsequies  of  the  slain,  in  the  most 
public  and  solemn  manner ;  not  that  they  were  persons  of  note,  but 
to  testify  and  excite  the  regrets  and  compassion  of  the  people, 
towards  those  who  had  perished  miserably  by  the  hands  of  British 
soldiers,  in  open  violation  of  civil  liberty.  On  the  morning  of  the 
8th,  the  shops  were  closed  ;  all  the  bells  of  Boston,  of  Charlestown, 
and  of  Roxbury,  towns  of  the  vicinity,  were  tolled.  The  proces- 
sions, attending  each  corpse,  proceeded  to  King  street,  and  met  in 
the  same  place,  where,  three  days  before,  the  individuals  whose 
memory  they  honored  thus  had  received  their  death.  Whence  the 
funeral  train,  followed  by  an  immense  multitude  of  people,  and  a 
long  file  of  coaches,  belonging  to  the  most  distinguished  citizens, 
moved,  in  profound  silence,  and  with  every  mark  of  grief  and  indig- 
nation, through  the  main  street,  to  the  place  of  sepulture,  where  the 
bodies  were  deposited  in  the  same  tomb.  * 

The  trial  of  captain  Preston,  and  the  soldiers,  was  afterwards 
taken  up.  John  Adams,  and  Josiah  Quincy,  two  principal  chiefs  of 
the  opposition  in  Massachusetts,  and  lawyers  of  the  greatest  celebri- 
ty, made  their  defense,  with  singular  eloquence  and  ability.  The 
captain  and  six  of  the  eight  soldiers  accused  were  acquitted ;  two 
were  declared  guilty  of  homicide,  without  premeditation.  A  thing 
truly  remarkable,  that  in  the  midst  of  such  a  commotion,  and  at  the 
moment  when  the  effervescence  of  minds  was  so  extreme,  this 
judgment,  so  little  conformable  to  the  wishes  of  the  multitude,  should 
have  been  pronounced.  So  admirable  were  the  judicial  regulations 
established  in  these  countries,  and  so  firm  was  the  resolution  of  the 
judges  to  obey  the  law,  in  defiance  of  all  influence  whatsoever ! 
Adams  and  Quincy  lost  by  their  magnanimity  something  of  their  fa 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  1 15 

vor,  at  the  time,  with  the  people.  Notwithstanding  the  issue  of  the 
trial,  the  greater  number  persisted  in  believing  that  the  wrong  was 
on  the  part  of  the  soldiers)  and  that  their  conduct  was  the  more  bar- 
barous, as  it  had  not  been  provoked.  Thus,  at  least,  the  leaders  of 
party  had  an  interest  that  it  should  t>e  supposed.  These  opinions 
contributed  not  a  little  to  foment  and  even  exasperate  the  hatred  and 
animosities  already,  so  intense  in  all  parts  of  America. 

While  the  minds  of  the  Americans  were  thus  excited  to  greater 
unanimity,  and  rage  fermented  in  every  heart,  those  half  resolutions 
were  taken  in  England,  which  were  the  evident  cause,  on  her  part, 
of  the  fatal  is^ue  of  this  crisis.  Several  causes  contributed,  at  once, 
to  produce  this  result ;  the  prejudices  and  the  incapacity  of  the  min- 
isters ;  the  unfaithful  reports  of  the  agents  of  the  state,  in  America ; 
and,  perhaps,  it  was  no  less  the  work  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  who, 
residing  at  London,  as  the  agent  of  the  colonies,  deceived  the  min- 
isters, as  he  used  to  say,  by  telling  them  the  truth.  So  corrupt,  he 
added,  were  the  men  in  power,  that  they  reputed  his  sincerity  artifice, 
and  the  truth  deception.  Hence,  they  blindly  abandoned  them- 
selves to  illusions,  that  made  them  see  things  different  from  what 
they  were  in  reality,  and  with  a  bandage  over  their  eyes,  they  trod 
incessantly  upon  the  brink  of  a  precipice. 

The  5th  of  March,  lord  North,  who  had  been  appointed  by  the 
king,  prime  minister,  proposed,  in  a  speech  to  the  house  of  Com- 
mons, the  repeal  of  taxes,  excepting  that  upon  tea.  Nowithstand- 
ing  the  opposition  of  many  members,  who  insisted  that  the  Ameri- 
cans would  not  be  satisfied  with  this  partial  repeal,  the  proposition 
was  finally  approved  by  a  great  majority.  The  predictions  of  the 
minority  were  but  too  well  verified  in  America ;  the  continuance 
of  the  duty  on  tea  had  the  effect  to  keep  alive  the  same  discon- 
tents. The  combinations  were  dissolved,  however,  so  far  as  related 
to  the  importation  of  merchandise  not  taxed;  the  article  of  tea 
alone  continued  to  be  prohibited.  The  fermentation  maintained 
itself  principally  in  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  the  local  authori- 
ties of  which  were  incessantly  engaged  in  altercations  with  the  offi- 
cers of  the  crown. 

On  the  whole,  how  many  motives  combined  to  create  in  America 
an  insurmountable  resistance  to  the  designs  of  the  government !  On 
the  one  hand,  the  obstinacy  inherent  to  man,  rendered  still  more  in- 
flexible by  obstacles,  and  the  blood  which  had  flowed,  as  also  by 
the  love  of  liberty  ;  on  the  other,  the  species  of  triumph  already  ob- 
tained by  perseverance,  and  the  opinion  resulting  from  it,  that  not 
from  any  spirit  of  indulgence,  but  a  consciousness  of  inferior  force, 
the  government  had  consented  to  revocations.     The  Americans 


iltf  Tttfi    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  lit. 


Were,  besides,  persuaded  that  the  rumors  which  daily  increased,  of  a 
war  with  France,  would  lay  the  British  ministers  under  the  necessity 
of  conceding  all  their  demands ;  and  finally,  they  well  knew  they 
had  powerful  protectors,  both  within  and  without  the  walls  of  parlia- 
ment. Such  were  the  public  occurrences  in  the  colonies  during  the 
year  1770. 

1771.  In  the  course  of  the  following  year  there  happened  few 
that  are  worthy  of  memory ;  only  the  ordinary  altercations  contin- 
ued between  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts  and  Hutchinson,  who 
had  been  appointed  governor.  All  the  provinces  persisted  in  open 
resistance  to  laws  of  taxation  and  of  commerce  ;  smuggling  was  no 
longer  secretly  but  openly  transacted.  The  officers  of  the  customs 
had  fallen  into  utter  contempt.  In  Boston,  a  tidesman  of  the  cus- 
toms, having  attempted  to  detain  a  vessel  for  breach  of  the  acts  of 
trade,  was  seized  by  the  people,  stripped,  and  carted  through  the 
principal  streets  of  the  city,  besmeared  with  tar,  and  then  covered 
with  feathers.  There  was  some  tumult,  also,  at  Providence ;  the 
inhabitants  having  plundered  and  burnt  the  king's  ship  Wasp. 

1772.  The  government  then  reflected,  that  in  such  a  distempered 
state  of  minds,  it  could  not  hope  to  repress  the  boldness  of  the 
Americans,  and  secure  the  observation  of  the  laws,  without  resorting 
to  «ome  more  effectual  means.  It  resolved,  among  others,  to  ren- 
der the  officers  of  the  crown  totally  independent  of  the  colonial  as- 
semblies ;  to  effect  this,  it  decided  that  the  salaries  and  stipends  of 
the  governors,  judges,  and  other  principal  officers  of  the  colonies, 
should,  in  future,  be  fixed  by  the  crown,  and  paid  without  the  inter- 
vention of  the  colonial  assemblies.  Immediately  new  commotions 
broke  out  in  America,  and  particularly  in  the  province  of  Massachu- 
setts, where  it  was  declared  that  those  who  should  consent  to  be  paid 
by  the  crown,  independently  of  the  general  assembly,  should  be 
deemed  enemies  to  the  constitution,  and  supporters  of  arbitrary  gov- 
ernment. Thus,  all  measures  taken  in  England,  to  vanquish  re- 
sistance, and  re-establish  submission  in  America,  not  being  sustained 
by  an  armed  force  sufficient  to  coerce,  tended  to  a  result  absolutely 
contrary. 

And  if  the  government  meditated  the  display  of  greater  vigor, 
the  Americans  were  occupied  with  the  same  thoughts.  They  were 
not  ignorant,  that  in  popular  agitations,  nothing  tends  more  directly 
to  the  desired  object,  than  having  chiefs  to  direct  the  movements, 
ascertain  the  opinions  of  all  the  members  of  the  confederacy,  and 
act  with  concert  in  their  respective  operations.  Accordingly,  the 
inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  following  the  suggestion  of  Samuel 
Adams  and  James  Warren,  of  Plymouth,  formed  a  council  of  the 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  H7 

partisans  of  a  new  order  of  things,  and  established  a  species  of  po- 
litical hierarchy,  by  creating  committees  of  correspondence  in  all  the 
cities  and  towns  of  the  province  ;  all  referring  to  the  central  commit- 
tee of  Boston.  The  chiefs  were  six  in  number,  each  of  whom 
commanded  a  division ;  the  chiefs  of  a  division,  in  like  manner, 
commanded  a  subdivision,  and  a  movement  being  given  by  the  first, 
was  communicated  progressively,  and  without  delay,  to  the  whole 
province.  These  committees,  or  clubs,  were  composed  of  individu- 
als of  different  characters;  some  entered  them  mechanically,  and 
because  they  saw  others  do  it ;  some  from  attachment  to  the  public 
cause  ;  others  to  acquire  authority,  to  gratify  their  ambition,  or  their 
avarice ;  others,  finally,  because  they  believed  the  general  good  is 
the  supreme  law,  and  that  all  the  maxims  of  private  morals  should 
bend  to  this  sovereign  rule.  All  were  resolved,  or  said  they  were 
resolved,  to  secure  the  liberty  of  their  country,  or  part  with  life  in 
the  glorious  attempt. 

The  governor  affirmed,  that  the  greater  part  of  them  were  athe- 
ists, and  contemners  of  all  religion ;  which  made  him  wonder,  he 
said,  to  see  deacons,  and  other  members  of  the  church,  who  pro- 
fessed a  scrupulous  devotion,  in  league  with  characters  of  such  a 
description. 

This  new  political  order,  instituted  by  the  few,  was  soon  adopted, 
by  the  whole  province ;  and  every  city,  village,  or  town,  had  its 
committee,  which  corresponded  with  the  others.  Their  deliber- 
ations and  decrees  were  considered  as  the  will  and  voice  of  the 
people. 

The  minds  of  the  inhabitants  were  thus  regularly  inflamed  and 
prepared  for  a  general  explosion.  The  other  provinces  imitated 
this  example. 

The  first  occasion  to  act  was  offered  to  the  committee  of  Boston, 
by  the  determination  of  the  government,  to  charge  itself  with  the 
salaries  of  the  judges.  Very  spirited  resolutions  were  framed,  and 
distributed  profusely  throughout  the  provinces.  The  committee  ac- 
companied them  with  a  vehement  letter,  in  which  they  exhorted  the 
inhabitants  to  rouse  from  their  long  slumber,  to  stand  erect,  and 
shake  off  indolence ;  c  now  while]  as  it  was  said  in  the  turgid  style 
of  that  epoch,  \  the  iron  hand  of  oppression  is  daily  tearing  the 
choicest  fruits  from  the  fair  tree  of  liberty.1  The  effervescence 
became  as  extreme  as  universal. 

1773.  Meanwhile,  an  event  occurred,  which  supplied  fresh  fuel 
to  this  fire,  which  already  menaced  a  general  conflagration.  Doc- 
tor Franklin,  agent  at  London  of  several  colonies,  and  particularly 
of  Massachusetts,  had  found  means,  it  is  not  known  how,  to  obtain, 


US  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  III. 


from  the  office  of  state,  the  letters  of  governor  Hutchinson,  of  lieu- 
tenant-governor Oliver,  and  of  some  others  adhering  to  the  party  of 
government  in  America.  In  these  dispatches,  they  acquainted  the 
ministers  with  all  that  passed  in  the  colonies ;  and  delivered  their 
opinions  with  great  freedom.  They  represented,  that  the  members 
of  the  American  opposition  were  generally  persons  of  little  weight, 
audacious  and  turbulent,  but  few  in  number ;  that  they  were  even 
without  influence  with  the  multitude ;  that  the  mildness  and  for- 
bearance of  the  government  had  been  the  sole  cause  of  their  bold- 
ness ;  that  if  it  should  take  vigorous  measures,  all  would  return  to 
their  duty;-  they  recommended,  especially,  that  the  public  officers 
should  receive  their  stipends  from  the  crown.  Franklin  transmitted 
these  letters  to  Massachusetts ;  they  were  printed  and  distributed 
copiously  in  all  parts  of  the  province.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the 
ebullition  they  produced. 

While  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  were  thus  exquisitely  sensi- 
ble to  whatever  they  deemed  hostile  to  their  rights,  resenting  with 
equal  indignation  the  most  trivial  a&  the  most  serious  attack,  a  reso- 
lution was  taken  in  England,  which,  if  it  had  been  executed,  would 
have  given  the  victory  to  the  government,  and  reduced  the  Ameri- 
cans to  the  condition  for  which  they  demonstrated  such  an  extreme 
repugnance.  Their  obstinacy,  in  refusing  to  pay  the  duty  on  tea, 
rendered  the  smuggling  of  it  very  frequent ;  and  their  resolutions 
against  using  it,  although  observed  by  many  with  little  fidelity,  had 
greatly  diminished  the  importation  into  the  colonies  of  this  com- 
modity. Meanwhile,  an  immense  quantity  of  it  was  accumulated  in 
the  warehouses  of  the  East  India  company  in  England.  This  com- 
pany petitioned  the  king  to  suppress  the  duty  of  three  pence  per 
pound  upon,  its  introduction  into  America,  and  continue  the  six 
pence  upon  its  exportation  from  the  ports  of  England ;  a  measure 
which  would  have  given  the  government  an  advantage  of  three  pence 
the  pound,  and  relieved  the  Americans  from  a  law  they  abhorred. 
The  government,  more  solicitous  about  the  right  than  the  revenue, 
would  not  consent.  The  company,  however,  received  permission 
to  transport  tea,  free  of  all  duty,  from  Great  Britain  to  America ; 
and  to  introduce  it  there,  on  paying  a  duty  of  three  pence. 

Here  it  was  no  longer  the  small  vessels  of  private  merchants,  who 
went  to  vend  tea,  for  their  own  account,  in  the  ports  of  the  colo- 
nies, but,  on  the  contrary,  ships  of  an  enormous  burthen,  that  trans- 
ported immense  quantities  of  this  commodity,  which,  by  the  aid  of 
the  public  authority,  might  easily  be  landed,  and  amassed  in  suitable 
magazines.  Accordingly,  the  company  sent  to  its  agents  at  Boston, 
New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  six  hundred  chests  of  tea,  and  a  pro- 


BOO*  lit.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  1 10 

portionate  numDer  to  Charleston,  and  other  maritime  cities  of  the 
American  continent. 

The  colonists  were  now  affived  at  the  decisive  moment,  wheti 
they  must  cast  the  die,  and  determine  their  cause  in  regard  to  par- 
liamentary taxes  ;  for  if  the  tea  was  permitted  to  be  landed,  it  Would 
be  sold,  and  the  duty  consequently  paid.  It  was  therefore  resolved 
to  exert  every  effort  to  prevent  the  landing.  Even  in  England,  in- 
dividuals were  not  wanting  who  fanned  this  fire  \  some  from  a  desire 
to  baffle  the  government,  others  from  motives  of  private  interest,  and 
jealousy  at  the  opportunity  offered  the  East  India  company  to  make 
immense  profits  to  their  prejudice.  They  wrote,  therefore,  to  Amer- 
ica, encouraging  a  strenuous  resistance.  They  represented  to  the 
colonists,  that  this  would  prove  their  last  trial ;  and  if  they  should 
triumph  now,  their  liberty  was  secured  forever  ;  if  they  should  yield, 
they  must  bow  their  necks  to  the  yoke  of  slavery  !  The  materials 
were  too  well  prepared  and  disposed  not  to  kindle.  At  Philadel- 
phia, those  to  whom  the  teas  of  the  company  were  intended  to  be 
consigned,  were  induced  by  persuasion,  or  constrained  by  menaces, 
to  promise  not  in  any  mode  to  accept  the  proffered  consignment.  At 
New  York,  captains  Seers  and  Macdougall,  daring  and  enterprising 
men,  effected  a  concert  of  will  between  the  smugglers,  the  merchants 
and  the  Sons  of  Liberty.  Pamphlets,  suited  to  the  conjuncture,  were 
daily  distributed;  and  nothing  was  left  unattempted,  by  the  populai 
leaders,  to  obtain  their  purpose.  The  factors  of  the  company  were 
obliged  to  resign  their  agency,  and  return  to  England.  In  Boston, 
the  general  voice  declared  the  time  was  come  to  face  the  Storm, 
1  Why  do  we  wait  ?'  they  exclaimed  ;  c  soon  or  late,  we  must  engage 
in  conflict  with  England.  Hundreds  of  years  may  roll  away,  be- 
fore the  ministers  can  have  perpetrated  as  many  violations  of  Our 
rights  as  they  have  committed  within  a  few  years.  The  opposition 
is  formed  ;  it  is  general ;  it  remains  for  us  to  seize  the  Occasion.  The 
more  we  delay,  the  more  strength  is  acquired  by  the  ministers.  Do 
you  not  see  how  many  arrogant  youths  they  send  us,  to  exercise  the 
offices  of  the  revenue,  to  receive  enormous  salaries,  and  to  infect  ui 
with  their  luxury  and  corruption  ?  They  will  take  American  wives, 
and  will  become  powerful  instruments  of  ministerial  tyranny.  This 
is  the  mohlfeht  to  strike  a  decisive  blow,  while  our  cause  is  strong  in 
hope ;  now  is  the  time  t6  prove  our  courage,  or  be  disgraced  with  our 
brethren  of  the  other  colonies,  who  have  their  eyes  fixed  upon  us, 
and  will  be  prompt  in  their  succors,  if  we  show  ourselves  faithful 
and  firm.' 

The  factors  were  urged  to  renounce  their  agency ;  but  they  Re- 
fused, and  took  refuge  in  the  fortress.     Immediately  after,  captain 


f^O1  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III, 

Hall  arrived  in  port,  with  a  cargo  of  more  than  an  hundred  chests 
of  tea.  The  people  instantly  assembled,  in  great  fury,  and  sent 
notice  to  Rotch,  the  consignee  of  this  cargo,  that  if  he  valued  his 
safety  and  interest,  he  must  abstain  from  receiving  the  tea,  and  cau 
tion  captain  Hall  against  attempting  to  land  it.  They  also  placed  a 
guard  on  Griffin's  wharf,  near  which  the  ship  was  moored.  It  was 
agreed,  that  a  strict  watch  should  be  kept ;  that,  in  case  of  any  in- 
sult during  the  night,  the  bell  should  be  rung  immediately ;  that 
some  persons  should  be  always  in  readiness  to  bear  the  intelligence 
of  what  might  occur  to  the  neighboring  towns,  and  to  call  in  the 
assistance  of  the  country  people. 

The  committee  of  correspondence  perform ifcd  their  duty  with 
activity.  Captain  Bruce  and  Coffin  having  arrived,  with  other  car- 
goes of  tea,  they  were  ordered  to  cast  anchor  near  captain  Hall. 
The  people  from  the  country  arrived  in  great  numbers ;  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  town  assembled.  Rotch  was  requested  to  demand  a 
certificate  of  clearance,  that  captain  Hall  might  put  back  to  sea  with 
his  ship. 

Things  appeared  hastening  to  a  disastrous  issue.  In  this  conjunc- 
ture, Josiah  Quincy,  a  man  of  great  influence  in  the  colony,  of  a 
vigorous  and  cultivated  genius,  and  strenuously  opposed  to  ministe- 
rial enterprises,  wishing  to  apprise  his  fellow  citizens  of  the  impor- 
tance of  the  crisis,  and  direct  their  attention  to  results,  demanded 
silence,  and  said, i  This  ardor,  and  this  impetuosity,  which  are  mani- 
fested within  these  walls,  are  not  those  that  are  requisite  to  conduct 
us  to  the  object  we  have  in  view ;  these  may  cool,  may  abate,  may 
vanish,  like  a  flitting  shade.  Quite  other  spirits,  quite  other  efforts, 
are  essential  to  our  salvation.  Greatly  will  he  deceive  himself,  who 
shall  think,  that  with  cries,  with  exclamations,  with  popular  resolu- 
tions, we  can  hope  to  triumph,  in  this  conflict,  and  vanquish  our  in- 
veterate foes.  Their  malignity  is  implacable, — their  thirst  for  ven- 
geance insatiable.  They  have  their  allies,  their  accomplices,  even 
in  the  midst  of  us, — even  in  the  bosom  of  this  innocent  country ; 
and  who  is  ignorant  of  the  power  of  those  who  have  conspired  our 
ruin  ? — who  knows  not  their  artifices  ?  Imagine  not,  therefore,  that 
you  can  bring  this  controversy  to  a  happy  conclusion,  without  the 
most  strenuous,  the  most  arduous,  the  most  terrible  conflict.  Con- 
sider attentively  the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise,  and  the  uncertainty 
of  the  issue.  Reflect  and  ponder,  even  ponder  well,  before  you 
embrace  the  measures  which  are  to  involve  this  country  in  the  most 
perilous  enterprise  the  world  has  witnessed.' 

The  question  was  put,  whether  the  landing  of  the  tea  should  be 
opposed  ?  and  carried  in  the  affirmative  unanimously.     Rotch  was 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  121 

then  requested  to  demand  of  the  governor  a  permit  to  pass  the  cas- 
tle. The  latter  answered,  haughtily,  that  for  the  honor  of  the  laws, 
and  from  duty  to  yards  the  king,  he  could  not  grant  the  permit  until 
the  vessel  was  regularly  cleared.  A  violent  commotion  immediately 
ensued.  A  person  disguised  after  the  manner  of  the  Indians,  who 
was  in  the  gallery,  shouted,  at  this  juncture,  the  cry  of  war ;  the 
meeting  was  dissolved  in  the  twinkling  of  an  eye.  The  multitude 
rushed  in  mass  to  Griffin's  wharf.  About  twenty  persons.,  also  dis- 
guised as  Indians,  then  made  their  appearance ;  all  either  masters  of 
ships,  carpenters  or  calkers.  They  went  on  board  the  ships  laden 
with  tea.  In  less  than  two  hours,  three  hundred  and  forty  chests 
were  staved,  and  emptied  in  the  sea.  They  were  not  interrupted ; 
the  surrounding  multitude  on  shore  served  them  as  a  safeguard. 
The  affair  was  conducted  without  tumult ;  no  damage  was  done  to 
the  ships,  or  to  any  other  effects  whatever.  When  the  operation 
was  terminated,  every  one  repaired  to  his  own  habitation,  either  in 
the  city  or  in  the  country. 

In  New  York  and  in  Philadelphia,  as  no  person  could  be  found 
that  would  venture  to  receive  the  tea,  the  ships  of  the  company, 
which  had  arrived  in  these  ports,  returned,  with  their  cargoes,  to 
England.  In  the  former  city,  however,  .captain  Chamber,  having 
on  board  his  ship  some  chests  of  tea  for  account  of  a  private  mer- 
chant, they  were  thrown  into  the  sea.  At  Charleston,  the  tea  was 
permitted  to  be  landed ;  but,  having  been  deposited  in  certain 
humid  cellars,  it  perished. 

1774.  The  news  of  these  events  having  come  to  the  ears  of  the 
ministers,  they  determined  to  take  more  vigorous  measures.  The 
province  of  Massachusetts,  and  especially  the  city  of  Boston,  had 
always  stood  foremost  in  resistance,  had  been  the  scene  of  the  great- 
est disorders,  and  appeared  the  head-quarters  of  sedition.  The 
ministers  therefore  resolved  to  distinguish  them  by  the  first  marks 
of  their  displeasure.  They  hoped  that  the  principal  agitators  being 
thus  repressed,  the  rest  would  voluntarily  return  to  submission. 
Considering,  also,  that  the  city  of  Boston  was  very  flourishing ;  that 
it  was  accounted  not  only  one  of  the  most  commercial  cities  of  the 
continent,  but  even  considered  as  the  emporium  of  all  the  provinces 
of  New  England  ;  it  is  not  surprising  that  th«y  should  have  taken 
the  resolution  to  deprive  it  entirely  of  its  commerce,  by  means  of  a 
rigorous  interdict,  and  turn  it  all  towards  some  other  maritime  cit) 
of  this  coast.  It  was  thought,  likewise,  that  the  civil  magistrates, 
who,  according  to  the  statutes  of  the  province,  were  chosen  by  the 
people,  ought,  for  the  future,  to  be  appointed  by  the  government ; 
that,  placed  thus  entirely  under  its  influence,  they  might  no  longer 

VOL.  1,  j| 


12$  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III, 

be  inclined  to  favor  the  popular  tumults,  but  become,  from  duty  as 
well  as  inclination,  interested  to  suppress  them,  by  requiring  the  ne- 
cessary assistance  from  the  military  authorities ;  for  it  was  seen  that 
the  late  tumults  owed  their  origin  and  alarming  increase  to  the  inac- 
tivity of  the  military,  which,  according  to  the  established  laws,  could 
not  interfere  without  the  requisition  of  the  civil  magistrates,  from 
which  they  had  purposely  abstained.  It  was  also  in  deliberation  to 
pass  a  law  for  enabling  the  soldiers  to  execute  with  perfect  security 
the  orders  they  might  receive  for  the  suppression  of  tumults,  without 
any  fear  of  consequences.  The  ministers  expected  thus  to  create 
divisions,  to  render  the  civil  magistrates  absolutely  dependent  on  the 
government,  and  to  re-establish  the  soldiery  in  that  independence 
which  is  essential  to  the  complete  exertion  and  efficacy  of  their 
force.  But  whoever  has  a  competent  share  of  natural  capacity,  and 
a  slight  acquaintance  with  political  affairs,  will  readily  see  how  wide 
were  these  resolutions  of  the  British  ministers  from  corresponding 
with  the  urgency  of  circumstances.  Is  it  not  surprising,  that  a  govern- 
ment like  that  of  England,  which  at  all  times  had  exhibited  the  evi- 
dences of  an  extreme  ability,  and  of  singular  energy,  having  before 
its  eyes  the  example  of  the  revolutions  of  Switzerland  and  of  Hol- 
land, well  knowing  the  inflexible  pertinacity  inherent  to  the  Ameri- 
can people,  and  the  astonishing  unity  of  sentiments  they  had  recent- 
ly manifested  in  all  their  movements,  is  it  not  even  astonishing  that 
this  government  could  have  brought  itself  to  believe,  that  the  block- 
ing up  a  port  and  change  of  some  old  statutes,  things  that  tended 
more  to  irritate  than  coerce,  would  suffice  to  curb  such  headlong  fury, 
vanquish  such  unyielding  obstinacy,  dissolve  a  league  so  formidable, 
and  re-establish  obedience  where  rebellion  had  already  commenced 
its  impetuous  career  ?  The  display  of  a  formidable  force,  and  not  the 
reforms  of  charters,  presented  the  only  mode  of  promptly  termi- 
nating the  contest,  maintaining  the  ancient  order  of  things,  and  re- 
storing tranquillity  in  America. 

The  ministers  ought  to  have  been  the  more  prompt  in  their  military 
preparations,  as  they  should  not  have  been  ignorant  that  France  se- 
cretly encouraged  these  commotions,  and  was  no  stranger  to  their  ul- 
timate object.  Arms  were  not  wanting ;  they  abounded.  Due  fore- 
cast, or  the  requisite  vigor,  were  indeed  wanting  in  the  British  coun- 
cils. Twenty  or  thirty  thousand  men,  sent  to  America  immediately 
after  the  commencement  of  the  disorders,  would  indubitably  have 
surmounted  all  resistance,  and  re-established  obedience ;  which  it 
was  idle  to  expect  from  a  few  modifications  of  the  laws.  England, 
in  this  instance,  appeared  to  have  forgotten  the  familiar  aphorism, 
f.hni  wars,  to  be  short,  must  be  vigorous  and  terrible. 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  123 

Nor  could  it  be  alledged,  that  the  principles  of  the  British  constitu- 
tion would  not  have  permitted  the  sending  of  a  regular  army  into  a 
British  province,  and  in  time  of  peace ;  for,  if  the  parliament  sub- 
verted the  fundamental  statutes  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts, 
and  destroyed  the  most  essential  bases  of  the  constitution  itself,  by 
the  laws  it  was  about  to  enact,  it  could  also  have  authorized  the 
presence  of  an  efficient  standing  army.  But  lord  Bute,  the  favorite 
counsellor  of  the  king,  and  author  of  most  of  the  secret  resolutions, 
was  a  man  whose  passions  were  more  remarkable  than  his  sagacity  ; 
and  lord  North,  the  prime  minister,  was  rather  an  accurate  and  la- 
borious financier,  than  a  statesman.  He  had  formed  about  him  a 
council  of  the  most  celebrated  lawyers  of  the  kingdom,  to  have  their 
advice  upon  the  present  state  of  affairs ;  and  too  many  examples 
attest,  what  is  to  be  expected  from  these  doctors,  when,  with  their 
schemes,  and  sophistical  refinements,  they  undertake  to  interfere  in 
the  government  of  states,  and  to  direct  the  revolutions  of  nations. 
Good  armies,  large  and  vigorous  measures,  are  the  only  means  of 
success  in  such  circumstances.  In  critical  moments,  the  direction 
of  affairs  should  be  confided  to  men  of  firmness  and  decision,  not  to 
those  whose  cautious  timidity  can  venture  only  half  measures,  and 
who  are  incapable  of  embracing  a  magnanimous  policy. 

Lord  North,  on  the  14th  of  March,  proposed  in  the  house  of  com- 
mons a  bill,  of  the  following  purport;  that,  dating  from  the  1st  of 
June,  1774,  it  should  be  prohibited  to  land  or  discharge,  lade  or  em- 
bark, any  goods,  wares,  or  merchandise,  whatsoever,  at  the  town  or 
within  the  harbor  of  Boston;  and  that  the  officers  of  the  customs 
should  be  transferred  immediately  to  the  port  of  Salem.  The  min- 
ister remarked,  that  this  law  was  no  less  necessary  than  just ;  as 
from  this  city  had  issued  all  the  mischief  which  disturbed  the  colo- 
nies, and  all  the  venom  that  infected  America. 

1  Thrice  already  have  the  officers  of  the  customs  been  prevented 
from  discharging  their  duty.  At  the  epoch  of  the  disorders,  the  in- 
habitants, instead  of  interfering  to  appease  them,  maintained  regular 
guards,  day  and  night,  to  prevent  the  landing  of  tea  and  other  Brit- 
ish merchandise.  Nay,  more ;  still  fearing  it  might  be  landed,  writh 
an  excess  of  popular  insolence,  absolutely  unheard  of,  they  have 
thrown  into  the  sea  the  tea  of  the  East  India  company.  The  meas- 
ure proposed  is  more  severe  in  appearance  than  in  reality ;  for  the 
Bostonians  may  cause  it  to  cease,  by  yielding  due  respect  to  the  laws. 
A  few  frigates  stationed  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor,  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  carry  it  into  effect,  without  calling  in  the  aid  of  the  military. 

1  It  is  now  quite  time  to  assume  a  firm  attitude,  and  to  take  such 
vigorous  steps  as  shall  ultimately  persuade  the  Americans  that  Eng- 


124  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  III. 

land  has  not  only  the  power,  but.  also  the  will,  to  maintain  them  in 
obedience ;  in  a  word,  that  she  is  unalterably  determined  to  pro- 
tect her  laws,  her  commerce,  her  magistrates  and  her  own  dig- 
nity.' 

The  project  of  the  minister  was  opposed  by  the  agent  of  Massa- 
chusetts, named  Bollan,  and  by  several  orators  of  the  house  of  ccm- 
mons,  among  whom  Burke  and  Dowdeswell  appeared  the  most 
animated ; 

'  It  is  wished,  then,  to  condemn  the  accused  without  a  hearing, — 
to  punish  indiscriminately  the  innocent  with  the  guilty  !  You  will 
thus  irrevocably  alienate  the  hearts  of  the  colonists  from  the  mother 
country.  Before  the  adoption  of  so  violent  a  measure,  tha  principal 
merchants  of  the  kingdom  should  at  least  be  consulted.  The  bill  is 
unjust ;  since  it  bears  only  upon  the  city  of  Boston,  while  it  is  noto- 
rious that  all  America  is  in  flames;  that  the  cities  of  Philadelphia, 
of  New  York,  and  all  the  maritime  towns  of  the  continent,  have  ex- 
hibited the  same  disorders.  You  are  contending  for  a  matter  which 
the  Bostonians  will  not  give  up  quietly.  They  cannot,  by  such 
means,  be  made  to  bow  to  the  authority  of  ministers ;  on  the  con- 
trary, you  will  find  their  obstinacy  confirmed,  and  their  fury  exasper- 
ated. The  acts  of  resistance  in  their  city  have  not  been  confined  to 
the  populace  alone  ;  but  men  of  the  first  rank  and  opulent  fortune, 
in  the  place,  have  openly  countenanced  them.  One  city  in  pro- 
scription, and  the  rest  in  rebellion,  can  never  be  a  remedial  measure 
for  general  disturbances.  Have  you  considered  whether  you  have 
troops  and  ships  sufficient  to  reduce  the  people  of  the  whole  American 
continent  to  your  devotion  ?  It  was  the  duty  of  your  governor,  and 
not  of  men  without  arms,  to  suppress  the  tumults.  If  this  officer  has 
not  demanded  the  proper  assistance  from  the  military  commanders, 
why  punish  the  innocent  for  the  fault  and  the  negligence  of  the  offi- 
cers of  the  crown  ?  Who  is  ignorant  that  certain  foreign  powers  wait 
only  for  an  occasion  to  move  against  England  ?  And  will  England 
now  offer  them  this  object  of  their  desires  ?  The  resistance  is  general 
in  all  parts  of  America ;  you  must  therefore  let  it  govern  itself  by  its 
own  internal  policy,  or  make  it  subservient  to  all  your  laws,  by  an 
exeition  of  all  the  forces  of  the  kingdom.  These  partial  counsels 
are  well  suited  to  irritate,  not  to  subjugate.' 

Notwithstanding  all  these  arguments,  the  ministers  obtained  an 
immense  majority  of  the  suffrages ;  and  the  bill  passed,  almost  with- 
out opposition. 

A  few  days  after,  lord  North  proposed  another  law,  which  went 
to  subvert  entirely  the  fundamental  statutes  of  Massachusetts,  by 
investing  the  crown  with  the  power  to  appoint  the  counsellors,  judges 


BOOK  in.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  !  28 

and  magistrates  of  all  denominations ;  with  the  clause  that  each 
should  hold  his  office  during  the  pleasure  of  the  king.  Thus  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  no  longer  had  authority  to  interfere,  either 
directly  or  by  their  representatives,  in  the  administration  of  the 
province,  which  became,  therefore,  completely  dependent  on  the 
government ;  as  the  latter  controlled,  at  will,  the  measures  of  all  the 
civil  authorities. 

The  ministers  alledged  that  in  doing  this,  no  more  was  attempted 
than  to  place  that  province  on  the  same  footing  as  several  others ; 
that  the  government  did  not,  at  present,  possess  a  sufficient  share  of 
power, — too  much  being  lodged  in  the  hands  of  the  people  ; 

'.  If  such  a  state  of  things  be  suffered  to  continue,  it  will  no  longer 
be  possible  to  repress  the  seditious,  and  prevent  the  repetition  of  dis- 
orders. The  magistrates,  so  long  as  they  are  chosen  by  the  people, 
will  never  attempt  to  resist  them  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  will  endeavor 
to  natter  their  caprices,  than  which  nothing  can  be  imagined  more 
fatal,  or  more  contrary  to  the  public  repose.  In  this  province,  all  is 
confusion  and  uproar.  In  desperate  cases,  the  most  active  remedies 
are  necessary.  Such  is  the  crisis  of  "the  moment,  that  we  must  either 
renounce  all  supremacy  over  America,  or  curb  with  more  effectual 
means  these  unruly  spirits ;  and,  in  such  an  extremity,  what  is  the 
use  of  cavils  and  subtile  distinctions  ?' 

But  the  members  of  the  opposition,  and  the  agents  of  Massachu- 
setts, represented,  on  their  part,  that  the  measure  proposed  was 
flagranti y  tyrannical ;  that  this  alone,  setting  aside  the  affair  of 
taxation,  was  more  than  sufficient  to  excite  the  greatest  commotions 
in  America. 

'  What  can  the  Americans  believe,  but  that  England  wishes  to  de- 
spoil them  of  all  liberty,  of  all  franchise  ;  and,  by  the  destruction  of 
their  charters,  to  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  the  most  abject  slavery  ? 
It  is  a  thing  of  no  little  peril,  however,  to  undertake  the  reformation 
of  charters.  The  princes  of  the  house  of  Stuart  found  it  so;  who 
lost  the  crown  in  attempting  to  gratify  so  fatal  an  ambition.  Great 
Britain  has  always  held  similar  proceedings  in  just  abhorrence ;  and 
how,  can  she  now  herself  pretend  to  imitate  them?  Hitherto  the 
Americans  have  only  complained  of  the  loss  of  one  of  their  immu- 
nities ;  but  at  present  it  is  proposed  to  usurp  them  all.  The  other 
colonies  will  believe,  that  what  is  commenced  in  Massachusetts  will 
soon  be  introduced  in  each  of  them  ;  and  thus,  it  cannot  be  doubted, 
they  will  all  combine  to  oppose  such  attempts  in  the  outset.  As 
the  Americans  are  no  less  ardently  attached  to  liberty  than  the  Eng- 
lish themselves,  can  it  even  be  hoped  they  will  submit  to  such  ex- 
orbitant usurpations, — to  such  portentous  resolutions?' 

11* 


t 


126  THE    AMERICAN     WAR.  BOOK  III. 

These,  with  other  considerations,  were  advanced  by  those  who 
advocated  the  American  cause  ;  but  all  was  in  vain.  The  bill  was 
passed,  by  an  immense  majority. 

Lord  North  then  proposed  a  third,  by  which  it  was  provided,  that 
in  case  any  individual  should  be  questioned,  in  the  province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, for  homicide,  or  other  capital  offense,  and  it  should  ap- 
pear to  the  governor,  that  the  act  was  done  in  the  execution  of  the 
law,  or  in  assisting  any  magistrate  to  suppress  tumults,  and  that  a 
just  and  impartial  trial  was  not  to  be  expected  in  the  province,  the 
same  governor  should  have  authority  to  send  the  accused  to  take 
his  trial  in  another  colony,  or,  if  expedient,  even  in  Great  Britain. 
This  act  was  to  be  in  force,  for  the  term  of  four  years. 

The  minister  insisted  in  his  discourse,  that  without  the  measure 
proposed,  those  whose  office  it  was  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  would  be  very  remiss  in  the  discharge  of  this  duty,  having  no 
hope  to  find,  in  case  of  need,  an  impartial  tribunal  to  judge  them. 
1  It  is  impossible,  without  inconsistency,  to  commit  the  trial  of  such 
persons  to  those  against  whom,  in  obedience  to  the  laws,  they  may 
have  acted.  The  bill  now  submitted  will  crown  the  resolutions 
taken  with  respect  to  the  colonies ;  your  work,  without  this,  would 
remain  unfinished  and  defective.  We  must  consider,  that  every 
thing  we  have,  that  is  valuable  to  us,  is  at  stake ;  and  the  question 
at  issue  is  very  shortly  this,  Whether  the  Americans  shall  continue 
the  subjects  of  Great  Britain  or  not  ?  I  feel  assured  of  a  good 
result,  when  all  these  new  arrangements  shall  be  carried  properly 
into  execution.' 

But  colonel  Barre,  and  Edmund  Burke,  opposed  the  minister 
with  great  warmth  ;  and  spoke,  in  substance,  as  follows :  '  This  is 
indeed  the  most  extraordinary  resolution  that  was  ever  heard  in  the 
parliament  of  England.  It  offers  new  encouragement  to  military 
insolence,  already  so  insupportable ;  which  is  the  more  odious,  in 
the  present  case,  as  the  soldiers  are  expected  to  act  against  their  own 
fellow  citizens  !  By  this  law,  the  Americans  are  deprived  of  a  right 
which  belongs  to  every  human  creature, — that  of  demanding  justice 
before  a  tribunal  composed  of  impartial  judges.  Even  captain 
Preston,  who,  in  their  own  city  of  Boston,  had  shed  the  blood  of 
citizens,  found  among  them  a  fair  trial,  and  equitable  judges.  It  is 
an  idea  so  extravagant,  this  of  taking  the  trial  over  the  Atlantic  seas, 
three  thousand  miles,  to  Great  Britain,  where  the  prisoner  may  cab 
upon  and  subpoena  as  many  witnesses  as  he  pleases,  that  it  is  hard 
to  conceive  how  it  could  have  entered  the  brain  of  any  man  in  his 
senses.  Instead  of  stimulating  the  audacity  of  regular  troops,  on 
the  contrary  the  provincial  militia  should  be  encouraged,  that  the? 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  127 

may  serve  as  a  shield  and  a  bulwark  against  them  m  favor  of  civil 
.iberty.  To  approve  this  law  is  equivalent  to  a  declaration  of  war 
against  the  colonies.  Let  us  but  look  a  little  into  our  behavior. 
When  we  are  insulted  by  Spain,  we  negotiate  ;  when  we  dispute 
with  our  brethren  of  America,  we  prepare  our  ships  and  our  troops 
to  attack  them.  In  the  one  house  of  parliament,  'we  have  passed 
the  Rubicon ;'  in  the  other,  '  delenda  est  Carthago,'  But  I  see 
nothing  in  the  present  measures,  but  inhumanity,  injustice,  and 
wickedness  ;  and  I  fear  that  the  hand  of  Heaven  will  fall  down  on 
this  unhappy  country,  with  the  same  degree  of  vengeance  we  desire 
to  wreak  on  our  brethren  of  America.  And  what  is  the  unpardon- 
able offense  the  Americans  have  been  guilty  of?  Of  no  other  but 
that  of  refusing  their  consent  to  an  act  that  was  contrary  to  the  writ- 
ten laws,  and  to  the  unalterable  principles  of  the  British  constitu- 
tion. .And  if  England  herself,  in  certain  ancient  times,  had  not  re- 
sisted such  arbitrary  laws,  should  we  have  enjoyed  our  present  free 
government,  or  should  we  have  existed  as  a  house  of  commons  here 
this  day  ? ' 

Lord  Germaine,  having  risen,  spoke  thus  on  the  side  of  ministers  ; 
1  If  I  believed  that  the  measure  in  question  could  be  deemed  unjust 
and  tyrannical,  I  certainly  should  not  undertake  to  support  it  against 
such  vehement  attacks.  But  as  I  think  it,  on  the  contrary,  not  only 
just,  but  seasonable  and  necessary,  I  shall  freely  defend  it,  even  at 
the  risk,  in  so  doing,  of  wounding  the  delicate  ears  of  the  orators 
seated  opposite.  The  trial  of  the  military  on  this  side  of  the  water 
has  been  much  objected  to.  What  is  it,  sir,  but  a  protection  of  inno- 
cence ?  Can  any  thing  be  more  desirable  to  generous  minds,  than 
that  ?  America,  at  this  instant,  is  nothing  but  anarchy  and  confu- 
sion. Have  they  any  one  measure,  but  what  depends  upon  the  will 
of  a  lawless  multitude  ?  Where  are  the  courts  of  justice  ?  Shut  up. 
Where  are  your  council  ?  Where  is  your  governor  ?  All  of  them 
intimidated  by  the  infuriate  rabble.  Can  you  expect,  in  the  midst 
of  such  tumults,  in  the  midst  of  such  ferocious  anarchy,  that  these 
men  could  have  a  fair  trial  ?  No ;  assuredly  not.  It  has  been  ob- 
served, that  we  negotiated,  however,  with  Spain.  But  the  Spaniards 
disavowed  the  fact,  and  acknowledged  our  right  with  respect  to  the 
Falkland  Islands ;  whereas,  the  contumacious  Americans  continue 
to  resist  and  deride  us !  It  is  objected,  that  these  proceedings  are 
to  deprive  persons  of  their  natural  right.  Let  me  ask,  of  what  natu- 
ral right  ?  Whether  that  of  smuggling,  or  of  throwing  tea  over- 
board ? — or  of  another  natural  right,  which  is  not  paying  their  debts  ? 
But  surely  this  bill  does  not  destroy  any  of  their  civil  rights.  You 
have  given  the  innocent  man  a  fair  trial.     It  is  not  a  military  govern- 


l%8  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  ill. 


ment  that  is  established ;  but  the  alteration  of  a  civil  one,  by  which 
it  is  made  conformable  to  existing  circumstances.  If  peace,  if  obe- 
dience to  the  laws  and  legitimate  authorities,  are  still  to  be  re-estab- 
lished in  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  this  is  the  only  measure  that 
can  conduct  us  to  a  result  so  desirable.' 

The  question  being  put,  it  was  resolved  in  the  affirmative  ;  an 
hundred  and  twenty-seven  voted  in  favor  of  the  bill,  and  only 
twenty-four  against. 

Notwithstanding  the  resolutions  recently  taken,  which  were  to 
produce  such  salutary  effects  in  the  colonies,  the  government  re- 
flected thai  i^e  Americans  might  possibly  proceed  to  the  last  ex- 
tremities, and  iat*J  render  it  necessary  to  use  open  force  to  reduce 
them ;  the  ministers  therefore  thought  it  might  be  well  to  secure  a 
place  near  the  colonies,  where  they  could  make  the  necessary  prep- 
arations, and  disembark,  upon  occasion,  their  troops  and  munitions 
of  war,  without  obstacles,  without  discontent  on  the  part  of  the  in- 
habitants, and,  especially,  without  these  eternal  complaints  of  the 
violation  of  rights  and  of  statutes.  For  such  a  purpose,  no  prov- 
ince appeared  more  suitable  than  Canada,  which,  from  its  situation, 
was  well  adapted  to  overawe  the  colonies  where  the  late  tumults  had 
arisen.  But,  to  facilitate  this  design,  it  was  requisite  to  satisfy  the 
Canadians,  who,  till  very  lately,  having  been  French,  were  not  yet 
accustomed  to  the  laws  of  their  new  masters,  and  were  even  much 
inclined  to  detest  them.  The  Canadian  nobility,  heretofore  possessed 
of  great  authority  in  their  province,  complained  that  they  had  no 
longer  so  considerable  a  part  in  public  affairs,  as  they  had  enjoyed 
under  the  French  dominion.  The  people,  professing  generally  the 
Catholic  religion,  were  dissatisfied  because  they  were  not  permitted 
to  partake  of  all  the  privileges  and  civil  advantages  enjoyed  by 
Protestant  subjects. 

These  motives  determined  the  government  to  extend  the  author- 
ity of  the  nobility,  and  establish  a  perfect  equality  of  rights  between 
the  Catholics  and  Protestants.  Accordingly,  upon  the  motion  of 
lord  North,  the  parliament  passed  an  act,  establishing,  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Canada,  a  legislative  council,  invested  with  all  powers,  ex- 
cept that  of  imposing  taxes.  It  was  provided,  that  its  members 
should  be  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  continue  in  authority  during 
its  pleasure  ;  that  the  Canadian  subjects  professing  the  Catholic  faith, 
might  be  called  to  sit  in  this  council ;  that  the  Catholic  clergy,  with 
the  exception  of  the  regular  orders,  should  be  secured  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  their  possessions,  and  of  their  tithes  towards  all  those  who 
professed  the  same  religion ;  that  the  French  laws,  without  jury, 
should  be  re-established,  preserving,  however,  the  English  laws,  with 


BOOK  111.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  1 20 

trial  by  jury,  in  criminal  cases.  It  was  also  added,  in  order  to  fur- 
nish the  ministers  with  a  larger  scope  for  their  designs,  that  the  limits 
of  Canada  should  be  extended  so  as  to  embrace  the  territory  situ- 
ated between  the  lakes,  the  river  Ohio  and  the  Mississippi.  Thus,  it 
was  hoped,  that  being  flanked  by  a  province  reduced  to  a  state  of 
absolute  dependence  on  the  government,  and  with  this  bridle,  as  it 
were,  in  the  mouth,  the  Americans  would  no  longer  dare  to  renew 
their  accustomed  sallies. 

In  the  last  place,  a  bill  was  proposed  and  passed,  which  author- 
ized, in  case  of  exigency,  the  quartering  of  soldiers  in  the  houses 
of  citizens. 

These  new  laws  were  received  in  England  with  universal  applause ; 
as  a  general  and  violent  indignation  had  been  excited  there,  by  the 
insolence  and  enormities  of  the  Americans.  The  bill  of  Quebec, 
however,  as  that  of  Canada  was  called,  found  a  much  less  cordial  re- 
ception. It  even  occasioned  much  murmuring  among  the  English 
people.  '  The  other  laws/  it  was  said, '  are  just  and  proper,  because 
they  tend  to  establish  English  authority  over  the  seditious ;  but  this 
is  an  attempt  against  the  national  liberty  and  religion.' 

Governor  Hutchinson,  become  odious  to  the  Americans,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  general  Gage,  a  man  much  known,  and  highly  respected, 
in  America.  He  was  invested  with  the  most  ample  authority,  to 
pardon  and  remit,  at  discretion,  all  treason  or  felony,  and  even  all 
murders  or  crimes,  of  whatever  denomination,  as  also  all  forfeitures 
and  penalties  whatsoever,  which  the  ir habitants  of  Massachusetts 
might  have  incurred. 

An  universal  curiosity  prevailed,  to  know  the  result  of  the  new 
measures  taken  by  the  English  ministers,  and  what  would  be  the 
issue  of  a  contest,  in  which  all  the  authority  of  a  most  ancient  and 
powerful  kingdom,  formidable  even  from  the  terror  of  its  name,  and 
the  recent  glory  of  its  arms,  combated  against  the  obstinacy  of  a 
people  naturally  headstrong,  and  attached  to  their  privileges  almost 
to  infatuation.  Nor  did  the  course  of  events  remain  long  in  doubt. 
For,  upon  the  arrival  in  Boston  of  the  news  of  the  port  bill,  a  meet- 
ing of  the  inhabitants  was  immediately  called ;  in  which,  the  act  was 
declared  to  be  unjust  and  cruel ;  they  made  their  appeal  to  God  and 
to  the  world.  A  vast  number  of  copies  of  the  act  were  printed  and 
dispersed  throughout  the  colonies ;  and,  to  make  the  deeper  impres- 
sion on  the  multitude,  the  copies  were  printed  on  mourning  paper, 
bordered  with  black  lines  ;  and  they  were  cried  through  the  country, 
as  the  '  barbarous,  cruel,  sanguinary  and  inhuman  murder.'  In 
many  places,  it  was  burnt  with  great  solemnity  by  the  assembled 
multitude. 


130  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  §  BOOK  III. 

Iii  the  midst  of  this  effervescence,  general  Gage  arrived  at  Bos« 
ton  ;  where,  notwithstanding  the  general  agitation,  he  was  received 
with  distinction. 

The  committee  of  correspondence  perceived  all  the  importance 
of  uniting  in  a  common  sentiment  the  committees  of  the  other  colo- 
nies ;  but  they  also  felt  the  constraint  of  their  present  position,  since 
the  particular  interests  of  Boston  were  now  especially  concerned. 
They  wrote,  therefore,  with  a  modest  reserve,  and  their  letters  mere- 
ly expressed  a  hope,  that  the  city  of  Boston  would  be  considered  as 
suffering  for  the  common  cause. 

The  flames  of  this  combustion  were  soon  communicated  to  all 
parts  of  the  continent ;  there  was  not  a  place  that  did  not  convene, 
its  assembly,  that  did  not  dispatch  its  letters,  animated  with  tho 
same  spirit ;  the  praises,  the  congratulations,  the  encouragements, 
addressed  to  the  Bostonians,  were  without  end.  The  province  of 
Virginia  was  also  on  this  occasion  prompt  to  give  the  signal  and  th« 
example ;  its  assembly  was  in  session  when  the  news  arrived  of  the) 
Boston  port  bill.  It  was  immediately  resolved,  that  the  first  of 
June,  the  time  prefixed  for  the  law  to  take  effect,  should  be  observed 
by  all  as  a  day  of  fasting,  prayer  and  humiliation ;  that  on  this 
day,  the  divine  mercy  should  be  supplicated,  that  it  would  deign  to 
avert  the  calamities  which  threatened  the  Americans  with  the  loss  of 
their  rights,  and  a  civil  war ;  that  it  would  inspire  all  hearts  and  all 
minds  with  the  same  affections  and  with  the  same  thoughts,  that  they 
might  effectually  concur  in  the  defense  of  their  liberty.  The  other 
cities  followed  this  example.  The  popular  orators  in  the  public 
halls,  and  the  ministers  of  religion  in  the  churches,  pronounced  dis- 
courses adapted  to  inflame  the  people  against  the  authors  of  the 
usurpations,  and  all  the  evils  of  which  the  Bostonians  were  the 
victims.  The  governor  thought  it  prudent  to  dissolve  the  assembly 
of  Virginia.  But  prior  to  their  separation,  they  contracted  a  league, 
by  which  they  declared,  that  the  attempt  by  coercion,  to  induce  one 
of  the  colonies  to  consent  to  an  arbitrary  tax,  was  to  be  considered 
as  an  outrage  common  to  all ;  that  in  such  a  case,  it  was  just  and 
necessary  that  all  should  unite,  with  one  consent,  to  oppose  such 
pernicious,  such  detestable  counsels.  Not  content  with  this,  they 
adopted  a  resolution,  which  was  the  most  important  of  all ;  it  pur- 
ported that  all  the  colonies  should  be  invited  to  choose  deputies,  to 
convene  every  year,  in  a  general  congress,  to  deliberate  in  common 
upon  the  general  interests  of  America. 

In  Boston,  the  general  assembly  of  the  province  having  met,  the 
new  governor  informed  the  house,  that  on  the  first  of  June,  in  con- 
formity to  the  port  bill,  their  sittings  must  be  transferred  to  Salem. 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  131 

But  perceiving,  that,  to  avoid  this  translation,  they  hastened  to  ter- 
minate the  affairs  in  deliberation,  he  adjourned  them  himself  to  Sa- 
lem, for  the  7th  of  June.  When  re-assembled  in  this  place,  the 
house  immediately  took  into  consideration  the  events  of  the  day. 
The  leaders,  among  whom  Samuel  Adams  was  the  most  active,  had 
prepared  the  resolutions.  The  assembly  decreed  that  a  general 
congress  should  be  convoked ;  they  elected  the  deputies  that  were 
to  represent  the  province  in  the  same,  and  made  provision  for  their 
expenses. 

Maryland  held  its  assembly  at  Annapolis ;  South  Carolina,  at 
Charleston ;  Pennsylvania,  at  Philadelphia ;  Connecticut,  at  New 
London ;  Rhode  Island,  at  Newport ;  and,  in  a  word,  all  the  provinces 
from  New  Hampshire  to  South  Carolina,  pursued  one  course  ;  all 
udhered  to  the  measure  of  holding  a  general  congress  ;  and  elected 
their  deputies  accordingly.  No  province  sent  less  than  two,  or  more 
than  seven  representatives.  The  city  of  Philadelphia,  being  rich,, 
flourishing  and  populous,  and  forming  a  central  point  between  the 
provinces  of  the  north  and  those  of  the  south,  was  chosen  for  the 
seat  of  the  general  congress. 

The  associations  against  British  commerce  were  also  resumed  with 
great  spirit ;  the  provincial  assemblies,  the  town  meetings,  and  the 
committees  of  correspondence,  all  co-operated  with  admirable  effect, 
in  promoting  the  same  object.  Had  it  been  possible  to  increase  the 
animosity  and  indignation  already  kindled  by  the  Boston  port  bill, 
they  must  have  redoubled  at  the  news  of  the  two  other  acts,  con- 
cerning the  civil  administration  of  Massachusetts,  and  that  of  Que- 
bec. The  Boston  committee  of  correspondence  originated  a  mo- 
tion, upon  this  occasion,  of  great  moment ;  it  was  to  form  a  general 
combination,  which  should  be  called,  '  The  League  and  Covenant,'' 
in  imitation  of  the  leagues  and  covenants  made  in  the  times  of  civil 
wars  in  England.  The  covenanters  were  required  to  obligate  them- 
selves, in  the  presence  of  God,  and  promise  in  the  most  solemn  and 
religious  manner,  to  cease  all  commerce  with  England,  dating  from 
the  last  of  the  ensuing  month  of  August,  until  the  late  detestable  acts 
should  be  repealed,  and  the  colony  reinstated  in  all  its  rights,  fran- 
chises, liberty  and  privileges  ;  not  to  purchase  or  use,  after  this  term, 
any  British  goods,  wares  or  merchandise  whatsoever ;  and  to  abstain 
from  all  commerce  or  traffic  whatever  with  those  who  should 
use  or  introduce  them,  or  refuse  to  enter  into  the  solemn  league. 
Finally,  a  menace  was  added,  which,  in  a  period  of  such  universal 
excitement,  was  sufficient  to  intimidate,  that  the  names  of  those 
should  be  published  who  should  refuse  to  give  this  authentic  proof 
of  their  attachment  to  the  rights  and  liberty  of  their  country.     If 


132  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IIS, 

the  resolution  was  bold,  its  execution  was  not  tardy.  The  articles 
of  the  league  were  transmitted,  by  circulars,  to  the  other  provinces, 
with  invitation  to  the  inhabitants  to  annex  their  names.  Either  vol- 
untarily or  out  of  fear,  an  infinite  number  subscribed  in  all  the  prov- 
inces, and  particularly  in  those  of  New  England.  The  citizens  of 
Philadelphia  alone  discovered  a  repugnance  to  the  measure ;  not  that 
they  felt  less  abhorrence  for  the  proceedings  of  England,  or  were 
less  attached  to  their  privileges  ;  but  a  total  suspension  of  commerce 
with  Great  Britain,  appeared  to  them  a  thing  of  so  great  importance, 
and  so  prejudicial  to  many  industrious  inhabitants  of  their  city,  that 
they  could  not  but  hesitate  as  to  its  adoption.  They  desired,  there- 
fore, to  leav 2  it  for  the  determination  of  the  general  congress ;  prom- 
ising to  execute,  scrupulously,  whatever  might  be  the  resolutions  of 
that  assembly. 

General  Garp.  astonished  and  inflamed  at  the  very  name  of  league^ 
a  name  so  full  of  dread  for  the  ears  of  an  officer  of  the  crown  of 
England,  issued  a  proclamation,  declaring  it  to  be  an  illegal  and 
criminal  combination,  and  contrary  to  the  allegiance  due  to  the  king. 
But  these  were  mere  words.  The  people  of  Massachusetts  publish- 
ed, on  their  part,  that  the  declaration  of  the  governor  was  of  itself 
tyrannical ;  they  contended,  that  no  authority  could  prevent  the 
subjects  from  consulting  together,  and  forming  conventions  for  the 
maintenance  of  their  rights,  in  cases  of  oppression. 

Thus  the  laws  upon  which  the  British  ministers  had  rested  their 
hopes  of  dividing  the  counsels,  appeasing  the  tumults,  securing 
obedience,  and  re-establishing  tranquillity  in  America,  were  those 
which  originated  more  union,  greater  commotions,  more  open  revolt, 
and  a  more  determined  spirit  of  resistance.  Nor  should  it  be  im- 
agined, that  so  much  agitation  was  excited  only  by  men  of  obscure 
condition,  or  a  few  party  leaders  ;  on  the  contrary,  men  of  all  ranks 
engaged  in  the  work ;  and  among  the  foremost,  numbers  remarkable 
for  their  opulence,  their  authority  or  their  talents.  The  landholders, 
especially,  were  exasperated  more  than  all  others,  and  manifested  a 
more  vehement  desire  to  triumph  over  the  ministers ;  whom  they 
railed  wicked,  and  whom  they  detested  so  mortally. 

.Meanwhile,  on  the  first  of  June,  at  mid-day,  all  business  ceased 
'n  the  custom  house  of  Boston,  and  the  port  was  shut  against  every 
vessel  that  offered  to  enter:  and,  on  the  14th,  permission  to  depart 
was  refused  to  all  that  had  entered  before.  This  day  was  observed 
as  a  day  of  calamity  at  Williamsburg,  the  capital  of  Virginia ;  and 
as  a  day  of  general  mourning  in  all  the  other  cities  of  the  continent. 
At  Philadelphia,  all  business  ceased,  and  all  tradesmen,-  excepting 
the  Quakers,  closed  their  shops ;  the  bells  sounded  the  funeral  knell. 


BOOK  III.  the  am2h:ca?:    v\;i.  133 

But  the  Bostonians  excited  pity ;  their  city,  lately  so  rich,  so  pros- 
perous, so  distinguished  for  the  number  and  courteous  character  of 
its  inhabitants,  now  presented,  in  every  part,  only  the  images  of  deso- 
lation and  despair.  The  rich,  in  having  lost  the  rents  of  their  build- 
ings, were  becoming  poor ;  the  poor,  deprived  of  employment,  had 
fallen  into  indigence.  Each  sustained  his  share  of  the  general  ca 
lamity.  A  malignant  soldiery,  parading  through  the  city,  seemed 
also  inclined  to  insult  their  miseries. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and  of  all  the 
others,  came,  indeed,  to  their  succor;  subscriptions  went  round, 
in  Philadelphia,  to  procure  some  relief  for  those  Bostonians,  who. 
by  the  effect  of  the  new  law,  were  deprived  of  subsistence.  But 
how  inadequate  were  these  succors,  to  satisfy  the  exigencies  of  such 
distress !  Many  of  these  unfortunate  sufferers  were  reduced  to  the 
last  extreme  of  penury.  If  the  miseries,  however,  they  experienced, 
were  extreme,  so  also  were  the  resignation  and  the  fortitude  with 
which  they  supported  them.  It  may  well  be  supposed,  they  perus- 
ed with  singular  attention  the  pages  of  ancient  and  modern  story, 
which  have  recorded  the  sufferings  of  the  apostles  of  liberty,  either 
to  publish  them,  as  they  did,  in  a  style  often  of  virulence,  and  more 
often  of  emphasis,  in  the  public  journals,  or  to  repeat  them  in 
popular  assemblies,  and  paragon  with  such  illustrious  examples, 
the  tribulations  of  the  Bostonians,  whose  constancy  they  magnified 
with  boundless  encomium.  They  were  styled  the  living  martyrs 
of  liberty, — the  generous  defenders  of  the  rights  of  man ;  they 
were  pronounced  the  worthy  descendants  of  their  virtuous  and 
heroic  ancestors. 

The  government  had  persuaded  itself,  that,  the  port  of  Boston 
being  shut  up,  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring  towns  would  en- 
deavor to  avail  themselves  of  it  by  drawing  to  their  own  ports  the 
commerce  hitherto  transacted  in  that  city.  But  things  took  a  direc- 
tion very  wide  of  its  expectations.  The  inhabitants  of  Marblehead, 
a  small  seaport,  at  a  few  miles  distance  from  Boston,  and  even  those 
of  Salem,  offered  the  Bostonians  their  ports,  wharves,  and  ware- 
houses, free  of  all  expense  or  remuneration. 

During  these  occurrences,  most  of  the  civil  magistrates  had  sus- 
pended the  exercise  of  their  functions  ;  for  those  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed under  the  new  laws,  had  either  declined  acceptance,  or  were 
prevented  by  the  people  from  acting  in  their  several  offices.  The 
council  only  which  assisted  the  governor,  was  permitted  to  dispatch 
some  affairs,  as,  out  of  thirty-six  new  counsellors,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed, only  two  had  declined;  but  the  others,  having  been  de- 
nounced tc  the  public  as  enemies  to  the  country,  and  the  multitude 

12 


134  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  III. 


collecting  in  fury  about  their  houses,  the  greater  part  resigned.  The 
courts  of  justice  were  suspended,  because  their  members  refused  to 
take  the  oath  prescribed  by  the  laws,  or  to  conform,  in  any  shape,  to 
its  provisions.  The  attorneys  who  had  issued  writs  of  citation,  were 
compelled  to  ask  pardon  in  the  public  journals,  and  promise  not  to 
expedite  other,  until  the  laws  should  be  revoked,  and  the  charters 
re-established.  The  people  rushed  in  a  throng  to  occupy  the  seat  of 
justice,  thai  no  room  might  be  left  for  the  judges  ;  when  invited  to 
withdraw,  they  answered,  that  they  recognized  no  other  tribunals, 
and  no  other  magistrates,  but  such  as  were  established  according  to 
ancient  laws  and  usages. 

The  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants,  persuaded  that  things  must, 
finally,  terminate  in  open  war,  diligently  provided  themselves  with 
arms,  and  exercised  daily,  in  handling  them.  They  succeeded  in 
this  with  extreme  facility,  being  naturally  active,  accustomed  to  fa- 
tigue, and  experienced  huntsmen.  They  excelled  particularly  in 
the  use  of  the  rifle,  which  they  leveled  with  unerring  aim.  In  all 
places,  nothing  was  heard  but  the  din  of  arms,  or  the  sound  of  fifes 
and  of  drums  ;  nothing  was  seen  but  multitudes  intent  upon  learning 
the  military  exercise  and  evolutions  ;  young  and  old,  fathers  and 
rons,  and  even  the  gentle  sex,  all  bent  their  steps  towards  these  mar- 
tial scenes ;  some  to  acquire  instruction,  others  to  animate  and  en- 
courage. The  casting  of  balls,  and  making  of  cartridges,  were  be- 
come ordinary  occupations.  All  things  offered  the  image  of  an 
approaching  war. 

The  arrival  of  general  Gage,  at  Boston,  had  been  followed  by  that 
of  two  regiments  of  infantry,  with  several  pieces  of  cannon.  These 
troops  had  been  quartered  in  the  city :  they  were  re-inforced  by 
several  regiments,  coming  from  Ireland,  from  New  York,  from  Hali- 
fax, and  from  Quebec ;  all  directed  upon  this  point,  to  smother  the 
kindling  conflagration.  The  inhabitants  beheld  this  with  incredible 
jealousy,  which  was  still  increased  by  an  order  of  the  general,  to 
place  a  guard  upon  the  isthmus,  which  connects  the  peninsula,  where 
Boston  is  situated,  with  the  main  land.  The  pretext  assigned  was, 
to  prevent  the  desertion  of  the  soldiers,  but  the  real  motive  of  this 
step  was  to  intimidate  the  inhabitants,  that  they  might  not  so  freely 
as  they  had  done  heretofore,  transport  arms  from  the  city  into  the 
couii  try.  Every  day  gave  birth  to  new  causes  of  contention  between 
the  soldiers  and  the  citizens.  Popular  rumors  were  circulated  rap- 
idly, and  heard  with  avidity ;  at  every  moment  the  people  collected 
as  if  ripe  for  revolt. 

The  governor,  attentive  to  this  agitation,  and  fearing  some  unhap- 
py accident,  resolved  to  fortify  the  isthmus,  and  proceeded  in  the 


BOOK  III.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  135 

works  with  great  activity.  The  inhabitants  of  Boston,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  country,  were  extremely  exasperated  by  it ;  they  ex- 
claimed, that  this  was  an  act  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  general, 
and  a  manifest  proof  that  it  was  resolved  to  make  every  thing  bend 
to  military  authority.  Many  conjectures  were  in  circulation  among 
the  people,  and  violent  menaces  were  thrown  out.  General  Gage, 
apprehensive  of  an  explosion,  detached  two  companies  of  soldiers 
to  seize  the  powder  that  was  deposited  in  the  magazine  at  Charles- 
town,  near  Boston.  He  considered  this  the  more  prudent,  as  the 
time  was  now  approaching  for  the  annual  review  of  the  militia ; 
when,  if  any  hostile  designs  were  in  agitation,  they  might  probably 
be  put  in  execution. 

The  rage  of  the  people  had  now  reached  its  acme.  They  assem- 
bled from  all  quarters,  and  hastened  with  arms,  to  Cambridge.  The 
more  prudent  had  great  difficulty  to  prevent  them  from  marching 
furiously  to  Boston,  to  demand  the  restitution  of  the  powder,  or  in 
case  of  refusal,  to  fall  immediately  upon  the  garrison. 

But  soon  after,  and  probably  by  a  secret  device  of  the  patriot 
chiefs,  to  let  the  British  soldiers  perceive,  that,  if  they  should  ven- 
ture to  offer  the  shadow  of  violence,  a  signal  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  province  would  suffice  to  make  them  repent  of  it,  a  report  was 
circulated  among  this  exasperated  multitude,  that  the  fleet  and  gar- 
rison had  commenced  hostilities,  that  their  artillery  was  firing  upon 
the  town,  and  that  the  Bo°t  /iiians  were  hard  pressed  to  defend 
themselves.  The  rumor  was  spread  with  incredible  rapidity  through 
the  whole  province ;  in  a  few  hours,  above  thirty  thousand  men 
were  under  arms ;  they  proceeded  towards  Boston  with  the  utmost 
speed,  and  made  no  halt  till  they  had  full  certainty  that  the  alarm 
was  premature. 

This  movement  gave  origin  to  many  others ;  and  it  became  an 
almost  daily  custom  to  attack  the  houses  of  such  as  either  had  ac- 
cepted the  new  offices,  or  in  any  way  had  shown  themselves  favor- 
able to  English  pretensions,  or  opposed  to  American  privileges.  No 
longer,  therefore,  able  to  find  safety  except  within  the  city  itself,  the 
commissioners  of  the  customs,  and  those  under  their  authority,  as 
well  as  all  other  public  officers,  who  had  removed  to  Salem  for  the 
exercise  of  their  functions,  went  back  to  Boston.  Thus,  in  the 
space  of  a  few  months,  the  regulations  were  annihilated,  which  the 
ministers  had  designed  to  introduce  by  means  of  the  port  bill. 

The  province  of  Massachusetts  was  not  the  only  theater  of  popu- 
lar commotions ;  all  had  a  part  in  this  general  convulsion.  The  in- 
habitants, at  many  points,  fearing  the  governor  might  get  the  start 
of  them  in  respect  to  seizing  the  powder,  as  he  had  done  at  Charles 


i36  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  III. 

town,  flew  to  possess  themselves  of  what  lay  in  the  forts  and  pow- 
der magazines  of  the  king.  Thus  it  happened  at  Portsmouth,  in 
New  Hampshire,  where  the  provincials  stormed  the  fort,  and  carried 
off  the  powder  and  artillery.  The  inhabitants  of  Rhode  Island  did 
the  same ;  the  people  of  Newport  rose,  and  took  possesion  of  forty 
pieces  of  cannon,  which  defended  the  harbor. 

The  removal  of  the  powder  at  Charlestown,  and  the  fortifications 
carrying  on  at  Boston,  together  with  the  popular  agitations,  occa- 
sioned a  meeting  of  delegates  from  the  different  towns  and  boroughs 
of  the  county  of  Suffolk,  of  which  Boston  is  the  capital.  They 
took  very  spirited  resolutions ;  purporting,  that  no  obedience  was 
due  to  the  late  acts  of  parliament,  but,  on  the  contrary,  hatred  and 
execration,  since  they  were  attempts  to  enslave  America ;  that  the 
appointment  of  public  officers  by  virtue  of  these  acts,  was  contrary 
to  constitutional  statutes  and  principles ;  that  the  country  would  in- 
demnify the  subordinate  officers,  who  should  refuse  to  execute  the 
orders  of  their  superiors,  appointed  under  the  new  laws ;  that  the 
collectors  of  the  public  money  should  retain  it  in  their  hands,  and 
make  no  payment,  until  the  ancient  laws  of  the  colony  should  be 
re-established,  or  until  it  should  be  ordered  otherwise  by  the  pro- 
vincial congress ;  that  those  who  had  accepted  the  new  offices  must 
resign  them  before  the  20th  of  Stpur/nber ;  and  if  not,  they  should 
be  declared  enemies  to  the  country ;  that  officers  of  the  militia  should 
be  chosen  in  every  town,  selecting,  for  this  purpose,  individuals  skill- 
ful in  arms,  and  inflexibly  attached  to  the  rights  of  the  people  ;  that, 
as  it  had  been  reported  it  was  in  contemplation  to  apprehend  cer- 
tain persons  of  the  county,  if  this  menace  should  be  executed,  the 
royal  officers  should  be  immediately  seized,  and  detained  as  hos- 
tages ;  that  the  people  should  be  exhorted  to  maintain  tranquillity, 
nj  d  merit,  by  their  moderation,  by  their  steady,  uniform  and  perse- 
vering resistance,  in  a  contest  so  important,  in  a  cause  so  solemn, 
the  approbation  of  the  wise,  and  the  admiration  of  the  brave,  of 
every  country,  and  of  every  age. 

Another  assembly,  but  of  the  entire  province  of  Massachusetts, 
was  held  at  Salem.  The  governor  not  choosing  to  sanction  it  by  his 
presence,  they  formed  themselves  into  a  provincial  congress,  and 
elected  Hancock  president.  After  having  addressed  their  complaints 
to  the  governor  of  the  fortifications  of  the  isthmus,  they  took  extraor- 
dinary measures  for  the  defense  of  the  province.  They  prepared 
munitions  of  war,  they  filled  magazines  with  provisions,  they  enrolled 
twelve  thousand  of  the  militia,  whom  they  called  minute  men ;  that 
is,  soldiers  that  must  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  at  a 
minute's  notice.     The  decrees  and  recommendations  of  the  provin- 


Book  hi.  the  American  war.  137 

cial  congress  were  executed  with  the  same  exactness  as  if  they  had 
emanated  from  a  legitimate  authority. 

Thus,  the  plans  of  the  British  ministers  produced,  in  America, 
effects  contrary  to  their  intentions.  Already,  every  appearance 
announced  the  approach  of  civil  war. 

In  the  midst  of  this  agitation,  and  of  apprehensions  inspired  hjr 
the  future,  the  general  congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia ;  it  wa* 
composed  of  delegates  from  all  the  American  colonies. 


END    OF    BOOK    THIRD. 


VOL.  I  1 2* 


188  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV 

BOOK    FOURTH. 

1774.  The  deputies  of  the  different  colonies  arrived  in  Philadel- 
phia on  the  4th  of  September,  except  those  of  North  Carolina,  who 
delayed  their  appearance  until  the  14th  of  the  same  month.  All 
were  men  of  note,  and  distinguished  by  the  public  favor.  Far  from 
being  persons  destitute  of  the  goods  of  fortune,  they  were  all  landed 
proprietors,  and  some  possessed  even  great  opulence.  Several  had 
been  instructed  by  their  constituents,  to  exert  their  utmost  endeavors 
to  secure  the  liberty  of  America,  by  the  most  suitable  means,  and  to 
restore  the  ancient  course  of  things  with  England ;  others,  to  vote 
for  resolutions  relative  to  the  exercise  of  commerce,  calculated  to 
induce  the  English  government  to  embrace  milder  counsels  towards 
the  colonies  ;  others,  finally,  were  invested  with  unlimited  authority 
to  do  whatsoever,  in  the  present  circumstances,  they  should  judge 
most  conducive  to  the  public  good. 

Having  met  on  the  5th,  they  resolved  that  their  deliberations 
should  be  kept  secret,  until  the  majority  should  direct  them  to  be 
published  ;  and  that,  in  determining  questions,  each  colony  should 
have  but  one  vote,  whatever  might  be  the  number  of  its  deputies 
They  elected  for  president,  Peyton  Randolph,  of  Virginia ;  and  for 
secretary,  Charles  Thomson.     They  were  in  number  fifty-five.* 

For  a  long  time,  no  spectacle  had  been  offered  to  the  attention  ol 
mankind,  of  so  powerful  an  interest  as  this  of  the  present  American 
congress.  It  was  indeed  a  novel  thing,  and  as  it  were  miraculous, 
that  a  nation,  hitherto  almost  unknown  to  the  people  of  Europe,  or 
only  known  by  the  commerce  it  occasionally  exercised  in  their  ports, 
should,  all  at  once,  step  forth  from  this  state  of  oblivion,  and,  rous- 
ing as  from  a  long  slumber,  should  seize  the  reins  to  govern  itself; 
that  the  various  parts  of  this  nation,  hitherto  disjoined,  and  almost 
in  opposition  to  each  other,  should  now  be  united  in  one  body,  and 
moved  by  a  single  will ;  that  their  long  and  habitual  obedience 
should  be  suddenly  changed  for  the  intrepid  counsels  of  resistance, 
and  of  open  defiance,  to  the  formidable  nation  whence  they  derived 
their  origin  and  laws. 

There  had  been  observed,  at  intervals,  it  is  true,  in  the  vast  domin- 
ions of  Spain  in  An. erica,  some  popular  agitations;  but  they  were 
easily  repressed  by  th  5  government.  In  the  colonies  of  Portugal,  the 
public  repose  had  neier  been  interrupted.     France,  in  like  manner 

*  See  Not©  I 


OOK  IV. 


TH»    AJtfcMCAPT    WAR.  H3 


had  always  found  her  American  subjects  inclined  %  a  willing  sub- 
mission. It  was  reserved  for  the  English  colonies  to  afford  the  first 
example  of  resistance,  and  of  a  struggle  to  separate  themselves  from 
the  parent  state.  Such,  however,  was  the  necessary  consequence 
of  the  constitution  of  England,  and  of  her  colonies ;  of  the  opinions 
which  prevailed  in  the  latter ;  of  the  memory  of  ancient  revolutions  ; 
and  of  the  discontents  which,  from  time  to  time,  had  manifested 
themselves  in  America,  but  which  now,  for  the  first  time,  menaced 
an  inevitable,  and  not  distant  explosion  ;  for  the  congress  of  Albany 
had  presented  nothing  illegal  in  its  character,  since  it  hud  been  con- 
voked by  the  legitimate  authorities.  It  had  manifested  no  tendency 
towards  a  new  order  of  things  ;  though  perhaps  the  secret  counsels 
of  those  who  composed  it,  eventually  aspired  at  independence  ;  but, 
in  effect,  nothing  was  regulated  by  that  assembly,  except  fcbe  interests 
of  the  English  colonies  with  regard  to  the  Indian  nations  of  the  vi- 
cinity. When  the  congress  of  New  York  was  convened,  the  excite- 
ment of  men's  minds  was  not  yet  so  extreme,  the  popular  disorders 
had  not  taken  so  alarming  a  character,  nor  had  the  government  then 
displayed  so  much  rigor,  nor  prostrated  so  many  colonial  statutes. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  members  of  this  congress,  though  possessed 
of  much,  had  not  so  entire  an  influence  with  the  American  people 
as  those  of  the  congress  of  Philadelphia ;  nor  did  they  excite  such 
public  expectation  of  future  events  as  the  latter  assembly.  The  col- 
onists looked  upon  it  as  a  convention  of  men  who,  in  some  mode 
or  other,  were  to  deliver  their  country  from  the  perils  that  menaced 
it.  The  greater  part  believed  that  their  ability,  their  prudence  and 
their  immense  influence  with  the  people,  would  enable  them  to  ob- 
tain from  the  government  the  removal  of  the  evils  that  oppressed 
them,  and  the  re-establishment  of  the  ancient  order  of  things.  Some 
others  cherished  the  belief,  that  they  would  find  means  to  conduct 
the  American  nation  to  that  independence  which  was  the  first  and 
most  ardsnt  of  their  aspirations,  or  rather  the  sole  object  of  that  in- 
tense passion  which  stung  and  tormented  them,  night  and  day.  The 
confidence  they  had  placed  in  the  congress,  was  equal  to  the  aver- 
sion they  had  conceived  to  the  new  laws.  The  generality  of  peo- 
ple, usually  ignorant  what  obstacles  must  be  encountered  in  great  en- 
terprises, deem  their  grievances  already  removed,  when  they  have 
confided  to  a  few  the  interests  of  all ;  the  colonists,  accordingly,  at- 
tributing to  their  new  delegates  greater  power  than  they  in  reality 
possessed,  were  generally  elated  with  the  most  flattering  hopes. 
They  knew  that  a  union  of  minds  is  the  most  efficacious  instrument 
•f  success ;  and  their  concord  was  prodigious ;  all  were  ready  to  sac- 
rifice their  lives  and  their  fortunes  to  the  triumph  of  their  cause 


liO  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOR   IT. 

Not  that  there  existed  none  of  another  mind,  who  would  gladly 
'  have  held  a  quite  different  course ;  but  they  were  few,  in  this  first 
impulse,  and  they  were  reduced  to  silence  by  the  consent  and  en- 
thusiasm of  all  the  others.  No  other  government,  however  consoli- 
dated by  the  lapse  of  ages  or  the  force  of  arms,  ever  experienced  so 
much  promptness  and  punctuality  of  obedience  as  the  American 
congress.  The  colonists  were  disposed  to  receive  its  deliberations, 
not  only  as  the  useful  and  salutary  laws  of  a  good  government,  but 
as  the  revered  precepts  and  oracles  of  men  consecrated  and  gener- 
ously devoted  to  the  salvation  of  their  country. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  in  America  at  the  epoch  of  the 
convocation  of  congress.  But  in  Europe,  the  novelty  of  circum- 
stances had  excited  strong  emotions  in  the  minds  of  all ;  in  some, 
creating  fear,-— in  others,  hope, — in  all,  astonishment.  In  England, 
the  ministerial  party  declaimed  with  vehemence  against  the  audacity 
of  the  Americans,  who  were  called  rebels ;  and  the  most  rigorous 
counsels  were  already  proposed.  They  could  not  comprehend  how 
a  people  like  that  of  America,  divided,  as  they  had  always  been,  by 
a  sectarian  spirit,  into  various  schisms  and  parties,  should  now  be 
capable  of  a  concord  so  entire,  as  to  present  but  one  only  sentiment, 
and  but  one  same  will ; — how,  laying  aside  the  mutual  rancor  result- 
ing from  the  diversity  of  their  opinions  and  interests,  they  should 
all,  at  the  present  moment,  have  concurred  in  a  resolution  to  de- 
fend and  maintain  what  they  considered  their  rights,  against  England. 

1  Is  it  conceivable,  that  a  nation  which  subsists  by  its  commerce, 
that  has  no  naval  armament,  ahd  whose  principal  cities  are  exposed 
to  the  vengeance  of  a  maritime  enemy,  that  is  unprovided  with  reg- 
ular and  veteran  troops,  should  have  the  hardihood  to  dispute  the 
will  of  the  British  nation,  powerful  in  arms,  radiant  with  the  glory  of 
its  recent  achievements,  inexhaustible  in  puLIic  and  private  resources, 
strong  in  a  government  cemented  by  the  hand  of  time,  formidable 
for  the  prodigious  number  of  its  ships,  and  abounding  in  experi- 
enced commanders,  both  of  land  and  sea  ? ' 

But  it  was  answered  on  the  other  side : 

c  Wherefore  this  astonishment  at  the  resolution  of  the  Americans  t 
Even  though  it  were  true,  that,  as  to  the  means  of  sustaining  war, 
they  were  thus  inferior  to  Great  Britain,  who  is  ignorant  that  men 
inflamed  by  the  zeal  of  political  opinions  do  not  descend  to  nice 
calculations,  or  spend  time  in  weighing  the  probabilities  of  the  future  ? 
And  has  not  England  herself  many  difficulties  to  surmount  ?  Is  she 
not  divided,  even  upon  this  question  of  America,  by  the  spirit  of  par- 
ty ?  Opinions  are  so  much  at  variance  on  this  subject,  that  a  greai 
number,  it  is  clear,  would  march  against  the  colonists  with  extreme 


BOO*.   »  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  141 

repugnance.  A  vast  ocean  separates  from  us  the  countries  in  which 
the  war  must  be  carried  on ;  this  circumstance  alone  will,  of  neces- 
sity, cause  an  incalculable  expense,  an  enormous  waste  of  military 
stores,  a  frightful  sacrifice  of  men,  the  most  fatal  delays,  and  a 
frequent  defect  of  correspondence  between  measures  and  exigencies 
The  finances  of  England  are  exhausted  by  the  exorbitant  debt  con- 
tracted in  times  past,  and  especially  during  the  late  war ;  the  reve- 
nue falls  far  short  of  meeting  the  ordinary  expenditure ;  and  so  pon 
derous  an  increase  of  burthen  as  the  disbursements  of  this  new  war 
must  involve,  would  absolutely  crush  the  resources  of  the  state. 
Besides,  what  country  is  better  adapted  than  America  for  a  long 
defense  ?  It  is  covered  with  trackless  forests,  fortified  by  lakes*, 
rivers,  and  mountains ;  it  has  few  passable  roads ;  and  abounds  in 
strong  defiles,  and  fords,  which  are  only  known  to  the  in- 
habitants.' 

Nor  should  it  be  omitted,  that  the  recollection  of  past  events  must 
have  acted  with  great  force  upon  the  minds  of  those  who  directed 
the  counsels  of  England.  They  were  abandoned  to  doubt  and  un- 
certainty ;  for  this  was  the  same  cause  which  in  the  preceding  cen- 
tury had  been  contested  in  England,  and  which,  after  so  many  ef- 
forts, and  so  much  blood,  had  produced  a  total  revolution,  and  placed 
the  British  scepter  in  the  hands  of  a  nev  line  of  princes.  But 
even  this  reflection  was  calculated  to  excite,  in  the  members  of  the 
government,  a  certain  indignation,  but  too  proper  to  pervert  their 
reason,  and  alienate  them  from  the  counsels  of  moderation  and  pru- 
dence. Assuredly,  since  the  epoch  of  this  revolution,  the  British 
cabinet  never  had  a  more  difficult  enterprise  to  conduct ;  it  had 
never  witnessed  a  crisis  of  such  fatal  augury,  or  that  menaced,  with 
a  wound  so  deadly,  the  very  heart  of  the  state.  Nor  was  it  possible 
to  dissemble,  that  the  Americans  would  not  be  destitute  of  foreign 
succors  ;  for,  although  the  European  powers,  who  possessed  colo- 
nies in  America,  could  not,  but  with  certain  solicitude,  contemplate 
these  commotions  in  the  British  provinces,  viewing  them  as  a  danger- 
ous example  for  their  own  subjects,  who,  if  success  should  attend 
the  designs  of  the  Americans,  might,  they  apprehended,  indulge 
pernicious  thoughts,  and  contrary  to  their  allegiance,  yet  they  were 
greatly  re-assured,  by  reflecting  that  their  colonists  were  far  from 
cherishing  the  same  political  opinions  that  prevailed  among  the  in- 
habitants of  the  English  colonies.  And,  on  the  other  hand,  their 
vehement  desires  to  see  the  power  of  England  reduced,  prevented 
them  from  perceiving  the  danger,  or  caused  them  to  despise  it ;  for 
this  danger  was  remote  and  uncertain ;  whereas  the  advantage  of 
the  humiliation  of  England,  which  was  expected  to  result  from  the 


142  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK  IT. 

American  war,  was  near  at  hand,  and,  if  not  certain,  at  least  ex- 
tremely probable. 

But,  among  the  various  nations  of  Europe,  all  more  or  less  favor- 
able to  the  cause  of  the  Americans,  and  equally  detesting  the  tyr- 
anny of  England,  none  signalized  themselves  more  than  the  French. 
The  desire  of  vengeance,  the  hope  of  retrieving  its  losses,  the  re- 
membrance of  ancient  splendor,  the  anguish  of  recent  wounds,  all 
stimulated  the  French  government  to  side  with  the  Americans.  It 
waited  only  for  the  maturity  of  events,  and  a  propitious  occasion,  to 
declare  itself.  These  dispositions  of  the  ministry  were  not  unknown 
to  the  nation ;  and,  as  no  people  are  more  susceptible  of  impres- 
sions from  those  in  power  than  the  French,  the  cause  of  the  Ameri- 
cans found  among  them  the  most  ardent  and  the  most  inge- 
nious advocates.  Many  other  causes,  no  less  evident,  concurred  to 
the  same  effect.  The  people  of  France,  though  accustomed  to  live 
under  a  very  absolute  system  of  government,  have  uniformly  testified 
a  particular  esteem  for  such  men,  and  for  such  nations,  as  have 
valiantly  defended  their  liberty  against  the  usurpations  of  tyranny; 
for,  when  they  are  not  led  astray,  and  as  it  were  transported  out  of 
themselves,  by  their  exorbitant  imagination,  their  character  is  natu- 
rally benevolent  and  gentl  t ;  they  are  always  disposed  to  succor  the 
oppressed,  especially  when  they  support  their  ill  fortune  with  con- 
stancy, and  contend,  with  courage  to  surmount  it ;  in  a  word,  when 
their  enterprise  presents  an  aspect  of  glory  and  of  greatness.  Such 
was,  or  appeared  to  be,  the  cause  of  the  Americans  ;  and  such  were 
the  general  sentiments  of  the  French  towards  them. 

It  should  also  be  added,  that,  at  this  epoch,  the  writers  who  had 
treated  political  subjects,  in  all  countries,  and  especially  in  France, 
had  manifested  themselves  the  advocates  of  a  more  liberal  mode  of 
government;  and  thus  the  opinions  which  prevailed,  at  that  time, 
were  extremely  propitious  to  civil  liberty.  These  writings  were  in 
more  eager  request,  and  these  opinions  were  still  more  rapidly  dis- 
seminated, at  the  news  of  the  commotions  which  agitated  America ; 
than  which  nothing  could  more  evidently  prove  what  was  the  spirit 
of  that  epoch .  In  all  social  circles,  as  well  as  in  numerous  publica- 
tions which  daily  appeared  in  France,  the  Americans  were  the  objects 
of  boundless  praise ;  their  cause  was  defended  by  the  most  spe- 
cious arguments,  and  justified  by  a  multitude  of  illustrious  exam- 
ples. And  if,  at  the  epoch  when  France,  after  the  cession  made  by 
the  republic  of  Genoa,  had  undertaken  the  conquest  of  Corsica,  ma- 
ny were  found,  among  the  French,  who  professed  themselves  the 
apologists  of  those  islanders,  and  ventured  openly  to  condemn  the 
determination  of  their  own  government  to  subdue  them,  it  may  well 


BOOK  IF.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  143 

be  thought,  the  partisans  of  the  Americans  were  far  more  numer- 
ous, and  demonstrated  an  enthusiasm  still  more  ardent.  It  would 
be  difficult  to  express  what  joy  and  what  hopes  were  excited  by  the 
intelligence  of  the  convocation  of  the  American  congress.  The 
names  of  the  deputies  were  extolled  to  the  skies ;  '  Let  them  has- 
ten,' it  was  said,  every  where,  '  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  English 
despotism,  to  sever  these  bonds  of  servitude ;  let  them  establish 
civil  liberty  in  their  country ;  and  let  them  serve  as  a  perpetual  ex- 
ample that  princes  cannot,  without  peril,  violate  the  fundamental 
laws  of  their  states,  nor  attack  with  impunity  the  privileges  and  im- 
munities of  their  subjects.'  Thus  the  French  excited  continually  by 
new  motives  and  plausible  arguments,  the  already  exasperated  minds 
of  the  Americans ;  and  irritated  those  wounds  which  had  already 
the  appearance  of  canceration,  in  order  to  render  them  absolutely 
incurable. 

Thus  the  congress  saw  united  in  its  favor,  not  only  the  opinions 
of  the  American  people,  but  also  those  of  all  the  European  nations, 
and  even  of  their  governments  ;  as  likewise  of  no  small  part  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  itself.  So  great  was,  at  this  epoch, 
either  the  spirit  of  innovation,  or  the  love  of  liberty,  or  the  desire  to 
shake  off  the  restraints  of  all  authority  whatsoever  !  Meanwhile  all 
minds  were  suspended  with  expectation,  for  the  issue  of  so  important 
a  contest ;  and  all  eyes  were  attentive  to  see  what  measures  the 
American  convention  would  first  adopt  to  sustain  it. 

It  was  natural,  that  the  first  thoughts  of  congress  should  have 
turned  towards  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  city  of  Bos- 
ton. The  resolutions  of  the  assembly  of  Suffolk  having  been  the 
most  vigorous,  and  the  most  important,  it  was  determined  to  confirm 
them.  They  accordingly  resolved,  that  they  deeply  felt  the  suffer- 
ings of  their  countrymen,  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  under 
the  operation  of  the  late  unjust  and  cruel  acts  of  the  British  parlia- 
ment ;  that  they  much  approved  the  wisdom  and  fortitude  which  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  had  displayed,  in  opposing  such  wicked 
measures  ;  they  exhorted  them  to  perseverance,  and  recommended 
the  complete  execution  of  the  resolutions  taken  by  the  assembly  of 
Suflblk  ;  they  expressed  their  confident  hopes  that  the  united  efforts 
of  North  America,  would  so  persuade  the  British  nation  of  the  im- 
prudence, injustice,  and  danger  of  the  policy  of  the  present  minis- 
ters, as  quickly  to  introduce  better  men,  and  wiser  measures  ;  and 
finally,  they  recommended,  that  the  contributions  which  had  beei 
commenced,  in  all  the  colonies,  should  continue  to  be  collected,  fo 
the  relief  and  support  of  the  Bostonians.  And  as  those  who  sjl 
inclined  to  war,  generally  affect   the  most  earnest  desire  of  peace, 


144  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOGk  if 

congress  addressed  a  letter  to  general  Gage,  praying  him  to  put  a 
stop  to  the  hostile  preparations,  which  might  provoke  a  pacific  peo- 
ple to  have  recourse  to  arms,  and  thus  prevent  the  endeavors  of  the 
congress,  to  restore  a  good  understanding  with  the  parent  state,  and 
involve  the  nation  in  all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war.  He  was  espe* 
cially  requested  to  discontinue  the  fortifications  of  Boston,  to  repress 
military  license,  and  to  restore  a  free  communication  between  the 
city  and  country. 

Although  the  congress  was  not,  constitutionally,  a  legitimate  as- 
sembly, general  Gage,  desirous  of  testifying  his  disposition  to  pre- 
serve peace,  answered,  that  no  troops  had  ever  given  less  cause  for 
complaint,  than  those  that  were  then  station  a  :a  Boston,  notwith- 
standing the  insults  and  provocations  daily  given  to  both  officers  and 
soldiers ;  that  the  communication  between  the  city  and  country  had 
been  always  free,  and  should  remain  so,  unless  the  inhabitants  should 
constrain  him  to  take  other  measures.  The  congress  also  decreed 
that  if  it  should  be  attempted  to  carry  into  execution,  by  force,  the 
late  acts  of  parliament,  in  such  case,  all  America  ought  to  support 
the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  in  their  opposition  ;  that  in  case  it 
should  be  judged  necessary  to  remove  the  citizens  of  Boston  into  the 
country,  the  injury  they  might  thereby  sustain,  should  be  repaired  at 
the  public  expense ;  and  that  every  person  whomsoever,  who  should 
accept  of  any  commission,  or  authority,  emanating  from  the  new 
laws,  should  be  held  in  universal  detestation  and  abhorrence. 

The  congress  also  deemed  it  useful  and  necessary  to  resort  to  the 
accustomed  confederacies  against  English  commerce ;  the  merchants 
of  the  colonies  were  therefore  requested  to  suspend  all  importation 
of  merchandise  from  Great  Britain,  until  the  congress  should  have 
published  its  intentions,  touching  the  course  to  be  pursued  for  the 
preservation  of  the  liberties  of  America.  The  agreement  was  prompt- 
ly and  universally  contracted,  according  to  its  desires ;  and  it  was 
further  stipulated,  that  all  exportation  of  merchandise  to  Great  Brit- 
ain, Ireland  and  the  West  Indies,  should  cease  after  ihe  10th  of 
September,  1775,  unless  the  wrongs  of  which  the  Ameiicans  com- 
plained, were  redressed  prior  to  that  period.  The  league  was  ob- 
served, this  time,  with  an  astonishing  consent. 

There  still  remained  an  affair  of  the  last  importance ;  *:hat  of  de- 
termining what  were  the  pretensions  of  America,  and  thet3rms  upon 
which  she  would  consent  to  resume  her  ancient  relations  of  amity 
with  Great  Britain.  To  this  effect  the  congress  published  an  elabo- 
rate declaration,  entitled,  a  Declaration  of  Rights.  This  paper  com- 
menced with  very  bitter  complaints,  that  the  parliament  had,  of  late 
years,  undertaker,  to  tax  the  colonies:  to  eg'sblk?-  ^c  extraordinary 


E^OS.IY.  TUE    AMERICAN    WAR.  M 

board  of  customs  ;  to  extend  the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  admi- 
ralty ;  to  grant  salaries  to  the  judges,  without  the  concurrence  of  the 
colonial  assemblies ;  to  maintain  a  standing  army  in  times  of  peace  ; 
to  ordain  that  persons  charged  with  offenses,  affecting  the  state, 
should  be  transported  to  England  for  trial ;  to  annul  the  regulations 
of  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  respecting  the  prosecution  of 
those  who  should  be  questioned  for  acts  committed  in  the  execution 
of  the  laws,  and  in  opposition  to  tumults ;  and,  finally,  to  abolish 
the  English  laws  in  Canada,  and  to  grant  in  that  province  extraordi- 
nary favor  to  the  Catholic  religion.  Which  acts  of  the  parliament 
were  pronounced  impolitic,  unjust,  cruel,  contrary  to  the  constitu- 
tion, most  dangerous  and  destructive  of  American  rights.  They 
continued  with  saying,  that  whereas  the  legal  assemblies  of  Ameri- 
ca, which  had  peaceably  convened  to  deliberate  on  grievances,  and 
remonstrate  against  unjust  and  oppressive  laws,  had  been  frequently 
dissolved,  and  their  petitions  and  supplications  treated  with  contempt 
by  the  ministers  of  the  king;  the  Americans  had,  therefore,  deter- 
mined to  convoke  this  congress,  in  order  to  vindicate  and  secure 
their  rights  and  liberties. 

Then  followed  the  enumeration  of  these  rights,  such  as  life,  lib- 
erty and  property  ;  which,  they  affirmed,  no  power  could  dispose  of 
without  their  consent.     To  these  were  added  the  rights  peculiar  to 
English  subjects,  as,  for  example,  to  participate  in  the  legislative 
council ;  and  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies  were  not,  and,  from 
local  and  other  circumstances,  could  not  be  represented  in  the  Brit- 
ish parliament,  they  were  entitled,  it  was  asserted,  to  enjoy  this  righi 
of  legislation  in  their  respective  assemblies,  consenting  cheerfully 
however,  to  the  operation  of  such  acts  of  parliament  as  were,  bom 
fide,  restrained  to  the  regulation  of  commerce,  excluding  every  ider 
of  taxation,  internal  or  external.     They  claimed,  in  like  manner,  thi 
right  of  being  tried  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage,  and  that  of  peace 
ably  assembling  and  addressing  their  petitions  to  the  king.     It  wa  s 
also  declared,  that  the  keeping  a  standing  army  in  the  colonies,  ii 
times  of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  the  respective  colonial  assem 
blies,  was  altogether  contrary  to  law.     The.  congress  here  recapitu 
lated  the  acts  of  parliament  which  had  violated  the  foregoing  right4 . 
affirming  that  the  Americans  could  not  submit  to  such  grievous  acts 
and  measures,  nor  in  any  mode  return  to  the  former  state  of  thing? , 
without  their  revocation. 

It  was  hoped,  that  their  fellow  citizens  of  Great  Britain,  wouk  , 
on  the  revision  of  these  laws,  see  the  necessity  of  repealing  them,  and 
thus  restore  the  Americans  to  that  state  of  happiness  and  prosper- 
ity, which  they  had  enjoyed  in  times  past ;  that,  in  the  megnt&fiP 
m  .,    i.  13 


146  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IT/ 

and  for  the  present,  they  were  resolved  to  enter  into  a  non-importa- 
tion, non-consumption,  and  non-exportation  agreement,  in  respect  to 
all  articles  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain.  They  determined,  also, 
to  prepare  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  a  memo- 
rial to  the  inhabitants  of  British  America,  as  also  another  to  the  king, 
in  conformity  to  resolutions  already  taken. 

By  the  first,  their  design  was  to  conciliate  the  English  people,  and 
to  appease  the  resentment  which  they  apprehended  would  be  ex- 
cited by  the  effect  of  the  American  combinations  against  their  com- 
merce. This  they  executed  with  singular  address  ;  on  the  one  h:\r\n. 
flattering  the  self-love  of  the  British,  and  on  the  other,  averring  that 
it  was  with  repugnance,  and  compelled,  as  it  were,  by  invincible  ne- 
cessity, they  were  induced  to  embrace  these  prejudicial  associations; 
They  were  ready,  they  added,  to  dissolve  them  the  moment  the 
government  should  have  restored  them  to  their  original  condition. 

We  transcribe  a  part  of  this  address  of  the  American  congress  to 
the  English  people,  as  it  is  peculiarly  proper  to  demonstrate  what 
were  the  prevailing  opinions  at  this  epoch ;  with  what  ardor  and  in- 
flexible resolution  the  Americans  supported  their  cause ;  and  the 
great  progress  they  had  made  in  the  art  of  writing  with  that  elo- 
quence which  acts  so  irresistibly  upon  the  minds  of  men.  The  three 
members  of  congress  who  composed  it,  were,  Lee,  Livingston,  and 
Jay ;  the  last,  it  is  generally  believed,  was  the  author.  It  was  con- 
ceived in  the  following  terms : 

c  When  a  nation,  led  to  greatness  by  the  hand  of  liberty,  and  pos- 
sessed of  all  the  glory  that  heroism,  munificence  and  humanity  can 
bestow,  descends  to  the  ungrateful  task  of  forging  chains  for  her 
friends  and  children,  and  instead  of  giving  support  to  freedom,  turns 
advocate  for  slavery  and  oppression,  there  is  reason  to  suspect  she 
has  either  ceased  to  be  virtuous,  or  been  extremely  negligent  in  the 
appointment  of  her  rulers. 

i  In  almost  every  age,  in  repeated  conflicts,  in  long  and  bloody 
wars,  as  well  civil  as  foreign,  against  many  and  powerful  nations, 
against  the  open  assaults  of  enemies,  and  the  more  dangerous  treach- 
ery of  friends,  have  the  inhabitants  of  your  island,  your  great  and 
glorious  ancestors,  maintained  their  independence,  and  transmitted 
the  rights  of  men,  and  the  blessings  of  liberty,  to  you  their  posteri- 
ty. Be  not  surprised,  therefore,  that  we,  who  are  descended  from 
the  same  common  ancestors  ;  that  we,  whose  forefathers  participated 
in  all  the  rights,  the  liberties,  and  the  constitution,  you  so  justly 
boast  of,  and  who  have  carefully  conveyed  the  same  fair  inheritance 
to  us,  guarantied  by  the  plighted  faith  of  government,  and  the  most 
so  emn  compacts  with  British  sovereigns,  should  refuse  to  surrender 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  147 

them  to  men,  who  found  their  claims  on  no  principles  of  reason,  and 
who  prosecute  them  with  a  design,  that  by  having  our  lives  and  prop- 
erty in  their  power,  they  may,  with  the  greater  facility,  enslave  you. 
The  cause  of  America  is  now  the  object  of  universal  attention ;  it 
has,  at  length,  become  very  serious.  This  unhappy  country  has  not 
only  been  oppressed,  but  abused  and  misrepresented  ;  and  the  duty 
we  owe  to  ourselves  and  posterity,  to  your  interest,  and  the  general 
welfare  of  the  British  empire,  leads  us  to  address  you  on  this  very 
important  subject. 

'  Know,  then,  that  we  consider  ourselves,  and  do  insist  that  we 
are,  and  ought  to  be,  as  free  as  our  fellow  subjects  in  Britain,  and 
that  no  power  on  earth  has  a  right  to  take  our  property  from  us 
without  our  consent.  That  we  shall  claim  all  the  benefits  secured 
to  the  subject  by  the  English  constitution,  and,  particularly,  that  in- 
estimable one  of  trial  by  jury.  That  we  hold  it  essential  to  English 
liberty,  that  no  man  be  condemned  unheard,  or  punished  for  sup- 
posed offenses,  without  having  an  opportunity  of  making  his  defense. 
That  we  think  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain  is  not  authorized  by 
the  constitution,  to  establish  a  religion,  fraught  with  sanguinary  and 
impious  tenets,  or  to  erect  an  arbitrary  form  of  government,  in  any 
quarter  of  the  globe. 

i  These  rights,  wre,  as  well  as  you,  deem  sacred.  And  yet,  sacred 
as  they  are,  they  have,  with  many  others,  been  repeatedly  and  fla- 
grantly violated.  Are  not  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  of  Great  Brit- 
ain lords  of  their  own  property  ?  can  it  be  taken  from  them  without 
their  consent?  will  they  yield  it  to  the  arbitrary  disposal  of  any  man 
or  number  of  men  whatever  ?  You  know  they  will  not.  Why  then 
are  the  proprietors  of  the  soil  of  America  less  lords  of  their  proper- 
ty than  you  are  of  yours  ?  or  why  should  they  submit  it  to  the  dis- 
posal of  your  parliament,  or  any  other  parliament,  or  council  in  the 
world,  not  of  their  election  ?  Can  the  intervention  of  the  sea  that 
divides  us,  cause  disparity  in  rights  ?  or  can  any  reason  be  given  why 
English  subjects,  who  live  three  thousand  miles  from  the  royal  pal- 
ace, should  enjoy  less  liberty  than  those  who  are  three  hundred 
miles  distant  from  it  t  Reason  looks  with  indignation  on  such  dis- 
tinctions, and  freemen  can  never  perceive  their  propriety.  And  yet, 
however  chimerical  and  unjust  such  discriminations  are,  the  parlia- 
ment assert,  that  they  have  a  right  to  bind  us  in  all  cases  without  ex- 
ception, whether  we  consent  or  not ;  that  they  may  take  and  use  our 
property,  when  and  in  what  manner  they  please ;  that  we  are  pen- 
sioners on  their  bounty  for  all  that  we  possess,  and  can  hold  it  no 
longer  than  they  vouchsafe  to  permit.  Such  declarations  we  con- 
sider as  heresies  in  English  politics,  and  which  can  no  more  operate 


148  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

to  deprive  us  of  our  property,  than  the  interdicts  of  the  pope  can 
divest  kings  of  scepters,  which  the  laws  of  the  land  and  the  voice  of 
the  people  have  placed  in  their  hands. 

'  At  the  conclusion  of  the  late  war — a  war  rendered  glorious  by 
the  ability  and  integrity  of  a  minister,  to  whose  efforts  the  British 
empire  owes  its  safety  and  its  fame;  at  the  conclusion  of  this  war, 
which  was  succeeded  by  an  inglorious  peace,  formed  under  the  aus- 
pices of  a  minister,  of  principles,  and  of  a  family  unfriendly  to  the 
protestant  cause,  and  inimical  to  liberty.  We  say,  at  this  period, 
and  under  the  influence  of  that  man,  a  plan  for  enslaving  your  ft  1- 
low  subjects  in  America  was  concerted,  and  has  ever  since  been  per- 
tinaciously carrying  into  execution. 

1  Prior  to  this  era,  you  were  content  with  drawing  from  us  the 
wealth  produced  by  our  commerce.  You  restrained  our  trade  in 
every  way  that  could  conduce  to  your  emolument.  You  exercised 
unbounded  sovereignty  over  the  sea.  You  named  the  ports  and 
nations  to  which,  alone,  our  merchandise  should  be  carried,  and  with 
whom,  alone,  we  should  trade ;  and  though  some  of  these  restric- 
tions were  grievous,  we,  nevertheless,  did  not  complain  ;  we  looked 
up  to  you  as  to  our  parent  state,  to  which  we  were  bound  by  the 
strongest  ties ;  and  were  happy  in  being  instrumental  to  your  pros- 
perity and  your  grandeur.  We  call  upon  you  yourselves  to  witness 
our  loyalty  and  attachment  to  the  common  interest  of  the  whole 
empire ;  did  we  not,  in  the  last  war,  add  all  the  strength  of  this  vast 
continent  to  the  force  which  repelled  our  common  enemy  ?  Did  we 
not  leave  our  native  shores,  and  meet  disease  and  death,  to  promote 
the  success  of  British  arms  in  foreign  climates  ?  Did  you  not  thank 
us  for  our  zeal,  and  even  reimburse  us  large  sums  of  money,  which, 
you  confessed,  we  had  advanced  bey«n?'l  our  proportion,  and  far 
beyond  our  abilities  ?  You  did.  To  whai  causes,  then,  are  we  to 
attribute  the  sudden  change  of  treatment,  and  that  system  of  slavery 
which  was  prepared  for  us  at  the  restoration  of  peace  ? ' 

After  having  gone  through  a  recital  of  the  present  disturbances, 
and  specified  all  the  laws  of  which  they  complained,  they  continued 
thus : 

'  This  being  a  true  state  of  facts,  let  us  beseech  you  to  consider  to 
what  end  they  lead.  Admit  that  the  ministry,  by  the  powers  of 
Britain,  and  the  aid  of  our  Roman  Catholic  neighbors,  should  be 
able  to  carry  the  point  of  taxation,  and  reduce  us  to  a  state  of  per- 
fect humiliation  and  slavery  ;  such  an  enterprise  would  doubtless 
make  some  addition  to  your  national  debt,  which  already  presses 
down  your  liberties,  and  fills  you  with  pensioners  and  placemen. 
We  presume,  also,  that  your  commerce  will  somewhat  be  diminished. 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  i  19 

However,  suppose  you  should  prove  victorious,  in  what  condition 
will  you  then  be  ?  What  advantages,  or  what  laurels,  will  you  reap 
from  such  a  conquest  ?  May  not  a  ministry,  with  the  same  armies. 
enslave  you  ?  It  may  be  said,  you  will  cease  to  pay  them  ;  but,  re- 
member, the  taxes  from  America,  the  wealth,  and  we  may  add  the 
men,  and  particularly  the  Roman  Catholics,  of  this  vast  continent, 
will  then  be  in  the  power  of  your  enemies ;  nor  will  you  have  any 
reason  to  expect,  after  making  slaves  of  us,  many  among  us  should 
refuse  to  assist  in  reducing  you  to  the  same  abject  state. 

*  We  believe  there  is  yet  much  virtue,  much  justice,  and  much 
public  spirit,  in  the  English  nation.  To  that  justice  we  now  appeal. 
You  have  been  told,  that  we  are  seditious,  impatient  of  government, 
and  desirous  of  independency ;  but  these  are  mere  calumnies.  Per- 
mit us  to  be  as  free  as  yourselves,  and  we  shall  ever  esteem  a  union 
with  you  to  be  our  greatest  glory,  and  our  greatest  happiness.  But 
if  you  are  determined  that  your  ministers  shall  wantonly  sport  with 
the  liberties  of  mankind  ;  if  neither  the  voice  of  justice,  the  dictates 
of  the  law,  the  principles  of  the  constitution,  or  the  suggestions  of 
humanity,  can  restrain  your  hands  from  shedding  human  blood  in 
such  an  impious  cause,  we  must  then  tell  you,  that  we  shall  never 
submit  to  be  hewers  of  wood  or  drawers  of  water  for  any  minister 
jr  nation  in  the  world. 

'  Place  us  in  the  same  situation  that  we  were  at  the  close  of  th^ 
war,  and  our  former  harmony  will  be  restored.  But  lest  the  same 
supineness,  and  the  same  inattention  to  our  common  interest,  which 
you  have  for  several  years  shown,  should  continue,  we  think  it  pru- 
dent to  anticipate  the  consequences.  By  the  destruction  of  the' 
trade  of  Boston,  the  ministry  have  endeavored  to  induce  submission 
to  their  measures.  The  like  fate  may  befall  us  all.  We  will  en- 
deavor, therefore,  to  live  without  trade,  and  recur  for  subsistence  to 
the  fertility  and  bounty  of  our  native  soil,  which  will  afford  us  all 
the  necessaries,  and  some  of  the  conveniencies,  of  life.  We  have 
suspended  our  importation  from  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  ;  and,  in 
less  than  a  year's  time,  unless  our  grievances  should  be  redressed, 
shall  discontinue  our  exports  to  those  kingdoms  and  the  West  Indies. 
It  is  With  the  utmost  regret,  however,  that  we  find  ourselves  com- 
pelled, by  the  overruling  principles  of  self-preservation,  to  adopt 
measures  detrimental  in  their  consequences  to  numbers  of  our  fel- 
low subjects  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  But  we  hope  that  the 
magnanimity  and  justice  of  the  British  nation  will  furnish  a  parlia- 
ment of  such  wisdom,  independence  and  public  spirit,  as  may  save 
the  violated  rights  of  the  whole  empire  from  the  devices  of  wicked 

ministers  and  evil  counsellors,  whether  in  or  out  of  office:  and  thero- 

13* 


150  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV 

by  restore  that  harmony,  friendship  and  fraternal  affection,  between 
all  the  inhabitants  of  his  majesty's  kingdoms  and  territories,  so  ar- 
dently wished  for  by  every  true  and  honest  American.' 

The  scope  of  their  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  America,  was  to 
manifest  the  justice  of  their  cause,  by  an  exact  enumeration  of  the 
offensive  laws ;  to  confirm  them  in  resistance ;  and  to  prepare  their 
minds  for  the  worst.  They  observed,  that  the  designs  of  the  min- 
sters to  enslave  America,  had  been  conducted  with  such  constancy, 
as  to  render  it  prudent  to  expect  mournful  events,  and  be  prepared, 
in  all  respects,  for  every  contingency. 

In  the  petition  addressed  to  the  king,  they  made  protestations  of 
their  attachment  towards  the  crown  and  the  royal  family ;  they  af- 
firmed that  nothing  short  of  the  usurpations  which  wicked  counsel- 
lors, deceiving  the  paternal  heart  of  his  majesty,  had  attempted, 
could  have  induced  them  to  depart  from  that  submission  of  which 
they  had  given,  in  happier  times,  such  signal  examples  ;  that  it  was 
with  extreme  reluctance,  and  urged  by  imperious  necessity,  they 
had  entered  into  resolutions  detrimental  to  the  commerce  of  their 
European  fellow  subjects ;  and  after  having  recapitulated  their  griev- 
ances, they  proceeded : 

'  From  this  destructive  system  of  colonial  administration,  adopted 
since  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war,  have  flowed  those  distresses, 
dangers,  fears,  and  jealousies,  that  overwhelm  your  majesty's  dutiful 
colonists  with  affliction  ;  and  we  defy  our  most  subtle  and  inveterate 
enemies,  to  trace  the  unhappy  differences  between  Great  Britain 
and  these  colonies,  from  an  earlier  period,  or  from  other  causes  than 
we  have  assigned.  Had  they  proceeded,  on  our  part,  from  a  rest- 
less levity  of  temper,  unjust  impulses  of  ambition,  or  artful  sugges- 
tions of  seditious  persons,  we  should  merit  the  opprobrious  terms 
frequently  bestowed  upon  us  by  those  we  revere.  But,  so  far  from 
promoting  innovations,  we  have  only  opposed  them ;  and  can  be 
charged  with  no  offence,  unless  it  be  one  to  receive  injuries  and  be 
sensible  of  them. 

1  Had  our  Creator  been  pleased  to  give  us  existence  in  a  land  of 
slavery,  the  sense  of  our  condition  might  have  been  mitigated  by 
ignorance  and  habit.  But,  thanks  be  to  his  adorable  goodness,  we 
were  born  the  heirs  of  freedom,  and  ever  enjoyed  our  rights  under 
the  auspices  of  your  royal  ancestors,  whose  family  was  seated  on 
the  British  throne  to  rescue  and  secure  a  pious  and  gallant  nation 
from  the  popery  and  despotism  of  a  superstitious  and  inexorable 
tyrant. 

1  Your  majesty,  we  are  confident,  justly  rejoices  that  your  title  to 
the  crown  is  thus  founded  on  the  title  of  your  people  to  liberty ;  and 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  la* 

therefore  we  doubt  not  but  your  royal  wisdom  must  approve  the 
sensibility  that  teaches  your  subjects  anxiously  to  guard  the  blessing 
they  received  from  Divine  Providence,  and  thereby  to  prove  the  per- 
formance of  that  compact  which  elevated  the  illustrious  House  of 
Brunswick  to  the  imperial  dignity  it  now  possesses.  The  apprehen- 
sion of  being  degraded  into  a  state  of  servitude,  from  the  pre-emi- 
nent rank  of  freemen,  while  our  minds  retain  the  strongest  love  of  4 
liberty,  and  clearly  foresee  the  miseries  preparing  for  us  and  our  pos- 
terity, excites  emotions  in  our  breasts,  which,  though  we  cannot  de- 
scribe, we  should  not  wish  to  conceal.  Feeling  as  men,  and  thinking 
as  subjects,  in  the  manner  we  do,  silence  would  be  disloyalty.  By 
giving  this  faithful  information,  we  do  all  in  our  power  to  promote 
the  great  objects  of  your  royal  cares,  the  tranquillity  of  your  govern- 
ment, and  the  welfare  of  your  people ;  and,  as  your  majesty  enjoys 
the  signal  distinction  of  reigning  over  freemen,  we  apprehend  the  lan- 
guage of  freemen  cannot  be  displeasing.  Your  royal  indignation, 
we  hope,  will  rather  fall  on  those  dangerous  and  designing  men,  who, 
daringly  interposing  themselves  between  your  royal  person  and  your 
faithful  subjects,  and  for  several  years  past  incessantly  employed  to 
dissolve  the  bonds  of  society,  by  abusing  your  majesty's  authority, 
misrepresenting  your  American  subjects,  and  prosecuting  the  most 
desperate  and  irritating  projects  of  oppression,  have  at  length  com- 
pelled us,  by  the  force  of  accumulated  injuries,  too  severe  to  be 
any  longer  tolerable,  to  disturb  your  majesty's  repose  by  our  com- 
plaints.' 

The  congress  having,  by  these  different  writings,  endeavored  to 
mollify  the  breast  of  the  sovereign,  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  the 
English  people,  to  dispose  and  prepare  the  colonists  to  brave  all  the 
terrors  of  the  crisis,  and,  generally,  to  propitiate  the  favor  of  the 
European  nations,  turned  their  attention  towards  the  inhabitants  of 
Canada,  whose  benevolence  it  was  desirable  to  cultivate,  in  order  to 
secure,  if  not  their  adherence,  at  least  their  neutrality,  in  the  grand 
struggle  that  was  approaching  ;  for,  omitting  the  increase  of  force 
which  must  have  resulted  to  one  or  other  of  the  belligerent  parties, 
from  the  alliance  of  the  brave  and  warlike  Canadians,  it  was  of  the 
greatest  importance  to  the  colonists,  to  be  secure  of  the  friendly  dis- 
position of  a  country,  which,  from  its  position  alone,  appeared  to 
menace  their  provinces.  This  negotiation,  however,  required  a  very 
delicate  management ;  for  the  Canadians  were  not  accustomed  to 
English  liberty  ;  and  had  been  long  contented  with  their  condition 
under  the  government  of  France.  The  difference  of  religion  was 
also  an  obstacle  of  great  moment.  How  was  it  possible  to  persuade 
them  to  undertake  the  defense  of  rights  they  scarcely  knew,  or 


152  THE    AMEK.CAN    WAR,  BOOK   IV. 

which  they  esteemed  of  little  value  ?  And  how  hopeless  must  have 
appeared  the  attempt  to  induce  them  to  complain  of  the  act  of  Que- 
bec, which  favored,  protected,  and  placed  in  a  condition,  even  better 
than  at  first,  a  religion  they  held  so  much  at  heart  I  The  congress, 
however,  in  their  address  to  the  Canadian  people,  eluded  these  em- 
barrassments with  singular  dexterity. 

They  commenced  with  a  declaration  that  the  Canadians  were  en- 
titled to  possess  all  the  rights  enjoyed  by  English  subjects  ;  they  ac- 
cused the  ministers  of  a  design  to  deprive  them  thereof,  and  to  en- 
slave them  totally.  They  endeavored  to  explain,  in  the  most  insin- 
uating style,  what  these  rights  were  ;  how  extreme  their  importance, 
and  how  conducive  they  were  to  the  happiness  of  every  human 
being.  They  sufficed,  it  was  affirmed,  to  defend  the  poor  from  the 
rich,  the  feeble  from  the  powerful,  the  industrious  from  the  rapa- 
cious, the  peaceable  from  the  violent,  the  tenants  from  the  lords, 
and  all  from  their  superiors.  e  These  are  the  rights  without  which  a 
people  cannot  be  free  and  happy,  and  to  whose  protection  and  env 
ccmraging  influence  the  English  colonies  are  indebted  for  their  pres*- 
cut  prosperity  and  numerous  population.  Of  these  rights  the  act 
of  Quebec  has  completely  divested  the  Canadians  !  It  has  not  left 
the  people  even  a  shadow  of  authority,  but  has  placed  it  all  in  the  hands 
of  those  who  are  themselves  absolutely  dependent  on  the  crown.  Can 
any  government  be  imagined  more  arbitrary  or  tyrannical  ?  What- 
ever may  have  neen  the  rigors  of  the  French  domination,  your  pres- 
ent condition  rs  infinitely  worse  ;  for  then  they  were  Frenchmen, 
who  ruled  other  Frenchmen  ;  and  that  benignity  which  the  mode  of 
government  appeared  to  exclude,  resulted,  nevertheless,  from  the 
community  of  language,  manners,  opinions,  and  the  bonds  of  na- 
tional fraternity.  But  since  they  are  Englishmen  who  now  govern 
a,  French  people,  the  latter  can  no  longer  expect  from  the  sympathy 
of  their  rulers,  but  only  from  the  protection  of  laws,  a  refuge  from 
the  abuses  of  authority,  and  the  rapacious  passions  of  foreign  min- 
isters, always  disposed  to  suspect  them  of  pernicious  designs.  Seizes, 
then,  the  occasion  which  is  offered,  by  joining  with  us,  to  acquire 
that  liberty  and  those  privileges  which  the  colonists  have  always  en- 
joyed ;  and  which  they  are,  with  one  mind,  resolved  never  to  resign, 
but  with  their  lives.' 

As  to  religion,  in  order  to  quiet  their  minds  upon  this  subject,  it 
was  observed,  that  the  tolerant  opinions  which  prevailed,  at  the  pres- 
ent epoch,  among  the  French  people,  would  doubtless  remove  all 
obstacles  to  a  sincere  amity  between  them.  They  cited  the  example 
mi  the  Swiss,  who,  notwithstanding  the  difference  of  their  religion, 


BOOK    IV  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  153 

lived  with  one  another  in  the  utmost  concord,  and  were  thus  enabled 
to  defy  and  defeat  every  tyrant  that  had  invaded  them. 

1  Let  the  inhabitants  of  Canada,  therefore,  take  advantage  of  cir- 
cumstances. Let  them  form  a  provincial  convention  ;  let  thent 
elect  their  delegates  to  congress,  and  attach  themselves  to  the  com- 
mon cause  of  North  America.  Has  not  the  present  congress  al- 
ready resolved  unanimously,  that  they  considered  the  violation  of 
the  rights  of  the  Canadians,  by  the  act  for  altering  the  government 
of  their  province,  as  a  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  colonists  them- 
selves ? ' 

Letters  of  a  similar  style,  and  tending  to  the  same  object,  were 
addressed  to  the  colonies  of  St.  John's,  Nova  Scotia,  Georgia,  and 
the  Floridas. 

•  At  the  same  time,  the  congress  passed  a  resolution,  declaring,  that 
the  arrest  of  any  person  in  America,  in  order  to  transport  such  per- 
son beyond  the  sea,  for  trial  of  offenses  committed  in  America,  be- 
ing against  law,  authorized  resistance  and  reprisal. 

Having  concluded  these  transactions,  and  appointed  the  10th  of 
the  ensuing  May  for  the  convocation  of  another  general  congress, 
the  present  dissolved  itself. 

No  one  will  deny,  that  this  assembly  knew  how  to  appreciate  the 
circumstances  of  the  time,  and  demonstrated  a  rare  sagacity,  in 
leading  them  to  co-operate  in  their  designs.  They  not  only  found 
means  to  invigorate  the  opinions  which  then  prevailed  in  America, 
but  also  to  diffuse  and  propagate  them  surprisingly ;  applauding  the 
ardent,  stimulating  the  torpid,  and  conciliating  the  adverse.  They 
were  lavish  in  protestations  of  loyalty  to  the  king  ;  which  could  not 
fail  to  answer  the  end  they  proposed — that  of  finding  a  pretext  and 
excuse  for  ulterior  resolutions,  in  case  their  remonstrances  should 
prove  ineffectual.  With  the  same  apt  policy,  they  flattered  the  pride 
of  the  British  nation,  with  the  view  of  engaging  it  to  favor  their 
cause.  They  manifested  equal  dexterity  in  fomenting  the  political 
opinions  that  were  beginning  to  prevail  in  this  century.  Originating 
at  first  in  England,  they  had  been  diffused,  by  degrees,  among  the 
» neighboring  nations,  and  particularly  in  France,  where  they  had  been 
introduced,  and  defended  with  a  fascinating  eloquence,  by  the  most 
celebrated  writers  of  that  period.  Accordingly,  in  every  place  and 
circle,  the  Americans,  and  especially  the  members  of  congress,  were 
considered  as  the  generous  champions  of  these  favorite  principles ; 
for,  as  to  the  object  they  had  in  view,  there  no  longer  existed  a  doubt. 
Though  it  was  possible,  however,  to  excuse,  and  even  applaud  this 
resolution  of  the  Americans,  to  defend,  by  force  of  arms,  the  rights 
for  which  thev  contended,  it  was  difficult.,  it  must  be  acknowledged, 


154  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IV. 

to  reconcile  with  the  loyalty  they  so  frequently  professed,  their  in- 
sinuating writings  to  draw  into  their  confederacy  other  subjects  of 
the  crown  of  England,  as  the  Canadians,  for  example,  who  had  not, 
or  who  made  no  pretensions  to  have,  the  same  rights.  But  in  af- 
fairs of  state,  utility  is  often  mistaken  for  justice  ;  and,  in  truth,  no 
event  could  have  happened  more  useful  to  the  colonists  than  the  ad- 
hesion of  the  Canadians  to  their  cause. 

1775.  The  resolutions  of  congress  were  received  in  America 
with  universal  consent.  They  were  approved  not  only  by  the  peo- 
ple, but  also  by  the  authorities,  whether  established  or  provisional. 
The  assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  convened  about  the  close  of  the 
year,  was  the  first  constitutional  authority  which  ratified  formally  all 
the  acts  of  congress,  and  elected  deputies  for  the  ensuing.  A  con- 
vention having  soon  after  been  formed  in  this  province,  it  was  there- 
in declared,  that,  if  the  petition  of  congress  was  rejected,  and  the 
government  should  persist  in  attempting  to  execute  by  force  the  late 
arbitrary  acts  of  parliament,  it  would  then  be  requisite  to  resist  also 
with  open  force,  and  defend,  at  all  hazards,  the  rights  and  liberties 
of  America.  Not  content  with  words,  this  assembly  recommended 
that  provision  should  be  made  of  salt,  gunpowder,  saltpetre,  iron, 
steel,  and  other  munitions  of  war.  Charles  Thomson  and  Thomas 
Mifflin,  afterwards  general,  both  men  of  great  influence  in  the  prov- 
ince, and  much  distinguished  for  their  intellectual  endowments, 
were  very  active  on  this  occasion  ;  and,  by  their  exertions,  the  reso- 
lutions of  the  convention  were  executed  with  singular  promptitude 
and  vigor. 

The  inhabitants  of  Maryland  displayed  an  equal  ardor ;  all  within 
their  province  was  in  movement.  Meetings  were  convoked,  in  every 
place  ;  associations  were  formed  ;  men  were  chosen,  for  the  purpose? 
m  seeing  that  the  resolutions  of  congress  were  punctually  observed 
and  executed.  The  provincial  convention  voted  funds  for  the  pur- 
chase of  arms  and  ammunition ;  they  declared  enemies  to  the  coun- 
try those  who  should  refuse  to  provide  themselves  with  a  military 
equipment.  The  most  distinguished  citizens  made  it  their  glory  to 
appear  armed  in  the  cause  of  liberty  ;  the  militia  was  daily  assembled 
and  exercised  ;  it  was  withdrawn  from  the  authority  of  the  governor, 
and  placed  under  that  of  the  province ;  they  held  themselves  in  read- 
iness to  march  to  the  assistance  of  Massachusetts. 

The  same  precautions  were  taken  in  the  lower  counties  of  Dela- 
ware, and  in  New  Hampshire.  The  legal  assembly  of  the  latter 
was  convoked.  They  approved  the  proceedings  of  congress,  and 
wiote  to  congratulate  the  Marylanders  upon  their  patriotism  and 
public  spirit ;  promising  to  stand  prepared  to  defend  this  lioerty,  so 


BOOK    rt.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  155 

dear  to  every  heart.  The  inhabitants,  not  content  with  ua>,,  termed 
a  convention  at  Exeter,  which  ratified  the  doings  of  ©jngioss,  and 
elected  delegates  for  the  new  session. 

But  in  South  Carolina,  so  important  a  province,  things  went  for- 
ward  with. great  animation.  A  convention  was  formed  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  whole  province.  Their  first  decree  was  to  render 
immortal  thanks  to  the  members  of  congress,  to  approve  its  resolu* 
tions,  and  to  ordain  their  strict  execution.  The  manufacturers  of 
the  country  received  encouragement ;  and  ample  liberalities  were 
granted  to  the  indigent  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Boston.  The  same 
enthusiasm  inspired  every  breast.  And,  to  prevent  the  infractions 
which  the  love  of  gain,  or  private  interest,  might  occasion,  inspectors 
wrere  appointed,  to  watch,  with  rigorous  diligence,  over  the  execution 
of  these  public  resolutions. 

In  Massachusetts  and  Virginia  the  ardor  of  the  people  was  aston- 
ishing. All  places  equally  presented  the  images  of  war,  and  the 
semblance  of  combats.  The  inhabitants  of  Marblehead,  of  Salem., 
and  of  other  seaports,  finding  their  accustomed  maritime  occupa- 
tions interrupted  by  the  present  occurrences,  turned  their  efforts  to- 
wards the  land  service,  and  engaged  in  it  with  incredible  zeal. 
They  soon  organized  several  regiments  of  men  well  trained  to  the 
exercise  of  arms,  and  prepared  to  enter  the  field,  if  things  should 
come  to  that  fatal  extremity.  The  officers  of  the  Virginia  militia 
being  assembled  at  fort  Gower,  after  protesting  their  loyalty  toward? 
the  king,  declared  that  the  love  of  liberty,  attachment  to  country, 
and  devotion  to  its  just  rights,  were  paramount  to  every  other  con 
sideration ;  that,  to  fulfill  these  sacred  duties,  they  were  resolved  to 
exert  all  the  efforts  which  the  unanimous  voice  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens should  exact. 

The  provinces  of  New  England  presented  a  peculiar  character. 
Their  inhabitants  being  extremely  attached  to  religion,  and  more  ea> 
sily  influenced  by  this  than  any  other  motive,  the  preachers  exr. 
cised  over  their  minds  an  authority  scarcely  conceivable.     They  u 
ten  insisted,  and  always  with  new  vehemence,  that  the  cause  of  t\v, 
Americans  was  the  cause  of  Heaven ;  that  God  loves  and  protects 
freemen,  and  holds  the  authors  of  tyranny  in  abhorrence ;  that  the 
schemes  of  the  English  ministers  against  America  were,  beyond 
measure,  unjust  and  tyrannical,  and  consequently  it  was  their  most 
rigorous  duty,  not  only  as  men  and  citizens,  but  also  as  Christians,  to 
oppose  these  attempts  ;  and  to  unite  under  their  chiefs,  in  defense  of 
what  man  has  the  most  precious,  religion  the  most  sacred.     The  in 
habitants  of  New  England  thus  took  the  field,  stimulated  by  the  fer 
Yor  of  their  religious  opinions,  and  fully  persuaded  that  Heaven  wit 


J  56  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    IT. 


nessed  their  efforts  with  complacency.  The  two  most  powerful 
springs  of  human  action,  religious  anc«'  political  enthusiasm,  were 
blended  in  their  breasts.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that,  in  the 
events  which  followed,  they  exhibited  frequent  examples  of  singular 
courage  and  invincible  resolution. 

Amidst  a  concord  so  general,  the  province  of  New  York  alone 
hesitated  to  declare  itself.  This  colony,  and  principally  the  capital, 
was  the  scene  of  much  party  division.  Its  assembly  having  taken 
into  consideration  the  regulations  of  congress  for  the  interruption  of 
commerce  with  Great  Britain,  refused  to  adopt  them  ;  whereat  the 
inhabitants  of  the  other  provinces  testified  an  extreme  indignation. 
This  unexpected  resolution  must  be  attributed  principally  u »  ministe- 
rial intrigues,  very  successful  in  this  province,  on  account  of  the  great 
number  of  loyalists  that  inhabited  it;  and  who,  from  the  name  of 
one  of  the  parties  that  prevailed  in  England  at  the  time  of  the  revo- 
lution, were  called  Tories.  To  this  cause  should  be  added  the  very 
flourishing  commerce  of  the  city  of  New  York,  which  it  was  unwil- 
ling to  lose,  and  perhaps,  also,  the  hope  that  the  remonstrances  of 
congress  would  dispose  the  British  ministers  to  milder  counsels,  if 
they  were  not  accompanied  by  such  rigorous  determinations  in  regard 
to  commerce.  Some  also  believed,  that  this  conduct  of  New  York 
was  only  a  wily  subterfuge,  to  be  able,  afterwards,  according  to  cir- 
cumstances, to  use  it  as  a  ground  of  justification. 

The  first  of  February  was  the  destined  term  for  suspending  the 
introduction  of  British  merchandise  into  the  American  ports,  accord- 
ing to  the  resolutions  of  congress.  Though  it  was  known  every 
where,  yet  several  vessels  made  their  appearance,  even  after  this 
period,  laden  with  the  prohibited  articles ;  which  the  masters  hoped 
to  introduce  either  in  a  clandestine  mode,  or  even  by  consent  of  the 
Americans,  weary  of  their  obstinacy,  or  yielding  to  necessity  and 
the  love  of  gain.  But  their  hopes  were  frustrated  in  the  greater 
part,  or  rather  in  all  the  provinces  except  that  of  New  York.  Their 
cargoes  were  thrown  into  the  sea,  or  sent  back. 

Thus,  while  the  forms  of  the  ancient  government  still  subsisted  in 
America,  new  laws  were  established,  which  obtained  more  respect 
and  obedience  on  the  part;  of  the  people.  The  assemblies  of  the 
provinces,  districts  and  towns,  had  concentrated  in  their  hands  the 
authority  which  belonged  to  the  magistrates  of  the  former  system, 
who  had  either  wanted  the  will  or  the  power  to  prevent  it. "  And 
thus  it  was  no  longer  the  governors  and  the  ordinary  assemblies,  but 
the  conventions,  the  committees  of  correspondence  and  of  inspec 
tion,  that  had  the  management  of  state  affairs.  Where  these  were 
wanting,  the  people  supplied  the  deficiency,  by  assemblages  and 


XLOK    IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  157 

tumultuary  movements.  The  greater  number  were  impressed  with 
a  belief,  that,  by  the  effect  of  the  leagues  against  British  commerce* 
this  time  strictly  observed,  and  by  the  unanimous  firmness  of  the 
Colonists,  the  effusion  of  blood  woula  be  avoided.  They  hoped  the 
British  government  would  apply  itself  in  earnest  to  give  another  di- 
rection to  American  affairs  ;  and  that  public  tranquillity  would  thus, 
without  effort,  be  re-established.  The  popular  leaders,  on  the  con- 
trary, were  aware  of  the  necessity  of  an  appeal  to  arms  ;  some  fear- 
ed, others  desired,  this  result. 

Such  was  tHe  situation  of  the  English  colonies,  towards  the  close 
Of  the  year  1774,  and  at  the  commencement  of  1775.     Meanwhile, 
whatever  was  the  ardor  with  which  the  Americans  pursued  their  de- 
signs, the  interest  excited  by  this  controversy  in  England  had  mate- 
rially abated.     The  inhabitants  of  that  kingdom,  as  if  wearied  by 
the  long  and  frequent  discussions  which  had  taken  place  on  either 
side,  betrayed  an  extreme  repugnance  to  hear  any  thing  further  on 
the  subject.     They  had  therefore  abandoned  themselves  to  an  indif- 
ference approaching  to  apathy.     As  this  contest  was  already  of  ten 
years'  date,  and  though  often  on  the  point  of  issuing  in  an  open 
rupture,  had,  however,  never  yet  come  to  this  fatal  extremity,  the 
prevailing  opinion  was,  that,  sooner  or  later,  a  definitive  arrange- 
ment would  be  effected      It  was  even  thought,  that  this  object  might 
easily  be  accomplished,  by  making  some  concessions  to  the  Ameri- 
cans, similar  to  those  they  had  already  obtained.     Finally,  it  was 
considered  possible,  that  the  Americans  themselves,  finding  their  in- 
terests essentially  affected  by  the  interruption  of  commerce,  would 
at  length  submit  to  the  will  of  the  parent  country.     This  opinion 
appeared  the  more  probable  to  all,  inasmuch  as  the  courage  of  the 
colonists  was  in  no  great  repute.     It  was  not  believed  they  could 
ever  think  of  provoking  the  British  nation  to  arms ;  and  much  less 
of  making  a  stand  before  its  troops  in  the  field.     It  was  asserted, 
that,  to  procure  the  execution  of  the  late  prohibitory  laws  against 
the  province  of  Massachusetts,  which,  if  thought  expedient,  might 
easily  be  extended  to  the  other  colonies  also,  would  not  only  not  re- 
quire all  the  troops  of  Great  Britain,  but  not  even  all  the  immense 
force  of  her  marine ;  that  a  few  ships  of  the  line,  stationed  at  the 
entrance  of  the  principal  ports  of  the  colonies,  and  a  number  of 
frigates  ordered  to  cruise  along  the  coast,  to  prevent  the  departure 
of  American  vessels,  would  be  more  than  sufficient  to  accomplish 
this  affair. 

<  And  how  can  it  be  imagined,'  it  was  said,  *  that  the  colonists 
should  persevere  in  a  resistance  without  an  object,  as  they  have  no 
naval  force  to  oppose  against  England ;  who,  on  the  other  hand, 

14 


158  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IV. 

can,  at  a  trifling  expense,  and  with  a  few  troops,  enforce  the  prohi- 
bitions she  has  pronounced,  and  reduce  the  American  commerce  to 
an  indefinite  stagnation  ?  On  the  part  of  the  mother  country,  the 
means  of  annoyance  are,  in  fact,  almost  infinite  and  irresistible  : 
whereas,  the  colonies  have  nothing  to  oppose  but  a  mere  passive  re- 
sistance, and  a  patience  of  which  they  can  neither  foresee  the  re- 
sult nor  the  period.  Besides,  so  many  other  markets  remain  open 
for  British  merchandise,  that,  even  though  its  introduction  into  the 
colonies  should  be  totally  interdicted,  this  commerce  would  experi- 
ence but  a  barely  perceptible  diminution.  Nor  can  it  be  doubted* 
that  private  interests,  and  the  usual  jealousies,  will  ere  long  detaciV 
from  the  league,  successively,  all  the  maritime  parts  of  America* 
The  towns  of  the  interior  will  necessarily  follow  the  example ;  and 
then  what  becomes  of  this  boasted  confederacy  ? ' 

From  these  different  considerations,  it  ceases  to  be  astonishing^ 
that  the  minds  of  the  English  people  should  have  manifested,  at  this 
epoch,  so  perfect  a  calm  ;  and  that  it  should  have  been  the  general 
determination  to  await  from  time,  from  fortune,  and  from  the  meas* 
tires  of  the  ministers,  the  termination  of  this  vexatious  quarrel;.. 

In  the  midst  of  such  universal  torpor,  and  near  the  close  of  th# 
fear  1174,  the  new  parliament  convened.  The  proceedings  of  the 
general  congress,  and  the  favor  they  had  found  in  America,  not  be* 
ing  yet  well  known,  some  reliance  was  still  placed  in  intestine  divis- 
ions, and  the  efficacy  of  the  plan  which  had  been  adopted.  The 
king  mentioned  in  his  speech  the  American  disturbances ;  he  an- 
nounced, that  disobedience  continued  to  prevail  in  Massachusetts; 
that  the  other  colonies  countenanced  it ;  that  the  most  proper  meas*- 
ures  had  been  taken  to  carry  into  execution  the  laws  of  parliament ; 
and  that  he  was  firmly  resolved  to  maintain  unimpaired  the  supreme 
legislative  authority  of  Great  Britain,  in  all  parts  of  his  dominions. 
The  addresses  proposed  in  the  two  houses  were  strenuously  opposed  ; 
and  it  was  not  without  difficulty  they  were  at,  length  adopted.  On 
the  part  of  the  opposition  it  was  alledged,  that,  if  the  preceding  par- 
liament had  consented  to  the  measures  proposed  by  the  ministers,  it 
was  only  upon  their  positive  assurance  that  they  would  effectually  re- 
establish tranquillity.  <  But,  do  we  not  see  how  illusory  their  prom- 
ises have  proved  ?  Why  persist,  then,  in  resolutions  that  are  fruit- 
less, and  even  pernicious  ?  Has  any  suppliant  voice  been  heard  on 
the  part  of  America  ?  Has  she  given  any  token  of  repentance  for 
the  past,  any  pledge  of  better  dispositions  for  the  future  ?  She  has 
not ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  has  exhibited  still  greater  animosity,  a 
rage  more  intense,  a  concord  more  strict,  a  faith  more  confirmed  in 
the  justice  of  her  cause.     And  still,  from  pride,  if  net  from  ven- 


POOR    IV.  THE    AMERICAN     WAR.  159 

eance,  it  is  desired  to  persevere  in  measures  so  decidedly  repro- 
bated by  reason,  equity,  and  fatal  experience ! ' 

But,  from  the  side  of  the  ministers,  it  was  answered : 

f  The  proceedings  of  the  colonist-3  are  so  void  of  all  respect,  that 
to  endure  them  longer  would  be  disgraceful.  Can  any  thing  be 
more  extraordinary,  than  to  hear  it  asserted  that  the  Americans  are 
persuaded  of  the  justice  of  their  cause, — as  if  the  English  were  not 
persuaded  also  of  the  justice  of  theirs  ?  And  if  England,  as  a  party, 
has  no  right  to  judge  of  this  controversy,  is  America  to  be  reputed 
entirely  disinterested  ?  The  Americans  know  perfectly  well  that  this 
is  a  question  of  right,  and  not  of  money  ;  the  impost  is  a  mere  trifle, 
of  no  importance  whatever,  but  as  it  concerns  the  honor  of  this 
kingdom.  But  what  care  they  for  the  honor  of  the  kingdom  ?  Noth- 
ing can  ever  satisfy  these  peevish  Americans.  To  content  them  how 
many  ways  of  gentleness  have  been  tried  !  They  have  only  become 
the  more  insolent.  They  haughtily  expect  the  English  to  approach 
them  in  a  suppliant  attitude,  and  to  anticipate  all  their  capricious  de- 
sires. To  conciliate  them,  all,  except  honor,  has  been  sacrificed  al- 
ready ;  but  Heaven  does  not  permit  us  to  abandon  that  also.  The 
question  is  no  longer  taxation,  but  the  redress  of  wrongs,  the  repa- 
ration for  deeds  of  outrage.  This  the  Americans  refuse, — and  there- 
lore  deserve  chastisement;  and,  should  England  fail  to  inflict  it,  she 
must  expect  a  daily  increase  of  audacity  on  the  part  of  her  colonies, 
and  prepare  to  digest  the  contempt  which  the  nations  of  Europe  al- 
ready entertain  towards  her  ;  surprised  and  confused  at  the  tameness 
and  patience  of  the  British  ministers,  in  the  midst  of  provocations 
so  daring  and  so  often  repeated.' 

The  address  of  thanks  was  voted,  according  to  the  wishes  of  the 
ministers  ;  and  thus  the  Americans,  who  had  flattered  themselves 
that  the  new  parliament  would  be  more  favorably  disposed  towards 
them  than  the  preceding,  were  forced  to  renounce  this  hope. 

It  appeared,  however,  notwithstanding  these  animated  demonstra- 
tions on  the  part  of  the  government,  that  when,  previous  to  the 
Christmas  recess,  the  certain  intelligence  was  received  of  the  trans- 
actions of  congress,  and  the  astonishing  concord  which  prevailed  in 
America,  the  ministers,  perhaps  loath  to  embrace  extreme  counsels, 
eeemed  inclined  to  relax  somewhat  of  their  rigor,  and  to  leave  an 
opening  for  accommodation.  Lord  North  even  intimated  to  the 
American  merchants  then  in  London,  that  if  they  presented  peti- 
tions, they  should  meet  attention.  But  in  the  midst  of  these  glim- 
merings of  peace,  the  news  arrived  of  the  schism  of  New  York  ;  an 
event  of  great  moment  in  itself,  and  promising  consequences  still 
more  important.     The  minister  felt  his  pride  revive  j  he  would  no 


160  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IV, 

longer  hear  of  petitions,  or  of  accommodation.  Things  turned 
anew  to  civil  strife  and  war.  All  the  papers,  relating  to  the  affairs 
of  America,  were  laid  before  the  two  houses.  Lord  Chatham,  per- 
ceiving the  obstinacy  of  the  ministers  in  their  resolution  to  persist 
in  the  course  of  measures  they  had  adopted,  and  fearing  it  might  re^ 
suit  in  the  most  disastrous  effects,  pronounced  a  long  and  extremely 
eloquent  discourse  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  and  was  heard  with 
solemn  attention. 

Nor  was  the  opposition  to  the  projects  of  the  ministers  confined 
to  the  two  houses  of  parliament ;  but  even  a  considerable  part  of 
the  British  nation  was  of  the  adverse  party.  The  cities  of  London, 
Bristol,  Liverpool,  Manchester,  Norwich,  Birmingham,  'Glasgow* 
and  others,  where  commerce  had  hitherto  flourished,  preferred  their 
petitions  to  parliament.  They  painted,  in  glowing  traits,  the  detri- 
ment their  commerce  had  already  sustained,  and  the  still  more  ruin- 
ous losses  with  which  they  were^rtfenaced  by  the  impending  contest 
with  America.  They  implored  this  body  to  interpose  their  authority 
for  the  re-establishment  of  that  calm  and  pacific  state,  which  had 
been  heretofore  enjoyed.  But  the  prayers  of  the  merchants  had  no 
better  success  than  the  authority  and  the  words  of  the  earl  of  Chat- 
ham ;  the  ministerial  party  even  rejected  them  with  an  unfeeling 
harshness. 

In  the  meantime,  Bollan,  Franklin,  and  Lee,  presented  themselves 
before  the  house  of  commons,  with  the  petition  which  the  congress 
had  addressed  to  the  king,  and  by  him  had  been  referred  to  the 
house.  They  demanded  to  be  heard  in  its  defense.  A  very  warm 
discussion  arose  ;  the  ministerial  party  contending,  that  neither 
ought  the  petition  to  be  read,  nor  the  agents  to  be  heard ;  and  the 
party  in  opposition,  the  contrary.  The  former  affirmed,  that  the 
congress  was  not  a  legal  assembly  ;  that  to  receive  its  petitions  would 
be  to  recognize  it  as  such  ;  that  the  provincial  assemblies  and  their 
agents  were  the  sole  true  representatives  of  the  colonies  ;  and  that 
the  petition  only  contained  the  customary  lamentations  about  rights, 
without  offering  any  means,  or  any  probable  hope  of  coming  to  an 
arrangement. 

But  it  was  answered,  that  however  the  congress  might  not  be  a 
legal  assembly,  it  was,  nevertheless,  more  than  competent  to  present 
petitions ;  every  one  having,  either  individually,  or  jointly  with 
others,  the  right  to  present  them  ;  that  those  who  had  signed  the  pe- 
tition were  the  most  distinguished  inhabitants  of  the  colonies,  and 
well  deserved  to  be  heard,  if  not  in  their  public,  at  least  in  their 
private  character.  *  There  no  longer  exists  any  government  in  the 
colonies ;  the  popular  commotions  have  disorganized  it  absolutely  ; 


BOOK    IV.  j  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  ]G| 

we  should  therefore  learn  to  appreciate  the  representation  of  this 
government,  which  has  been  established  by  the  force  of  things.  Can 
it  be  forgotten,  that  the  American  disturbances  have  originated,  and 
arrived  at  their  present  alarming  height,  from  our  unwillingness  to 
hear  petitions  ?  Let  us  seize  this  occasion  ;  if  we  allow  it  to  escape, 
a  second  will  not  be  offered,  and  all  hope  of  accord  is  vanished. 
This  is  probably  the  last  attempt  the  Americans  will  make  to  sub- 
mit, which,  if  received  with  haughtiness,  will  become  the  source  of 
inevitable  calamities ;  for  despair,  and  with  it,  obstinacy,  will  obtain 
the  entire  possession  of  their  minds.'  But  the  ministers  would  hear 
nothing,  pleading  the  dignity  of  state.  The  petition  was  rejected. 
Nor  was  a  petition  of  the  West  India  proprietors,  representing  the 
prejudice  they  suffered  from  the  interruption  of  their  commerce  with 
the  Americans,  received  with  greater  benignity.  The  ministers  con- 
sidered petitions  as  merely  the  stratagems  of  faction.  '  Admitting,' 
they  said,  '  that  some  detriment  may  result  from  the  measures  re- 
lating to  America,  it  is  a  necessary  evil,  an  inevitable  calamity.  But 
this  evil  would  become  infinitely  greater,  if  the  government  should 
appear  to  yield  to  the  will  of  the  seditious,  and  descend  to  nego- 
tiate with  rebels.' 

After  having  repulsed,  with  a  sort  of  disdain,  the  petitions  of  th« 
Americans,  and  those  presented  in  their  favor  by  the  islands  of  the 
West  Indies,  and  even  by  England  herself;  and  after  having  rejected 
all  the  counsels  of  the  party  in  opposition,  the  ministers  unveiled 
their  schemes,  and  announced,  in  the  presence  of  the  two  houses, 
the  measures  they  intended  to  pursue,  in  order  to  reduce  the  Ameri- 
cans to  obedience.  Always  imbued  with  the  opinion,  that  the  di- 
versity of  interests  and  humors,  and  the  rivalships  existing  between 
the  different  provinces,  would,  in  a  short  time,  dissolve  the  Ameri- 
can combinations,  independently  of  the  detriment  and  constraint 
they  occasioned  to  individuals ;  believing,  also,  that  the  colonists 
Tould  not  easily  support  greater  privations  of  things  necessary  to 
■life ;  they  flattered  themselves,  that,  without  sending  strong  armies 
to  America,  and  merely  by  a  few  rigorous  regulations,  a  few  prohib- 
itory resolutions,  that  should  extend  beyond  the  province  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  affect  the  most  internal  parts  of  the  American  com- 
merce, they  should  be  able  to  accomplish  their  purpose.  It  should 
also  be  added,  that  the  ministers  thought  the  partisans  of  England 
were  very  numerous  in  America,  that  they  were  among  its  most  dis- 
tinguished inhabitants,  and  waited  only  for  an  occasion  to  show 
themselves  with  effect ;  and,  finally,  that  the  Americans,  as  they 
were,  according  to  the  notions  of  the  ministers,  of  a  pusillanimous 
spirit,  and  little  accustomed  to  war,  would  not  dare  to  look  the  Brit- 


1654  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    IV. 

ish  soldiers  in  the  face.  Thus  they  were  induced  to  adopt  certain 
resolutions,  which  were  perhaps  more  cruel,  and  certainly  more  irri- 
tating, than  open  war  ;  for  man  feels  less  bitterness  towards  the  foe, 
who,  in  combating  against  him,  leaves  him  the  means  of  defense, 
than  the  adversary  who  exposes  him  to  the  horrors  of  famine,  while 
he  is  unable  to  escape  them  by  a  generous  effort.  Such,  as  we  shall 
goon  see,  was  the  plan  of  the  British,  from  which  they  gathered  the 
fruits  they  ought  to  have  expected.  But,  in  order  to  carry  it  into 
execution,  it  was  necessary  that  they  should  first  arm  themselves 
with  a  word  that  should  legitimate  all  their  measures,  and  this  was, 
rebellion.  The  doctors,  whom  they  had  invited  to  their  consulta- 
tions, after  having  considered  the  affair  under  all  its  faces,  came  to  a 
conclusion,  which,  however  admissible  in  other  kingdoms,  might  still 
have  appeared  extremely  doubtful  in  England.  They  pronounced, 
that  the  province  of  Massachusetts  was  found  in  a  state  of  rebellion. 
Accordingly,  the  2d  of  February,  lord  North,  after  having  expatiated 
on  the  benignity  with  which  the  king  and  parliament  had  proceeded 
in  maintaining  the  laws  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  necessity  incum- 
bent on  the  ministers,  of  protecting  loyal  and  affectionate  subjects 
against  the  rage  of  the  seditious,  proposed,  that  in  the  address  to 
the  king,  it  should  be  declared,  that  rebellion  existed  in  the  province 
of  Massachusetts,  and  that  it  was  supported  and  fomented  by  illegal 
combinations  and  criminal  compacts  with  the  other  colonies,  to  the 
great  prejudice  of  many  innocent  subjects  of  his  majesty. 

To  declare  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts  rebels,  was  to  refer 
the  decision  of  their  cause  to  the  chance  of  arms — was  to  denounce 
war  against  them.  Accordingly,  the  opponents  of  ministers  exhib- 
ited great  ardor  in  combating  this  proposition  ;  and  even  in  their 
own  party,  a  great  number  of  individuals  appeared  to  feel  great  re- 
pugnance, and  a  species  of  horror,  at  so  grave  a  determination,  and 
so  fraught  with  future  calamities.  The  orators  of  the  opposition 
contended,  that  all  the  disorders  in  Massachusetts,  however  multi- 
plied and  aggravated,  ought  to  be  attributed,  originally,  to  the  at- 
tempts of  those  who  were  aiming  to  establish  despotism,  and  whose 
measures  evidently  tended  to  reduce  the  Americans  to  that  abject 
condition  of  slavery,  which  they  hoped  to  introduce  afterwards  into 
the  very  heart  of  England.  '  To  resist  oppression/  it  was  said,  '  is 
the  subject's  right,  and  the  English  kingdoms  have  presented  fre- 
quent examples  of  its  exercise.  No  act  of  violence  has  been  com- 
mitted in  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  that  has  not  been  equaled, 
or  surpassed,  in  each  of  the  others  ;  from  what  fatal  partiality,  then, 
is  this  province  alone  to  be  made  responsible  for  all  ?  To  press  with 
rigor  upon  a  single  province,  in  the  hope  of  separating  it  from  the 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAP  |()3 

others,  is  a  false  measure  ;  all  are  united  in  the  same  cause  .  all  de- 
fend the  same  rights.  To  declare  rebellion,  is  an  act  full  of  danger, 
and  of  no  utility  ;  it  only  tends  to  aggravate  the  evil,  to  increase  the 
obstinacy  of  dispositions,  to  prepare  a  resistance  more  desperate  and 
sanguinary,  as  no  other  hope  will  be  left  them  but  in  victory.1 

But  the  partisans  of  the  ministers,  and  particularly  the  doctors,* 
who  backed  them,  maintained,  that  acts  of  rebellion  constituted  re- 
bellion itself;  that  to  resist  the  laws  of  the  kingdom  being  rep  ited 
rebellion  in  England,  ought  also  to  be  so  reputed  in  America  ;  '  As 
for  the  rest,'  they  said,  'due  clemency  and  liberality  towards  those 
who  shall  submit,  will  be  mingled  with  the  rigor  to  be  exercised 
against  the  obstinate.  Reasons  of  state,  no  less  than  justice,  demand 
the  chastisement  of  these  insurgents ;  which  being  visited  upon  a 
few,  will  reclaim  all  to  their  duty ;  and  thus  the  union  of  the  colo- 
nies will  be  dissolved.  Can  we,  in  fact,  make  a  serious  matter  of  the 
resistance  of  the  Americans  ?  Cowards  by  nature,  incapable  of  any 
sort  of  military  discipline,  their  bodies  are  feeble,  and  their  inclina- 
tions are  dastardly.  They  would  not  be  capable  of  sustaining  a 
single  campaign,  without  disbanding,  or  becoming  so  wasted  by  sick- 
ness, that  a  slight  force  would  be  more  than  sufficient  for  their  com- 
plete reduction.'  General  Grant  was  so  infatuated  with  this  opinion, 
that  he  declared  openly,  he  would  undertake,  with  five  regiments  of 
infantry,  to  traverse  the  whole  country,  and  drive  the  inhabitants 
from  one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other.     The  ministers,  whose 

*  It  may  amuse,  if  not  surprise,  the  reader,  to  look  at  the  outline,  traced  by  another 
historian,  of  the  characters  whose  sagacity  the  author  seems  to  question  more  often 
than  once : 

*  I  took  my  seat  in  parliament,'  says  Mr.  Gibbon,  '  at  the  beginning  of  the  memo- 
rable contest  between  Great  Britain  and  America ;  and  supported,  with  many  a  sincere 
and  silent  vote,  the  rights,  though  not  perhaps  the  interests,  of  the  mother  country 
After  a  fleeting,  illusive  hope,  prudence  condemned  me  to  acquiesce  in  the  humble 
station  of  a  mute.  I  was  not  armed  by  nature  and  education  with  the  intrepid  energy 
of  mind  and  voice, 

1  Vincentum  strepitus,  et  natum  rebus  agendis.' 
Timidity  was  fortified  by  pride  ;  and  even  the  success  of  my  pen  discouraged  the  trial  of 
rny  voice.  But  I  assisted  at  the  debates  of  a.  free  assembly  ;  I  listened  to  the  arttack  and 
defense  of  eloquence  and  reason;  I  had  a  near  prospect  of  the  characters,  views,  and 
passions,  of  the  first  men  of  the  age.  The  cause  of  government  was  ably  vindicated  by 
lord  North,  a  statesman  of  spotless  integrity,  a  consummate  master  of  debate,  who  could 
wield,  with  equal  dexterity,  the  arms  of  reason  and  of  ridicule.  He  was  seated  on  the 
treasury  bench,  between  his  attorney  and  solicitor-general,  the  two  pillars  of  the  laze  and 
state, l  magis  pares  quam  similes ;'  and  the  minister  might  indulge  in  a  short  slumber, 
while  he  teas  uphold  en,  on  either  hand,  by  the  majestic  sense  of  Thurlow,  and  the  skillful 
eloquence  of  Wedderburne.  From  the  adverse  side  of  the  house,  an  ardent  and  powerful 
opposition  was  supported,  by  the  lively  declamation  of  Barre  ;  the  legal  acute ness  of 
Dunning  ;  the  profuse  and  philosophic  fancy  of  Burke  ;  and  the  argumentative  vehe- 
mence of  Fox,  who,  in  conduct  of  a  party,  approved  himself  equal  to  the  conduct  of 
an  empire.  By  such  men,  every  operation  of  peace  and  war,  every  principle  »f  justice 
*r  policy,  every  question  of  authority  and  freedom,  was  attacked  and  defended;  and 
ihe  subject  of  the  momentous  contest  was  the  union  or  separation  of  Great  Britain 
end  America.' — [Gibbon's  Miscellaneous  Works.] 


164  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   IV 

comprehension  seems  to  have  had  certain  limits,  suffered  themselves* 
without  reluctance,  to  be  guided  by  such  opinions  as  these  ;  and  this 
was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  their  precipitancy  to  commence 
the  war  with  such  feeble  preparations. 

The  propositions  of  lord  North  were  adopted,  by  a  majority  of 
more  than  two  thirds  of  the  suffrages. 

But  the  party  in  opposition,  aware  of  the  importance  of  pro- 
nouncing so  formal  a  declaration  of  rebellion,  did  not  suffer  them- 
selves to  be  discouraged ;  and,  on  the  6th  of  the  same  month,  lord 
John  Cavendish  moved,  in  the  house  of  commons,  to  reconsider  the 
Yote.  It  was  then  that  Wilkes,  one  of  the  most  ardent  defenders  of 
liberty  of  that  epoch,  and  the  declared  partisan  of  republican  prin- 
ciples, arose,  and  spoke  in  the  following  terms : 

*  I  am  indeed  surprised,  that  in  a  business  of  so  much  moment  as 
this  before  the  house,  respecting  the  British  colonies  in  America,  a 
cause  which  comprehends  almost  every  question  relative  to  the  com- 
mon rights  of  mankind,  almost  every  question  of  policy  and  legis- 
lation, it  should  be  resolved  to  proceed  with  so  little  circumspection, 
or  rather  with  so  much  precipitation  and  heedless  imprudence. 
With  what  temerity  are  we  assured,  that  the  same  men  who  have 
been  so  often  overwhelmed  with  praises  for  their  attachment  to  this 
country,  for  their  forwardness  to  grant  it  the  necessary  succors,  for 
the  valor  they  have  signalized  in  its  defense,  have  all  at  once  so  de- 
generated from  their  ancient  manners,  as  to  merit  the  appellation  of 
seditious,  ungrateful,  impious  rebels  !  But  if  such  a  change  has  in- 
deed been  wrought  in  the  minds  of  this  most  loyal  people,  it  must 
at  least  be  admitted,  that  affections  so  extraordinary  could  only  have 
been  produced  by  some  very  powerful  cause.  But  who  is  ignorant, 
who  needs  to  be  told  of  the  new  madness  that  infatuates  our  minis- 
ters ? — who  has  not  seen  the  tyrannical  counsels  they  have  pursued 
for  the  last  ten  years  ?  They  would  now  have  us  carry  to  the  foot  of 
the  throne,  a  resolution  stamped  with  rashness  and  injustice,  fraught 
with  blood,  and  a  horrible  futurity.  But  before  this  be  allowed 
them,  before  the  signal  of  civil  war  be  given,  before  they  are  per- 
mitted to  force  Englishmen  to  sheath  their  swords  in  the  bowels  of 
their  fellow  subjects,  I  hope  this  house  will  consider  the  rights  of 
humanity,  the  original  ground  and  cause  of  the  present  dispute- 
Have  we  justice  on  our  side  ?  No ;  assuredly,  no.  He  must  be  al- 
together a  stranger  to  the  British  constitution,  who  does  not  know 
that  contributions  are  voluntary  gifts  of  the  people ;  and  singularly 
blind,  not  to  perceive  that  the  words  '  liberty  and  property,  so  grate* 
ful  to  English  ears,  are  nothing  better  than  mockery  and  insult  to 
the  Americans,  if  their  property  can  be  taken  without  their  coo* 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  1 6li 

aent.  And  what  motive  can  there  exist  for  this  new  rigor,  for  these 
extraordinary  measures  ?  Have  not  the  American  always  demon- 
strated the  utmost  zeal  and  liberality,  whenever  their  succors  have 
been  required  by  the  mother  country? 

1  In  the  last  two  wars,  they  gave  you  more  than  you  asked  for,  and 
more  than  their  faculties  warranted ;  they  were  not  only  liberal 
towards  you,  but  prodigal  of  their  substance.  They  fought  gallant;* 
and  victoriously  by  your  side,  with  equal  valor,  against  our  and  their 
enemy,  the  common  enemy  of  the  liberties  of  Europe  and  America, 
the  ambitious  and  faithless  French,  whom  now  we  fear  and  flatter. 
And  even  now,  at  a  moment  when  you  are  planning  their  destruc- 
tion, when  you  are  branding  them  with  the  odious  appellation  of 
rebels,  what  is  their  language,  what  their  protestations  ?  Read,  in  the 
-name  of  heaven^  the  late  petition  of  the  congress  to  the  king;  an.1 
you  will  find,  '  they  are  ready  and  willing,  as  they  ever  have  been, 
to  demonstrate  their  loyalty,  by  exerting  their  most  strenuous  efforts 
in  granting  supplies  and  raising  forces,  when  constitutionally  re- 
quired.' And  yet  we  hear  it  vociferated,  by  some  inconsiderate  indi- 
viduals, that  the  Americans  wish  to  abolish  the  navigation  act ;  that 
they  intend  to  throw  off  the  supremacy  of  Great  Britain.  But 
would  to  God,  these  assertions  were  not  rather  a  provocation  than 
the  truth  !  They  ask  nothing,  for  such  are  the  words  of  their  peti- 
tion, but  for  peace,  liberty  and  safety.  They  wish  not  a  diminution 
of  the  royal  prerogative  ;  they  solicit  not  any  new  right.  They  are 
ready,  on  the  contrary,  to  defend  this  prerogative,  to  maintain  the 
royal  authority,  and  to  draw  closer  the  bonds  of  their  connection  with 
Great  Britiin.  But  our  ministers.,  perhaps  to  punish  others  for  their 
own  faults,  are  sedulously  endeavoring  not  only  to  relax  these  pow- 
erful ties,  but  to  dissolve  and  sever  them  forever.  Their  address 
represents  the  province  of  Massachusetts  as  in  a  state  of  actual 
rebellion.  The  other  provinces  are  held  out  to  our  indignation,  as 
aiding  and  abetting.  Many  arguments  have  been  employed,  by 
some  learned  gentlemen  among  us,  to  comprehend  them  all  in  the 
same  offense,  and  to  involve  them  in  the  same  proscription. 

1  Whether  their  present  state  is  that  of  rebellion,  or  of  a  fit  and 
just  resistance  to  the  unlawful  acts  of  power,  to^our  attempts  to  rob 
them  of  their  property  and  liberties,  as  they  imagine,  I  shall  not  de- 
dare.  But  I  well  know  what  will  follow,  nor.  however  strange  and 
narsh  it  may  appear  to  some,  shall  I  hesitate  to  announce  it,  that  I 
may  not  be  accused  hereafter  of  having  failed  in  duty  to  my  country, 
on  so  grave  an  occasion,  and  at  the  approach  of  such  direful  calami- 
ties. Know,  then,  a  successful  resistance  is  a  revolution,  not  a  rebel- 
lion.    Rebellion,  indeed,  appears  on  the  back  of  a  flying  enemy,  but 


166  the  American  war. 


BOOK   IV. 


revolution  flames  on  the  breastplate  of  the  victorious  warrior.  VVhp 
can  tell  whether,  in  consequence  of  this  day's  violent  and  mad  address 
to  his  majesty,  the  scabbard  may  not  be  thrown  away  by  them  as  well 
as  by  us ;  and  whether,  in  a  few  years,  the  independent  Americans 
may  not  celebrate  the  glorious  era  of  the  revolution  of  1775,  as  we 
do  that  of  1668?  The  generous  efforts  of  our  forefathers  for  free- 
dom, heaven  crowned  with  success,  or  their  noble  blood  had  dyed 
our  scaffolds,  like  that  of  Scottish  traitors  and  rebels  :  and  the  period 
of  our  history  which  does  us  the  most  honor,  would  have  been 
deemed  a  rebellion  against  the  lawful  authority  of  the  prince,  net  a 
resistance  authorized  by  all  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  not  the  ex- 
pulsion of  a  detested  tyrant. 

fBut  suppose  the  Americans  to  combat  against  us  with  more 
unhappy  auspices  than  we  combated  James,  would  not  victory  itself 
prove  pernicious  and  deplorable?  Would  it  not  be  fatal  to  British 
as  well  as  American  liberty  ?  Those  armies  which  should  subjugate 
the  colonists,  would  subjugate  also  their  parent  state.  Marius,  Syl- 
Ia,  Caesar,  Augustus,  Tiberius,  did  they  not  oppress  Roman  liberty 
with  the  same  troops  that  were  levied  to  maintain  Roman  suprema- 
cy over  subject  provinces?  But  the  impulse  once  given,  its  effect;? 
extended  much  farther  than  its  authors  expected  ;  for  the  same  sol- 
diery that  destroyed  the  Roman  republic,  subverted  and  utterly  de- 
molished the  imperial  power  itself.  In  less  than  fifty  years  after 
the  death  of  Augustus,  the  armies  destined  to  hold  the  provinces  in 
subjection,  proclaimed  three  emperors  at  once;  disposed  of  the  em- 
pire according  to  their  caprice,  and  raised  to  the  throne  of  the  Cae- 
sars the  object  of  their  momentary  favor. 

'  I  can  no  more  comprehend  the  policy,  than  acknowledge  the 
justice  of  your  deliberations.  Where  is  your  force,  what  are  your 
armies,  how  are  they  to  be  recruited,  and  how  supported  ?  The  sin* 
gle  province  of  Massachusetts  has,  at  this  moment,  thirty  thousand 
men,  well  trained  and  disciplined,  and  can  bring,  in  case  of  emer- 
gency, ninety  thousand  into  the  field ;  and  doubt  not,  they  will  do 
it,  when  all  that  is  dear  is  at  stake,  when  forced  to  defend  their  lib- 
«rty  and  property  against  their  cruel  oppressors.  The  right  honor- 
able gentleman  with  the  blue  ribin  assures  us  that  ten  thousand  of 
our  troops  and  four  Irish  regiments,  will  make  their  brains  turn  in 
the  head  a  little,  and  strike  them  aghast  with  terror.  But  where 
does  the  author  of  this  exquisite  scheme  propose  to  send  his  army  ? 
Boston,  perhaps,  you  may  lay  in  ashes,  or  it  may  be  made  a  strong 
garrison  ;  but  the  province  will  be  lost  to  you.  You  will  hold  Bos- 
ton as  you  hold  Gibraltar,  in  the  midst  of  a  country  which  will  not 
be  yours ;  the  whole  American  continent  will  remain  in  the  power 


BOOK   IV  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


ffl 


of  your  eiemies.  The  ancient  story  of  the  philosopher  Calanus  and 
the  Indian  hide,  will  be  verified  ;  where  you  tread,  it  will  be  kept 
down  :  but  it  will  rise  the  more  in  all  other  parts.  Where  your 
fleets  and  armies  are  stationed,  the  possession  will  be  secured,  while 
they  continue  ;  but  all  the  rest  will  be  lost.  In  the  great  scale  of 
empire  you  will  decline,  I  fear,  from  the  decision  of  this  day  ;  and 
the  Americans  will  rise  to  independence,  to  power,  to  all  the  great- 
ness of  the  most  renowned  states  ;  for  they  build  on  the  solid  basis, 
of  general  public  liberty. 

1 1  dread  the  effects  of  the  present  resolution ;  I  shudder  at  our  in- 
justice and  cruelty ;  I  tremble  for  the  consequences  of  our  impru- 
dence. You  will  urge  the  Americans  to  desperation.  They  will 
certainly  defend  their  property  and  liberties,  with  the  spirit  of  free- 
men, with  the  spirit  our  ancestors  did,  and  I  hope  WO  should  exert 
on  a  like  occasion.  They  will  sooner  declare  themselves  indepen- 
dent, and  risk  every  consequence  of  such  a  contest,  than  submit  to  the 
galling  yoke  which  administration  is  preparing  for  them.  Recollect 
Philip  II.  king  of  Spain  ;  remember  the  Seven  Provinces,  and  the 
duke  of  Alva.  It  was  deliberated,  in  the  council  of  the  monarch. 
what  measures  should  be  adopted  respecting  the  Low  Countries;, 
*ome  were  disposed  for  clemency,  others  advised  rigor ;  the  second 
prevailed.  The  duke  of  Alva  was  victorious,  it  is  true,  wherever  he 
appeared ;  but  his  cruelties  sowed  the  teeth  of  the  serpent.  The 
beggars  of  the  Briel,  as  they  were  called  by  the  Spaniards,  who  de« 
spised  them  as  you  now  despise  the  Americans,  were  those,  however, 
who  first  shook  the  power  of  Spain  to  the  center.  And  comparing  tlie 
{probabilities  of  success  in  the  contest  of  that  day,  with  the  chances 
in  that  of  the  present,  are  they  so  favorable  to  England  as  they 
were  then  to  Spain  ?  This  none  will  pretend.  You  all  know,  how- 
ever, the  issue  of  that  sanguinary  conflict — how  that  powerful  em- 
pire was  rent  asunder,  and  severed  forever  into  many  parts.  Profit, 
then,  by  the  experience  of  the  past,  if  you  would  avoid  a  similar 
fate. ,  But  you  would  declare  the  Americans  rebels  ;  and  to  your  in- 
justice and  oppression,  you  add  the  most  opprobrious  language,  and 
the  most  insulting  scoffs.  If  you  persist  in  your  resolution,  all  hope 
of  a  reconciliation  is  extinct.  The  Americans  will  triumph — the 
whole  continent  of  North  America  will  be  dismembered  from  Great 
Britain,  and  the  wide  arch  of  the  raised  empire  fall.  But  1  hope  the 
just  vengeance  of  the  people  will  overtake  the  authors  of  these  per- 
nicious counsels,  and  the  loss  of  the  first  province  of  the  empire  be 
speedily  followed  by  the  loss  of  the  heads  of  those  ministers  who 
first  invented  them.' 

Thus  spoke  this  ardent  patriot.     His  discourse  was  a  prophecy  ; 


168  THE    AMERICAN    WAA.  BOOK     I?, 

and  hence,  perhaps,  a  new  probability  might  be  argued  for  the  vul- 
gar maxim,  that  the  crazed  read  the  future  often  better  than  the 
sage ;  for,  among  other  things,  it  was  said  also  of  Wilkes,  at  that 
time,  that  his  intellects  were  somewhat  disordered. 

Captain  Hervey  answered  him,  in  substance,  as  follows  : 

< 1  am  very  far  from  believing  myself  capable  of  arguing  the  pres- 
ent question  with  all  the  eloquence  which  my  vehement  adversary 
has  signalized  in  favor  of  those  who  openly,  and  in  arms,  resist  ttie 
ancient  power  of  Great  Britain  ,'  as  the  studies  which  teach  man  the* 
art  of  discoursing  with  elegance,  are  too  different  and  too  remote 
from  my  profession.  This  shall  not,  however,  deter  me  from  declar- 
ing my  sentiments  with  freedom,  on  so  important  a  crisis ;  though  my 
words  should  be  misinterpreted  by  the  malignity  of  party,  and  myself 
represented  as  the  author  of  illegal  counsels,  or,  in  the  language  of 
faction,  the  defender  of  tyranny. 

*  And,  first  of  all,  I  cannot  but  deplore  the  misery  of  the  times , 
and  the  destiny  which  seems  to  persecute  our  beloved  country.  Can 
I  see  her,  without  anguish,  reduced  to  this  disastrous  extremity,  not* 
only  by  the  refractory  spirit  of  her  ungrateful  children  on  the  other- 
side  of  the  ocean,  but  also  by  some  of  those  who  inhabit  this  king- 
dom, and  whom  honor,  if  not  justice  and  gratitude,  should  engage, 
in  words  and  deeds,  to  support  and  defend  her  ?  Till  wegive  a  check 
to  these  incendiaries,  who,  with  a  constancy  and  art  only  equaled 
by  their  baseness  and  infamy,  blow  discord  and  scatter  their  poison 
in  every  place,  in  vain  can  we  hope,  without  coming  to  the  last  ex- 
tremities, to  bring  the  leaders  of  this  deluded  people  to  a  sense  of 
their  duty. 

'  To  deny  that  the  legislative  power  of  Great  Britain  is  entire? 
general  ai  d  sovereign,  over  all  parts  of  its  dominions,  appears  to  me 
too  puerile  to  merit  a  serious  answer.  What  I  would  say  is,  that, 
under  this  cover  of  rights,  under  this  color  of  privileges,  under  these 
pretexts  of  immunities,  the  good  and  loyal  Americans  have  concealed 
a  design,  not  new,  but  now  openly  declared,  to  cast  off  every  specie? 
of  superiority,  and  become  altogether  an  independent  nation.  They 
complained  of  the  stamp  act.  It  was  repealed.  Did  this  satisfy 
them  ?  On  the  contrary,  they  embittered  more  than  ever  our  re- 
spective relations ;  now  refusing  to  indemnify  the  victims  of  their 
violence,  and  now  to  rescind  resolutions  that  were  so  many  strides 
towards  rebellion.  And  yet,  in  these  cases,  there  was  no  question 
of  taxes,  either  internal  or  external.  A  duty  was  afterwards  imposed 
on  glass,  paper,  colors,  and  tea.  They  revolted  anew ;  and  the 
bounty  of  this  too  indulgent  mother  again  revoked  the  greater  pari 
of  these  duties  ;  leaving  only  that  upon  tea.  which  may  yield,  at  the 


Book  iv.  the  American   war.  1G9 

utmost,  sixteen  thousand  pounds  sterling.  Even  this  inconsiderable 
impost,  Great  Britain,  actuated  by  a  meekness  and  forbearance 
without  example,  would  have  repealed  also,  if  the  colonists  had 
peaceably  expressed  their  wishes  to  this  effect.  At  present  they 
bitterly  complain  of  the  regular  troops  sent  among  them  to  main- 
tain the  public  repose.  But,  in  the  name  of  God,  what  is  the  cause 
of  their  presence  in  Boston  ?  American  disturbances.  If  the  colo- 
nists had  not  first  interrupted  the  general  tranquillity,  if  they  had  re- 
spected property,  public  and  private ;  if  they  had  not  openly  resist- 
ed the  laws  of  parliament  and  the  ordinances  of  the  king,  they  would 
not  have  seen  armed  soldiers  within  their  walls.  But  the  truth  is, 
they  expressly  excite  the  causes,  in  order  to  be  able  afterwards  to 
bemoan  the  effects.  When  they  were  menaced  with  real  danger, 
when  they  were  beset  by  enemies  from  within  and  from  without,  they 
not  only  consented  to  admit  regular  troops  into  the  very  heart  of  their 
provinces,  but  urged  us,  with  the  most  earnest  solicitations,  to  send 
them ;  but  now  the  danger  is  past,  and  the  colonists,  by  our  treasure 
and  blood,  are  restored  to  their  original  security,  now  these  troops 
have  become  necessary  to  repress  the  factious,  to  sustain  the  action 
of  the  laws,  their  presence  is  contrary  to  the  constitution,  a  manifest 
violation  of  American  liberty,  an  attempt  to  introduce  tyranny ;  as  if 
it  were  not  the  right  and  the  obligation  of  the  supreme  authority,  to 
protect  the  peace  of  the  interior  as  well  as  that  of  the  exterior,  and 
to  repress  internal  as  effectually  as  external  enemies. 

'  As  though  the  Americans  were  fearful  of  being  called,  at  a  fu- 
ture day,  to  take  part  in  the  national  representation,  they  pre-occupy 
the  ground,  and  warn  you,  in  advance,  that,  considering  their  dis- 
tance, they  cannot  be  represented  in  the  British  parliament ;  which 
means,  if  1  am  not  deceived,  that  they  will  not  have  a  representative 
power  in  common  with  England,  but  intend  to  enjoy  one  by  them- 
selves, perfectly  distinct  from  this  of  the  parent  state.  But  why  do 
I  waste  time  in  these  vain  subtleties  ?  Not  content  with  exciting 
discord  at  home,  with  disturbing  all  the  institutions  of  social  life, 
they  endeavor  also  to  scatter  the  germs  of  division  in  the  neighbor- 
ing colonies,  such  as  Nova  Scotia,  the  Floridas,  and  especially 
Canada.  Nor  is  this  the  end  of  their  intrigues.  Have  we  not  read 
here,  in  this  land  of  genuine  felicity,  the  incendiary  expressions  of 
their  address  to  the  English  people,  designed  to  allure  them  to  the 
side  of  rebellion  ?  Yes  ;  they  have  wished,  and  with  all  their  power 
have  attempted,  to  introduce  into  the  bosom  of  this  happy  country, 
outrage,  tumults,  devastation,  pillage,  bloodshed,  and  open  resistance 
to  the  laws !  A  thousand  times  undone  the  English  people,  should 
they  suffer  themselves  to  be  seduced  by  the  flatteries  of  the  Ameri- 

V0L.  J.  15 


170  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   IV. 

cans !  The  sweet  peace,  the  inestimable  liberty,  they  now  enjoy, 
would  soon  be  replaced  by  the  most  ferocious  anarchy,  devouring 
their  wealth,  annihilating  their  strength,  contaminating  and  destroy- 
ing all  the  happiness  of  their  existence.  Already  have  the  colonists 
trampled  on  all  restraints ;  already  have  they  cast  off  all  human  re- 
spect; and,  amidst  their  subtle  machinations,  and  the  shades  in 
which  they  envelop  themselves,  they  suffer,  as  it  were,  in  spite  of 
themselves,  their  culpable  designs  to  appear.  If  they  have  not  yet 
acquired  the  consistence,  they  at  least  assume  the  forms  of  an  inde- 
pendent nation. 

'  Who  among  us  has  not  felt  emotions  kindling  deep  in  his  breast, 
or  transports  of  indignation,  at  the  reading  of  the  decrees  of  con- 
gress, in  which,  with  a  language  and  a  tone  better  beseeming  the 
haughty  courts  of  Versailles  or  of  Madrid  than  the  subjects  of  a 
great  king,  they  ordain  imperiously  the  cessation  of  all  commerce 
between  their  country  and  our  own  ?  We  may  transport  our  mer- 
chandise and  our  commodities  among  all  other  nations.  It  is  only 
under  the  inhospitable  skies  of  America,  only  in  this  country,  dyed 
with  the  blood,  and  bathed  in  the  sweat,  we  have  shed  for  the  safety 
and  prosperity  of  its  inhabitants,  that  English  industry  cannot  hope 
for  protection,  cannot  find  an  asylum !  Are  we  then  of  a  spirit  to 
endure  that  our  subjects  trace  around  us  the  circle  of  Popilius,  and 
proudly  declare  on  what  conditions  they  will  deign  to  obey  the  an- 
cient laws  of  the  common  country  ?  But  all  succeeds  to  their  wish  ; 
they  hope  from  our  magnanimity  that  war  will  result,  and  from  war, 
independence.  And  what  a  people  is  this,  whom  benefits  cannot 
oblige,  whom  clemency  exasperates,  whom  the  necessity  of  defense, 
created  by  themselves,  offends  ! 

'  If,  therefore,  no  doubt  can  remain  as  to  the  projects  of  these 
ungrateful  colonists ;  if  an  universal  resistance  to  the  civil  govern- 
ment and  to  the  laws  of  the  country ;  if  the  interruption  of  a  free 
and  reciprocal  commerce  between  one  part  and  another  of  the 
realm  ;  if  resisting  every  act  of  the  British  legislature,  and  absolute- 
ly, in  word  and  deed,  denying  the  sovereignty  of  this  country ;  if 
layirg  a  strong  hand  on  the  revenues  of  America;  if  seizing  his 
majesty's  forts,  artillery  and  ammunition  ;  if  exciting  and  stimu- 
lating, by  every  means,  the  whole  subjects  of  America  to  take  arms, 
and  to  resist  the  constitutional  authority  of  Great  Britain,  are  acts 
of  treason,  then  are  the  Americans  in  a  state  of  the  most  flagrant 
rebellion.  Wherefore,  then,  should  we  delay  to  take  resolute  meas- 
ures ?  If  no  other  alternative  is  left  us,  if  it  is  necessary  to  use 
the  power  which  we  enjoy,  under  heaven,  for  the  protection  of  the 
whole  empire,  let  us  show  the  Americans  that,  as  our  ancestors 


BOOK  IV  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  171 

deluged  this  country  with  their  blood  to  leave  us  a  free  constitution, 
we,  like  men,  in  defiance  of  faction  at  home  and  rebellion  abroad, 
are  determined,  in  glorious  emulation  of  their  example,  to  transmit  it, 
perfect  and  unimpaired,  to  our  posterity. .  I  hear  it  said  by  these 
propagators  of  sinister  auguries,  that  we  shall  be  vanquished  in  this 
contest.  But  all  human  enterprises  are  never  without  a  something 
of  uncertainty.  Are  high  minded  men  for  this  to  stand  listless,  and 
indolently  abandon  to  the  caprices  of  fortune  the  conduct  of  their 
affairs  ?  If  this  dastardly  doctrine  prevailed,  if  none  would  ever 
act  without  assurance  of  the  event,  assuredly  no  generous  enterprise 
would  ever  be  attempted  ;  chance  and  blind  destiny  would  govern 
the  world.  I  trust,  however,  in  the  present  crisis,  we  may  cherish 
better  hopes ;  for,  even  omitting  the  bravery  of  our  soldiers  and  the 
ability  of  our  generals,  loyal  subjects  are  not  so  rare  in  America  as 
some  believe,  or  affect  to  believe.  And,  besides,  will  the  Americans 
long  support  the  privation  of  all  the  things  necessary  to  life,  which 
our  numerous  navy  will  prevent  from  reaching  their  shores  ? 

'  This  is  what  I  think  of  our  present  situation ;  these  are  the 
sentiments  of  a  man  neither  partial  nor  vehement,  but  free  from  all 
prepossessions,  and  ready  to  combat  and  shed  the  last  drop  of  nis 
blood,  to  put  down  the  excesses  of  license,  to  extirpate  the  germs 
of  cruel  anarchy,  to  defend  the  rights  and  the  privileges  of  this  most 
innocent  people,  whether  he  finds  their  enemies  in  the  savage  des- 
erts of  America,  or  in  the  cultivated  plains  of  England. 

i  And  if  there  are  Catilmus  among  us,  who  plot  in  darkness  per- 
nicious schemes  against  the  state,  let  them  be  unveiled  and  dragged 
to  light,  that  they  may  be  offered  a  sacrifice,  as  victims  to  the  just 
vengeance  of  this  courteous  country ;  that  their  names  may  be 
stamped  with  infamy  to  the  latest  posterity,  and  their  memory  held 
in  execration  by  all  men  of  worth,  in  every  future  age  ! ' 

The  vehemence  of  these  two  discourses  excited  an  extraordinary 
agitation  in  the  house  of  commons  ;  after  it  was  calmed,  the  propo- 
sition of  the  ministers  was  put  to  vote  and  carried,  by  a  majority  of 
two  thirds  of  the  house. 

Such  was  the  conclusion  of  the  most  important  affair  that  for  a 
long  time  had  been  submitted  to  the  decision  of  parliament.  The 
inhabitants  of  all  Europe,  as  well  as  those  of  Great  Britain,  awaited, 
with  eager  curiosity,  the  result  of  these  debates.  During  their  con 
tinuance,  the  foreign  ministers,  resident  in  London,  attentively 
watched  all  the  movements  of  the  ministry,  and  the  discussions  of 
parliament,  persuaded  that  whatever  might  be  the  decision,  it  could 
not  fail  to  prove  fertile  in  events  of  the  highest  importance,  not  only 
for  England,  but  also  for  all  the  ither  European  states. 


172  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  ROOK  IV, 

On  the  same  day  was  read  a  petition  from  the  island  of  Jamaica, 
very  energetic,  and  totally  in  favor  of  the  colonies.  It  displeased, 
and ,  as  usual,  was  thrown  aside. 

The  ministers,  having  attained  their  object,  in  causing  the  inhab- 
itants of  Massachusetts  to  be  declared  rebels,  resolved  to  lay  before 
parliament  the  system  of  measures  they  intended  to  pursue,  in  regard 
to  the  affairs  of  America.  Having  either  no  adequate  idea  of  the 
inflexibility  of  men,  inflamed  by  the  zeal  of  new  opinions,  or  being 
pre-occupied  by  passion,  or  perhaps  restrained  by  the  timidity  of  their 
characters,  they  persisted  in  believing,  that  the  Americans  would  not 
long  endure  the  privation  of  their  commerce,  and  thus  becoming 
divided  among  themselves,  would  solicit  an  arrangement.  Relying 
also  too  implicitly  on  the  assertions  of  Hutchinson,  and  other  officers 
of  the  crown,  that  had  been,  or  still  were  in  America,  who  assured 
them  that  the  friends  of  England,  in  the  colonies,  were  powerful  in 
numbers,  resources  and  influence,  they  no  longer  hesitated  to  adopt 
the  most  rigorous  measures,  without  supporting  them  by  a  com- 
mensurate force. 

Thus  guided,  as  usual,  by  their  spirit  of  infatuation,  they  confided 
their  cause,  not  to  the  certain  operation  of  armies,  but  to  the  sup- 
posed inconstancy  and  partiality  of  the  American  people.  Upon  such 
a  foundation,  lord  North  propose*!  a  now  bill,  the  object  of  which 
was  to  restrict  the  commerce  of  New  England  to  Great  Britain,  Ire- 
land and  the  West  India  islands,  and  prohibit,  at  the  same  time,  the 
fishery  of  Newfoundland.  The  prejudice  that  must  have  resulted 
from  this  act,  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  may  be  calculated 
from  the  single  fact,  that  they  annually  employed  in  this  business 
about  forty-six  thousand  tons  and  six  thousand  seamen  ;  and  the 
produce  realized  from  it,  in  foreign  markets,  amounted  to  three 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  pounds  sterling.  This  bill,  however, 
did  not  pass  without  opposition  in  the  two  houses  ;  on  the  contrary, 
the  debates  and  the  agitation  it  excited,  were  vehement  in  both. 
Many  of  the  members  exerted  all  their  efforts  to  defeat  it,  and  more 
than  any,  the  marquis  of  Rockingham,  who  presented,  to  this  end, 
a  petition  of  the  London  merchants. 

The  bill  was,  however,  approved  by  a  great  majority.  The  oppo- 
sition protested  ;  the  ministers  scarcely  deigned  to  perceive  it. 

This  prohibition  of  all  foreign  commerce,  and  of  the  fishery  of 
Newfoundland,  at  first  comprehended  only  the  four  provinces  of 
New  England  ;  but  the  ministers,  finding  the  parliament  placid  and 
docile,  afterwards  extended  it  to  the  other  colonies,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  New  York  and  North  Carolina.  They  alledged  it  was  ex- 
pedient to  punish  all  the  provinces  which  had  participated   in  the 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  173 

league  against  British  commerce  and  manufactures.  This  proposi- 
tion was  approved  without  difficulty.  After  a  few  days  had  trans- 
pired, they  moved,  that  the  counties  situated  on  the  Delaware, 
New  Castle,  Kent,  and  Sussex,  should  be  subjected  to  the  same 
laws,  as  they  also  had  manifested  a  spirit  of  rebellion.  The  clause 
was  added.  Thus  the  English  ministers  employed  only  partia 
measures ;  imitating  those  little  children,  who,  having  constructed  a 
dyke  of  clay  for  their  amusement,  are  incessantly  occupied  in  stop- 
ping, one  after  another,  all  the  apertures  through  which  the  water 
seeks  to  escape. 

Meanwhile  they  had  given  orders  to  embark  a  corps  of  ten  thou- 
sand men  for  America,  as  they  considered  this  force  sufficient  to 
re-establish  submission  and  obedience  to  the  laws ;  always  confident- 
ly relying  upon  the  divisions  of  the  Americans,  and  the  great  number 
of  those  they  conceived  to  be  devoted  to  the  British  cause.  To  this 
error  of  the  ministers  must  be  attributed  the  length  of  the  war  and 
the  termination  it  had ;  as  it  was  essential  to  success,  that  the  first 
impressions  should  have  been  energetic ;  that  the  first  movements 
should  have  compelled  the  Americans  to  banish  all  idea  of  resist- 
ance ;  in  a  word,  that  a  sudden  display  of  an  overwhelming  force 
should  have  reduced  them  to  the  necessity  of  immediately  laying 
down  arms.  But  the  ministers  preferred  to  trust  the  issue  of  this 
all  important  contest,  to  the  intrigues,  however  at  all  times  uncer- 
tain, of  factions  and  parties,  rather  than  to  the  agency  of  formida- 
ble armies. 

But  the  counsels  of  the  ministers  ended  not  here.  Wishing  to 
blend  with  rigor  a  certain  clemency,  and  also  to  prevent  new  occa- 
sions of  insurrection  in  America,  they  brought  forward  the  project 
of  a  law,  purporting,  that  when,  in  any  province  or  colony,  the  gov- 
ernor, council,  assembly,  or  general  court,  should  propose  to  make 
provision  according  to  their  respective  conditions,  circumstances  and 
faculties,  for  contributing  their  proportion  to  the  common  defense ; 
such  proportion  to  be  raised  under  the  authorities  of  the  general 
court  or  assembly  in  each  province  or  colony,  and  disposable  by 
parliament  y  and  should  engage  to  make  provision  also  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  civil  government,  and  the  administration  of  justice  in 
such  province  or  colony,  it  would  be  proper,  if  such  proposal  should 
be  approved  by  the  king  in  his  parliament,  and  for  so  long  as  such 
provision  should  be  made  accordingly,  to  forbear  in  respect  of  such 
province  or  colony,  to  impose  any  duties,  taxes,  or  assessment, 
except  only  such  as  might  be  thought  necessary  for  the  regulation 
of  commerce. 

If  this  proposition  displeased  many  among  the  members  of  the 

15* 


174  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV 

ministerial  party,  as  being  greatly  derogatory  to  the  dignity  and  rights 
of  the  parliament,  which  ought  to  make  no  concessions  to  rebels, 
while  they  have  arms  in  their  hands ;  it  may  be  presumed  that  it 
was  received  with  every  mark  of  the  most  violent  disapprobation  by 
the  adverse  party ;  they  declared  it  to  be  base,  vile,  and  insidious. 
But  the  ministers  considered,  that  whatever  might  be  the  fate  of  the 
law  in  America,  and  even  supposing  it  should  not  be  accepted,  the 
people  of  England,  at  least,  would  be  convinced  that  nothing  could 
subdue  the  obstinacy  of  the  colonists,  and  that,  as  to  finances,  they 
were  determined  to  bear  no  part  of  the  public  burthens.  x\ccording 
to  the  views  of  the  ministry,  if  this  law  was  to  produce  greater  con- 
cord in  England,  it  would  be  likely,  they  apprehended,  to  create 
divisions  in  America ;  for  if  a  single  province  accepted  the  offer, 
and  consented  to  an  accommodation,  the  confederacy  of  the  Amer- 
icans, by  which  alone  they  were  formidable,  dissolved  of  itself. 
Lord  North,  in  his  discourse  to  the  parliament,  did  not  dissemble 
this  last  hope. 

The  colonists  affected  to  resent  this  project  as  a  « iolent  outrage  T 
they  complained  that  the  minister  attempted  to  follow  the  too  well 
known  maxim  of  divide  and  reign ;  as  if  the  English  ministers 
ought  not  to  consider  laudable  what  they  reputed  blamable ;  as  if, 
between  declared  enemies,  things  were  to  be  estimated  by  a  com- 
mon weight  and  measure. 

Such  were  the  sentiments  of  the  ministers  respecting  American 
affairs.  Meanwhile,  those  who  in  England,  and  even  in  parliament, 
favored  the  cause  of  the  colonists,  had  not  been  discouraged  by  the 
little  success  it  obtained.  They  plainly  foresaw  the  extent  of  the 
evils  to  which  the  Americans  would  be  exposed  if  the  resolutions  of 
the  ministers  should  be  executed.  Unwilling  to  fail  in  their  duty  to 
their  country,  and  perhaps  also  stimulated  by  ambition,  in  case  things 
should  take  an  unfortunate  direction,  they  resolved  to  renew  their 
efforts,  to  induce,  if  possible,  the  government  to  embrace  measures 
more  calculated  to  calm  the  exasperated  minds  of  the  colonists,  and 
dispose  them  to  concord  ;  for  they  were  very  far  from  believing  that 
the  mode  proposed  by  lord  North  would  have  the  expected  result. 

Accordingly,  Edmund  Burke,  one  of  the  members  of  the  house 
of  commons,  who,  by  his  genius,  his  knowledge,  and  his  rare  elo- 
quence, had  acquired  the  most  brilliant  reputation,  declared  upon 
this  occasion,  that  it  gave  him  singular  satisfaction  to  find  the  minis- 
ters disposed  to  make  any  concessions  to  the  Americans,  and  since 
lord  North  himself  had  proposed  a  way  which  he  supposed  might 
lead  to  conciliation,  he  accepted  it  as  a  most  happy  augury ;  as  an 
avowal,  that  in  the  present  question,  no  regard  was  to  be  had  for 


BOO^l  IV. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  173 


vain  imaginations,  for  abstract  ideas  of  rights,  and  general  theories 
of  government,  but  on  the  contrary,  that  it  was  essential  to  reason 
from  the  nature  of  things,  from  actual  circumstances,  from  practice* 
and  from  experience. 

He  then  entered  into  an  accurate  investigation  of  the  actual  state 
of  the  colonies ;  he  considered  their  situation,  extent,  wealth,  popu- 
lation, agriculture,  commerce,  with  their  power  and  weight  in  the 
scale  of  empire.  He  adverted  to  that  invincible  spirit  of  freedom 
which  distinguishes  them  in  so  peculiar  a  manner  from  all  other 
people.  He  observed,  that  while  Great  Britain  had  governed 
America,  conformably  to  all  these  circumstances,  both  countries 
had  been  united  and  happy ;  and  that  to  re-establish  this  prosperous 
state  of  things;  it  was  only  necessary  to  resume  the  accustomed  sys- 
tem of  government.  In  examining  the  different  plans  proposed  for 
the  government  of  America,  he  animadverted  particularly  upon  that 
of  force ;  a  method  which,  as  the  most  simple  and  easy  to  compre- 
hend, men  were  apt  to  have  recourse  to  in  all  difficult  circum- 
stances ;  without  reflecting  that  what  appears  the  most  expeditious, 
is  frequently  the  least  expedient.  He  remarked,  that  the  utility  of 
employing  force,  depended  upon  times  and  circumstances,  which 
were  always  variable  and  uncertain  ;  that  it  destroyed  the  very  ob- 
jects of  preservation  ;  that  it  was  a  mode  of  governing  hitherto  un- 
known in  the  colonies,  and  therefore  dangerous  to  make  trial  of; 
that  their  flourishing  condition,  and  the  benefits  thence  resulting  to 
England,  were  owing  to  quite  other  causes,  to  a  method  totally  dif- 
ferent ;  that  all  discussions  of  right  and  of  favors,  should  be  disclaim- 
ed in  such  a  subject ;  the  surest  rule  to  govern  the  colonies  was  to 
call  them  to  participate  in  the  free  constitution  of  England,  by  giving 
the  Americans  the  guaranty  of  parliament,  that  Great  Britain  shall 
never  depart  from  the  principles  which  shall  be  once  established ; 
that,  in  such  matters,  it  was  better  to  consult  prudence  than  cavil 
about  right ;  that  the  solemn  doctors  of  the  laws  had  nothing  to  do 
with  this  affair ;  that  practice  was  always  a  wiser  counsellor  than 
speculation ;  that  experience  had  already  marked  the  road  to  be 
taken  on  this  occasion ;  it  had  long  been  followed  with  advantage 
and  safety  ;  that  this  tested  system  could  not  be  resumed  too  soon, 
by  abandoning  all  new  and  extraordinary  projects.  He  concluded 
by  saying,  that,  as  there  existed  no  reason  for  believing  that  the  col- 
onists would  be  less  disposed  in  future  to  grant  subsidies,  voiuntari 
ly,  than  they  had  been  in  times  past,  he  would  have  the  secretaries 
of  state  address  the  customary  requisitions  to  their  assemblies. 

The  ministers  rose  to  reply ;  and  this  time,  a  thing  rather  strange, 
and  not  to  have  been  expected  from  the  partisans  of  lord  Bute,  they 


1  id  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IT. 

demonstrated  great  solicitude  for  liberty ;  so  true  it  is,  that  if  some- 
times the  promoters  of  popular  anarchy,  as  also  those  of  absolute 
power,  frequently  vociferate  the  name  of  liberty,  it  is  because  they 
know  that  if  the  people  cannot  love  what  oppresses  them,  they  may 
at  least  easily  be  deceived  by  the  appearance  and  th3  name  alone  of 
that  which  constitutes  their  happiness.  Accordingly,  the  ministers 
declared,  that  it  would  be  a  dangerous  thing  for  liberty,  if  the  colo- 
nies could,  without  the  consent  of  parliament,  and  simply  upon  the 
requisition  of  ministers,  grant  subsidies  to  the  crown. 

'  Besides,'  they  added,  '  the  colonial  assemblies  have  never  had 
the  legal  faculty  to  grant  subsidies  of  themselves ;  it  is  a  privilege 
peculiar  to  parliament,  which  cannot  be  communicated  to  any  other 
body  whatsoever.  We  read,  in  the  Declaration  of  Rights,  "  that 
levying  money  for  the  use  of  the  crown,  by  pretense  of  prerogative, 
and  without  the  consent  of  parliament,  is  an  act  contrary  to  law." 
A  minister  who  should  suffer  the  grant  of  any  sort  of  revenues  from 
the  colonies  to  the  crown,  without  the  consent  of  parliament,  would 
be  liable  to  impeachment.  Although,  in  time  of  war,  and  from  the 
urgency  of  circumstances,  this  abuse  has  sometimes  been  tolerated, 
it  could  not  be  admitted  in  times  of  peace,  without  the  total  subver- 
sion of  the  constitution.  What  will  be  the  consequence,  if  the  par- 
liament once  divests  itself  of  the  right  to  tax  the  colonies  ?  It  will 
no  longer  be  possible  to  ground  calculations  upon  any  subsidies  on 
their  part ;  for,  because  they  have  furnished  them  heretofore,  can  it 
be  inferred  that  they  will  always  furnish  them  in  future  ?  It  may 
happen,  that  on  some  pressing  occasion  they  will  refuse ;  and  if 
they  should,  what  means  will  remain  to  enforce  their  contributions  ? 
Finally,  if  they  passed  resolutions  for  levying  money  in  the  late 
war,  it  was  because  their  own  interests  were  concerned,  and  the 
dangers  immediately  menaced  themselves;  but,  in  other  circum- 
stances, and  for  interests  more  remote,  whether  they  would  furnish 
similar  subsidies,  appears  extremely  doubtful.' 

Such  was  the  answer  of  the  ministers.  The  motion  of  Burke 
was  rejected  ;  not,  however ,  without  causing  pain  to  many  among 
the  English,  who  ardently  desired  that  some  means  might  be  de- 
vised, by  which  a  reconciliation  could  be  effected.  But  such  were 
not  the  impressions  of  the  still  greater  number  that  adhered  to  the 
party  of  the  ministers.  In  the  present  state  of  things,  the  affair  of 
taxation  Was,  or  appeared  to  have  become,  the  least  important  part 
of  the  controversy  ;  the  quarrel,  increasing  in  virulency,  had  extend- 
ed to  other  objects  of  still  greater  moment,  and  concerning  the  very 
nature  of  the  government. 

The  ministerial  party  entertained  the  most  violent  suspicions,  that, 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAS    WAR,  171 

under  this  shadow  of  pretensions  about  taxes  and  constitutional 
liberty,  machinations  were  concealed,  tending  to  alter  the  form  of 
government,  to  propagate,  and  perhaps  to  realize,  those  ideas  of  a 
republic  which  had  occasioned  in  England  so  much  discord  and  so 
many  wars. 

The  present  partisans  of  liberty  in  America,  and  those  who  favor- 
ed them  in  Great  Britain,  much  resembled  those  of  times  past ;  and 
it  was  apprehended  they  were  plotting  the  same  designs.  The  least 
partiality  for  the  cause  of  the  Americans  was  viewed  as  a  criminal 
scheme  against  the  state  ;  all  those  who  declared  themselves  in  their 
favor  were  considered  as  an  audacious  set  of  men,  full  of  ambition 
and  obstinacy,  who,  to  acquire  power  and  gratify  their  vengeance, 
would  have  involved  the  whole  empire  in  devastation  and  carnage. 
It  was  believed,  that,  as  fathers  leave  their  inheritance  to  their  chil- 
dren, the  patriots  of  the  times  of  the  revolution  had  transmitted  the 
venom  of  their  opinions  to  those  of  the  present  epoch  ;  and  that 
these,  by  means  of  the  American  revolution,  were  seeking  to  ac- 
complish their  pernicious  plots.  The  insurrection  of  the  colonies, 
and  the  intestine  dissensions  in  England,  seemed  to  be  the  prelude 
of  their  nefarious  purposes.  It  appeared  manifest,  that,  in  the  ex- 
pectation of  future  events,  unable  as  yet  to  make  themselves  masters 
of  the  state,  they  had  formed  a  conspiracy  to  attack  incessantly 
those  who  governed  it,  with  their  odious  imputations  and  incendiary 
clamors.  In  effect,  the  partisans  of  the  Americans  had,  for  some 
time,  abandoned  themselves  to  the  most  extraordinary  proceedings. 
They  observed  no  human  respect, — no  sort  of  measure  ;  all  ways, 
all  means,  they  reputed  honest,  if  conducive  to  their  purposes.  Con- 
sequently in  a  discussion  sustained  with  so  much  vehemence*  and 
imbittered  by  the  remembrance  of  ancient  outrages,  every  motion 
in  favor  of  the  Americans  was  interpreted  in  the  most  unfavorable 
manner.  It  was  thought  that  Great  Britain  had  no  interest  in  com- 
ing to  an  accommodation  with  her  colonists,  until  this  republican 
spirit  was  first  put  down  and  extinguished ;  and,  as  this  could  not 
be  effected  but  by  force  of  arms,  the  friends  of  government  wished 
they  might  be  employed ;  '  Whatever,'  said  they, (  may  be  the  result 
of  mild  counsels,  they  will  but  palliate  the  evil, — not  effect  its  cure ; 
it  will  re-appear,  on  the  first  favorable  occasion,  more  formidable 
than  ever.' 

Such  were  the  prevailing  opinions,  both  within  and  without  the 
parliament.  To  these  apprehensions  must  be  attributed,  principally, 
the  harsh  reception  encountered  by  all  the  propositions  for  an  accom- 
modation, which  were  made  by  the  friends  of  the  Americans.  The 
ministers,  besides,  were  persuaded  that  the  insurrection  of  the  colo- 


178  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  IV. 

nies  proceeded  rather  from  a  popular  effervescence  than  a  concerted 
plan  ;  and  that  this  flame  would  expire,  as  promptly  as  it  had  been 
kindled. 

Propositions  of  arrangement,  and  petitions,  continued,  however, 
still  to  be  offered ;  but  perhaps  they  were  made  merely  because  it 
was  known  they  would  be  rejected,  as  they  were  in  effect.  Thus 
were  extinguished  all  hopes  of  reconciliation  ;  thus  the  last  extrem- 
ities were  rendered  inevitable ;  thus  was  announced  the  precipitate 
approach  of  war;  and  good  citizens  perceived,  with  horror,  the 
calamities  about  to  fall  upon  their  country. 

Meanwhile,  the  horizon  became  every  day  more  lowering,  in 
America ;  and  civil  war  seemed  only  waiting  the  signal  to  explode. 
The  congress  of  Massachusetts  had  passed  a  resolution  for  the  pur- 
chase of  all  the  gunpowder  that  could  be  found,  and  of  every  sort 
of  arms  and  ammunition  requisite  for  an  army  of  fifteen  thousand 
men.  This  decree  was  executed  with  the  utmost  solicitude  ;  and, 
as  these  objects  abounded  principally  in  Boston,  the  inhabitants 
employed  all  their  address  to  procure  and  transport  them  to  places 
of  safety  in  the  country,  by  deceiving  the  vigilance  of  the  guard 
stationed  upon  the  isthmus.  Cannon,  balls,  and  other  instruments 
of  war,  were  carried  through  the  English  posts,  in  carts  apparently 
loaded  with  manure ;  powder,  in  the  baskets  or  panniers  of  those 
who  came  from  the  Boston  market ;  and  cartridges  were  concealed 
in  candle  boxes. 

Thus  the  provincials  succeeded  in  their  preparations ;  but,  as  it 
was  feared  that  general  Gage  might  send  detachments  to  seize  the 
military  stores  in  places  where  they  were  secreted,  men  were  chosen 
to  keep  watch  at  Charlestown,  Cambridge  and  Roxbury,  and  be 
ready  to  dispatch  couriers  to  the  towns  where  the  magazines  were 
kept,  as  often  as  they  should  see  any  band  of  soldiers  issuing  from 
Boston.  General  Gage  was  not  asleep.  Having  received  intima- 
tion that  several  pieces  of  artillery  were  deposited  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Salem,  he  sent  a  detachment  of  the  garrison  at  the  castle 
to  seize  them,  and  return  to  Boston.  They  landed  at  Marblehead, 
and  proceeded  to  Salem  ;  but  without  finding  the  object  of  their 
search.  They  had  to  pass  a  drawbridge,  which  formed  the  commu- 
nication with  Danvers,  where  the  people  had  collected  in  great  num- 
bers. The  bridge  had  been  drawn,  to  impede  the  passage  of  the 
royal  troops ;  the  captain  in  command  ordered  the  bridge  down ; 
the  people  refused ;  and  a  warm  altercation  ensued  with  the  sol- 
diers A  sinister  event  appeared  inevitable.  At  this  juncture, 
came  up  a  clergyman,  named  Bernard,  a  man  of  great  authority 
with  the  people,  who  persuaded  them  to  let  down  the  bridge.     The 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  179 

soldiers  passed  it ;  and  having  made  a  slight  incursion  on  the  other 
side,  in  token  of  the  liberty  they  had  obtained  to  scoui  the  country, 
they  returned  peaceably  on  board.  But  the  country  people  had 
already  concealed,  in  places  more  secure,  the  artillery  and  ammu- 
nition. Accordingly,  the  expedition  of  general  Gage  completely 
failed  of  success. 

Thus,  by  the  prudence  of  a  single  man,  the  effusion  of  btaod  was 
prevented ;  of  which  the  danger  was  imminent.  The  resistance, 
however,  which  the  soldiers  encountered,  had  greatly  exasperated 
their  minds ;  and  if,  before,  the  people  of  Boston  lived  in  a  state  of 
continual  jealousy,  after  this  event,  the  reciprocal  irritation  and 
rancor  had  so  increased,  that  it  was  feared,  every  moment,  the  sol- 
diers and  the  citizens  would  come  to  blows. 

But  war  being  momently  expected,  the  particular  fate  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Boston  had  become  the  object  of  general  solicitude. 
The  garrison  was  formidable ;  the  fortifications  carried  to  perfec- 
tion ;  and  little  hope  remained  that  this  city  could  be  wrested  from 
British  domination.  Nor  could  the  citizens  flatter  themselves  more 
with  the  hope  of  escaping  by  sea,  as  the  port  was  blockaded  by  a 
squadron.  Thus  confined  amidst  an  irritated  soldiery,  the  Bosto- 
nians  found  themselves  exposed  to  endure  all  the  outrages  to  be  ap- 
prehended from  military  license.  Their  city  had  become  a  close 
prison,  and  themselves  no  better  than  hostages  in  the  hands  of  the 
British  commanders.  This  consideration  alone  sufficed  greatly  to 
impede  all  civil  and  military  operations  projected  by  the  Americans. 
Various  expedients  were  suggested,  in  order  to  extricate  the  Bosto- 
nians  from  this  embarrassing  situation ;  which,  if  they  evinced  no 
great  prudence,  certainly  demonstrated  no  ordinary  obstinacy. 
Some  advised,  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  should  abandon 
the  city,  and  take  refuge  in  other  places,  where  they  should  be  suc- 
cored at  the  public  expense  ;  but  this  design  was  totally  impractica- 
ble ;  since  it  depended  on  general  Gage  to  prevent  its  execution. 
Others  recommended,  that  a  valuation  should  be  made  of  the  houses 
and  furniture  belonging  to  the  inhabitants,  that  the  city  should  then 
be  fired,  and  that  all  the  losses  should  be  reimbursed  from  the  public 
treasure.  After  mature  deliberation,  this  project  was  also  pronounced 
not  only  very  difficult,  but  absolutely  impossible  to  be  executed. 
Many  inhabitants,  however,  left  the  city  privately,  and  withdrew  into 
the  interior  of  the  country ;  some,  from  disgust  at  this  species  of 
captivity;  others,  from  fear  of  the  approaching  hostilities;  and 
others,  finally,  from  apprehensions  of  being  questioned  for  acts 
against  the  government ;  but  a  great  number,  also,  with  a  firm  reso- 
lution, preferred  to  remain,  and  brave  all  consequences  whatever 


180  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  IV. 

The  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  weary  of  their  long  confinement,  de- 
sired to  sally  forth,  and  drive  away  these  rebels,  who  interrupted 
their  provisions,  and  for  whom  they  cherished  so  profound  a  con- 
tempt. The  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  on  the  other  hand,  were 
proudly  indignant  at  this  opinion  of  their  cowardice,  entertained  by 
the  soldiers ;  and  panted  for  an  occasion  to  prove,  by  a  signal  ven- 
geance, the  falsehood  of  the  reproach. 

In  the  meantime,  the  news  arrived  of  the  king's  speech  at  the 
opening  of  parliament ;  of  the  resolutions  adopted  by  that  body ; 
and,  finally,  of  the  act  by  which  the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts 
were  declared  rebels.  All  the  province  flow  to  arms ;  indignation 
became  fury, — obstinacy,  desperation.  All  iden  of  reconciliation 
had  become  chimerical ;  necessity  stimulated  the  most  timid ;  a 
thirst  of  vengeance  fired  every  breast.  The  match  is  lighted, — the 
materials  disposed, — the  conflagration  impends.  The  children  are 
prepared  to  combat  against  their  fathers ;  citizens  against  citizens  ; 
and,  as  the  Americans  declared,  the  friends  of  liberty  against  its 
oppressors, — against  the  founders  of  tyranny. 

'  In  these  arms,'  said  they, '  in  our  right  hands,  are  placed  the  hope 
of  safety,  the  existence  of  country,  the  defense  of  property,  the 
honor  of  our  wives  and  daughters.  With  these  alone  can  we  re- 
pulse a  licentious  soldiery,  protect  what  man  holds  dearest  upon  earth, 
and  unimpaired  transmit  our  rights  to  our  descendants.  The  world 
will  admire  our  courage ;  all  good  men  will  second  us  with  their 
wishes  and  prayers,  and  celebrate  our  names  with  immortal  praises. 
Our  memory  will  become  dear  to  posterity.  It  will  be  the  example, 
as  the  hope  of  freemen,  and  the  dread  of  tyrants,  to  the  latest  ages. 
It  is  time  that  old  and  contaminated  England  should  be  made  ac- 
quainted with  the  energies  of  America,  in  the  prime  and  innocence 
of  her  youth ;  it  is  time  she  should  know  how  much  superior  are 
our  soldiers,  in  courage  and  constancy,  to  vile  mercenaries.  We 
must  look  back  no  more !  We  must  conquer  or  die !  We  are  placed 
between  altars  smoking  with  the  most  grateful  incense  of  glory 
and  gratitude,  on  the  one  part,  and  blocks  and  dungeons  on  the 
other.  Let  each  then  rise,  and  gird  himself  for  the  combat.  The 
dearest  interests  of  this  world  command  it ;  our  most  holy  religion 
enjoins  it ;  that  God,  who  eternally  rewards  the  virtuous,  and  pun- 
ishes the  wicked,  ordains  it.  Let  us  accept  these  happy  auguries  ; 
for  already  the  rriercenary  satellites,  sent  by  wicked  ministers  to  re- 
duce this  innocent  people  to  extremity,  are  imprisoned  within  the 
walls  of  a  single  city,  where  hunger  emaciates  them,  rage  devours 
them,  death  consumes  them.  Let  us  banish  every  fear,  every  alarm ; 
fortune  smiles  upon  the  efforts  of  the  brave ! ' 


ftU>R  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  181 

By  similar  discourses,  they  excited  one  another,  and  prepared 
themselves  for  defense.  The  fatal  moment  is  arrived ;  the  signal  of 
civil  war  is  given. 

General  Gage  was  informed,  that  the  provincials  had  amassed 
large  quantities  of  arms  and  ammunition,  in  the  towns  of  Worcester 
and  Concord  ;  which  last  is  eighteen  miles  distant  from  the  city  of 
Boston.  Excited  by  the  loyalists,  who  had  persuaded  him  that  he 
would  find  no  resistance,  considering  the  cowardice  of  the  patriots, 
and  perhaps  not  imagining  that  the  sword  would  be  drawn  so  soon, 
he  resolved  to  send  a  few  companies  to  Concord,  in  order  to  seize 
the  military  stores  deposited  there,  and  transport  them  to  Boston,  or 
destroy  them.  It  was  said  also,  that  he  had  it  in  view,  by  this  sud- 
den expedition,  to  get  possession  of  the  persons  of  John  Hancock 
and  of  Samuel  Adams,  two  of  the  most  ardent  patriot  chiefs,  and 
the  principal  directors  of  the  provincial  congress,  then  assembled  in 
the  town  of  Concord.  But  to  avoid  exciting  irritation,  and  th* 
popular  tumults,  which  might  have  obstructed  his  designs,  he  resolved 
to  act  with  caution,  and  in  the  shade  of  mystery.  Accordingly,  he 
ordered  the  grenadiers,  and  several  companies  of  light  infantry,  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  march  out  of  the  city,  at  the  first 
signal ;  adding,  that  it  was  in  order  to  pass  review,  and  execute  dif- 
ferent maneuvers  and  military  evolutions.  The  Bostonians  enter- 
tained suspicions ;  and  sent  to  warn  Adams  and  Hancock  to  be  upon 
their  guard.  The  committee  of  public  safety  gave  directions  that 
the  arms  and  ammunition  should  be  distributed  about  in  different 
places.  Meanwhile,  general  Gage,  to  proceed  with  more  secrecy, 
commanded  a  certain  number  of  officers,  who  had  been  made  ac- 
quainted with  his  designs,  to  go,  as  if  on  a  party  of  pleasure,  and 
dine  at  Cambridge,  which  is  situated  very  near  Boston,  and  upon  the 
road  to  Concord.  It  was  on  the  18th  of  April,  in  the  evening,  these 
officers  dispersed  themselves  here  and  there  upon  the  road  and  pas- 
sages, to  intercept  the  couriers  that  might  have  been  dispatched  to 
give  notice  of  the  movement  of  the  troops.  The  governor  gave  or- 
ders that  no  person  should  be  allowed  to  leave  the  city  ;  neverthe- 
less, doctor  Warren,  one  of  the  most  active  patriots,  had  timely  inti- 
mation of  the  scheme,  and  immediately  dispatched  confidential  mes- 
sengers ;  some  of  whom  found  the  roads  interdicted  by  the  officers 
that  guarded  them  ;  but  others  made  their  way  unperceived  to  Lex- 
ington, a  town  upon  the  road  leading  to  Concord.  The  intelligence 
was  soon  divulged ;  the  people  flocked  together,  the  bells,  in  al' 
parts,  were  rung  to  give  the  alarm ;  the  continual  firing  of  cannon 
■pread  the  agitation  through  all  the  neighboring  country.     In  the 

1G 


182  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  IV 

midst  of  this  tumultuous  scene,  at  eleven  in  the  evening,  a  strong 
detachment  of  grenadiers,  and  of  light  infantry,  was  embarked  at 
Boston,  and  went  to  take  land  at  a  place  called  Phipp's  Farm, 
whence  they  marched  towards  Concord.  In  this  state  of  things,  the 
irritation  had  become  so  intense,  that  a  spark  only  was  wanting,  to 
produce  an  explosion ;  as  the  event  soon  proved. 

The  troops  were  under  the  command  of  lieutenant-colonel  Smith, 
and  major  Pitcairn,  who  led  the  vanguard.  The  militia  of  Lexing- 
ton, as  the  intelligence  of  the  movement  of  this  detachment  was 
uncertain,  had  separated  in  the  course  of  the  night.  Finally,  at 
five  in  the  morning  of  the  19th,  advice  was  received  of  the  near 
approach  of  the  royal  troops.  The  provincials  that  happened  to 
be  near,  assembled  to  the  number  of  about  seventy,  certainly  too 
few  to  have  had  the  intention  to  engage  in  combat.  The  English 
appeared,  and  major  Pitcairn  cried  in  a  loud  voice,  e  Disperse,  reb- 
els, lay  down  arms,  and  disperse.,  The  provincials  did  not  obey, 
upon  which  he  sprung  from  the  ranks,  discharged  a  pistol,  and, 
brandishing  his  sword,  ordered  his  soldiers  to  fire.  The  provincial* 
retreated  ;  the  English  continuing  their  fire,  the  former  faced  about 
to  return  it. 

Meanwhile,  Hancock  and  Adams  retired  from  danger ;  and  it  is 
related,  that  while  on  the  march,  the  latter,  enraptured  with  joy,  ex- 
claimed, *  Oh  I  what  an  ever  glorious  morning  is  this  ! '  considering 
this  first  effusion  of  blood  as  the  prelude  of  events  which  must 
secure  the  happiness  of  his  country.  The  soldiers  advanced  to- 
wards Concord.  The  inhabitants  assembled,  and  appeared  disposed 
do  act  upon  the  defensive,  but  seeing  the  numbers  of  the  enemy, 
they  fell  back,  and  posted  themselves  on  the  bridge,  which  is 
found  north  of  the  town,  intending  to  wait  for  re-inforcements 
from  the  neighboring  places  ;  but  the  light  infantry  assailed  them 
with  fury,  routed  them,  and  occupied  the  bridge,  while  the  others 
entered  Concord,  and  proceeded  to  the  execution  of  their  orders 
They  spiked  two  pieces  of  twenty-four  pound  cannon,  destroyed 
their  carriages,  and  a  number  of  wheels  for  the  use  of  the  artillery : 
threw  into  the  river,  and  into  wells,  five  hundred  pounds  of  bullets, 
and  wasted  a  quantity  of  flour  deposited  there  by  the  provincials, 
These  were  the  arms  and  provisions  which  gave  the  first  occasion 
to  a  long  and  cruel  war! 

But  the  expedition  was  not  yet  terminated  ;  the  minute-men  ar- 
rved,  and  the  forces  of  the  provincials  were  increased  by  continual 
accessions  from  every  quarter.  The  light  infantry  who  scoured  the 
country  above  Concord,  were  obliged  to  retreat,  and  on  entering  the 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  183 

town  a  hot  skirmish  ensued.  A  great  number  were  killed  on  both 
sides.  The  light  infantry  having  joined  the  main  body  of  the  de- 
tachment, the  English  retreated  precipitately  towards  Lexington ; 
already  the  whole  country  had  risen  in  arms,  and  the  militia,  from 
all  parts,  flew  to  the  succor  of  their  own.  Before  the  British  de- 
tachment had  arrived  at  Lexington,  its  rear  guard  and  flanks  suf- 
fered great  annoyance  from  the  provincials,  who,  posted  behind  the 
trees,  walls,  and  frequent  hedges,  kept  up  a  brisk  fire,  which  the 
enemy  could  not  return.  The  soldiers  of  the  king  found  themselves 
in  a  most  perilous  situation. 

General  Gage,  apprehensive  of  the  event,  had  dispatched,  in  haste, 
under  the  command  of  Lord  Percy,  a  re-inforcement  of  sixteen  com- 
panies, with  some  marines,  and  two  field  pieces.  This  corps  arrived 
very  opportunely  at  Lexington,  at  the  moment  when  the  royal  troops 
entered  the  town  from  the  other  side,  pursued  with  fury  by  the  pro- 
vincial militia. 

It  appears  highly  probable,  that,  without  this  re-inforcement,  they 
would  have  been  all  cut  to  pieces,  or  made  prisoners  ;  their  strength 
was  exhausted,  as  well  as  their  ammunition.  After  making  a  con- 
siderable halt  at  Lexington,  they  renewed  their  march  towards  Bos- 
ton, the  number  of  the  provincials  increasing  every  moment,  although 
the  rear  guard  of  the  English  was  less  molested,  on  account  of  th^ 
two  field  pieces,  which  repressed  the  impetuosity  of  the  Americans. 
But  the  flanks  of  the  column  remained  exposed  to  a  very  destruc- 
tive fire,  which  assailed  them  from  all  the  points  adapted  to  serve  as 
coverts.  The  royalists  were  also  annoyed  by  the  heat,  which  was 
excessive,  and  by  a  violent  wind,  which  blew  a  thick  dust  in  their 
eyes.  The  enemy's  marksmen,  adding  to  their  natural  celerity  a 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  country,  came  up  unexpectedly  through 
cross  roads,  and  galled  the  English  severely,  taking  aim  especially 
at  the  officers,  who,  perceiving  it,  kept  much  on  their  guard.  Fi- 
nally, after  a  march  of  incredible  fatigue,  and  a  considerable  loss  of 
men,  the  English,  overwhelmed  with  lassitude,  arrived  at  sunset  in 
Charlestown.  Independently  of  the  combat  they  had  sustained,  the 
ground  they  had  measured  that  day  was  above  five  and  thirty  miles. 
The  day  following  they  crossed  over  to  Boston. 

Such  was  the  affair  of  Lexington,  the  first  action  which  opened 
the  civil  war.  The  English  soldiers,  and  especially  their  officers, 
were  filled  with  indignation  at  the  fortune  of  the  day ;  they  could 
not  endure,  that  an  undisciplined  multitude,  that  a  flock  of  Yankees, 
as  they  contemptuously  named  the  Americans,  should  not  only  have 
maintained  their  ground  against  them,  but  even  forced  them  to  eh™» 


194  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  if. 

their  backs,  and  take  refuge  behind  the  walls  of  a  city.  The  pro- 
vincials, on  the  contrary,  felt  their  courage  immeasurably  increased, 
since  they  had  obtained  a  proof  that  these  famous  troops  were  not 
invincible,  and  had  made  so  fortunate  an  essay  of  the  goodness  of 
their  arms. 

Both  parties  were  at  great  pains  to  prove  that  their  adversaries 
had  been  the  aggressors.  The  English  insisted,  that  the  Americans 
had  fired  first  from  the  houses  of  Lexington,  and  that  this  provoca- 
tion had  forced  the  British  troops  to  fire  also,  and  to  march  thence 
to  Concord.  The  Americans  denied  the  fact,  and  affirmed  very 
positively,  that  major  Pitcairn  had  commanded  his  detachment  to 
fire,  when,  on  their  part,  they  continued  to  observe  a  perfect  calm ; 
and  many  judicial  certificates  and  solemn  depositions  were  made  to 
this  effect.  Certain  it  is,  that  lieutenant-colonel  Smith  was  much 
displeased  that  his  troops  had  fired ;  and  it  seems  probable,  that 
general  Gage  had  given  orders  not  to  fire,  except  in  case  of  a  real 
attack  on  the  part  of  the  provincials.  If  it  be  true,  therefore,  as 
there  is  much  reason  to  believe,  that  the  first  firing  came  from  the 
soldiers  of  the  king,  this  ought  to  be  imputed  rather  to  the  impru- 
dence of  major  Pitcairn  than  to  any  other  order  or  cause. 

The  two  parties  also  reciprocally  accused  each  other,  as  it  usually 
happens  in  civil  wars,  of  many  and  horrible  cruelties.  The  Ameri- 
cans pretended  that  the  English  had  burnt  and  plundered  several 
houses,  destroying  what  they  were  unable  to  carry  away,  and  that 
they  had  even  massacred  several  individuals  without  defense.  Tho 
English,  on  the  contrary,  affirmed,  that  several  of  their  comrades, 
made  prisoners  by  the  rebels,  had  been  tortured  and  put  to  death 
with  savage  barbarity.  They  even  related,  a  thing  horrible  to  re- 
peat, that  one  of  the  wounded  English,  being  left  behind,  and  en- 
deavoring, with  great  efforts,  to  rejoin  his  corps,  was  assailed  by  a 
young  American,  who  ferociously  split  open  his  skull  with  an  axe, 
and  forced  out  the  brains,  for  his  sport.  We  dare  not  affirm  the 
truth  of  this  abominable  fact ;  although  we  find  it  related,  as  not 
doubtful,  by  authors  worthy  of  credit ;  but  we  can  at  least  attest  the 
falsehood  of  a  report  which  had  at  the  time  much  currency.  It 
was  rumored,  that  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  imitating,  in 
their  fanatical  rage,  the  barbarity  of  the  savages,  their  neighbors,  had 
severed  the  scalp,  torn  out  the  eyes,  and  cut  off  the  ears  of  many 
English  soldiers,  both  wounded  and  dead.  It  is  pleasing  to  think, 
and  authorities  are  not  wanting  to  affirm,  that  these  imputations  are 
excessively  exaggerated,  both  on  the  one  part  and  on  the  other ; 
and  if  any  excesses  were  committed  in  the  heat  of  battle,  it  is  cer- 


BOOK  IV.  THE    AMERICAN    WAK  lg5 

tain  that  after  the  action  was  over,  humanity  reccnerea  its  rights. 
It  is  known  with  perfect  assurance,  that  the  wounded,  who  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  provincial  militia,  were  treated  with  all  the 
cares  and  attentions  in  use  among  the  most  civilized  nations.  The 
Americans  even  gave  notice  to  general  Gage,  that  he  was  at  liberty 
to  send  surgeons  to  dress  and  attend  the  wounded  that  were  found 
m  their  hands. 

This  first  feat  of  arms  had  two  results ;  the  first  was  to  demon- 
strate how  false  and  ridiculous  were  the  vaunts  of  those  Gascons, 
who,  within  parliament  as  well  as  without,  had  spoken  in  such  un- 
worthy terms  of  American  courage ;  from  this  moment  the  English 
nation,  and  especially  its  soldiers,  persuaded  themselves  that  the 
struggle  would  be  far  more  severe  and  more  sanguinary,  than  had 
been  at  first  believed.  The  second  effect  of  this  combat  was,  to 
increase  astonishingly  the  confidence  of  the  colonists,  and  their 
resolution  to  defend  their  rights.  It  should  be  added,  also,  that 
the  reports  of  the  cruelties  committed  by  the  British  troops, 
which,  whether  true  or  false,  the  leaders  never  failed  to  propagate 
and  exaggerate,  in  every  place,  repeating  them  with  words  of  ex- 
treme vehemence,  and  painting  them  in  the  most  vivid  colors,  had 
produced  an  incredible  fermentation,  and  a  frantic  rage  in  the  minds 
of  the  inhabitants.  To  give,  if  it  were  possible,  still  greater  ac- 
tivity to  these  transports  of  hatred  and  fury,  the  obsequies  of  the 
slain  were  celebrated  with  every  mark  of  honor,  their  eulogies  were 
pronounced,  they  were  styled  the  martyrs  of  liberty;  their  families 
were  the  object  of  universal  veneration.  They  were  continually 
cited  as  the  models  to  be  Imitated  in  the  arduous  contest  which 
America  was  forced  into,  by  the  injustice  and  the  pride  of  English 
supremacy. 

The  provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts  was  then  in  session  at 
Watertown,  ten  miles  distant  from  Boston.  Upon  the  news  of  the 
battle  of  Lexington,  it  addressed  a  long  letter  to  the  English  peo- 
ple, containing  the  most  circumstantial  details  of  this  event ;  the 
congress  endeavored  to  prove  that  the  royal  troops  had  been  the  first 
to  engage  battle,  by  firing  upon  the  peaceable  militia ;  and  by  com- 
mitting at  Concord,  as  well  as  at  Lexington,  many  excesses,  abso- 
lutely unworthy  of  the  British  name.  They  entreated  the  English 
nation  to  interfere,  and  avert  the  ulterior  calamities  which  were 
about  to  fall  upon  the  colonies  and  Great  Britain ;  they  declared  and 
protested  their  loyalty ;  at  the  same  time  they  affirmed  it  was  their 
firm  and  irrevocable  resolution  not  to  submit  to  any  species  of  tyr- 
anny ;  they  appealed  to  Heaven  for  the  justice  of  a  cause  for  which 

vol,  i.  l6^ 


186  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  IV. 

they  were  prepared  to  sacrifice  their  fortunes,  and,  if  necessary, 
existence  itself. 

But,  not  content  with  words,  and  desirous  of  giving  a  regular 
direction  to  the  war,  and  to  the  movements  of  the  people,  who  as- 
sembled every  where  in  tumultuary  crowds,  they  assigned  a  fixed 
pay  to  the  officers  and  soldiers ;  they  made  regulations  for  organ- 
izing and  disciplining  the  militia.  In  order  to  be  able  to  meet  Ihe 
expenses,  which  were  rendered  necessary  by  circumstances,  the 
congress  issued  a  certain  quantity  of  bills  of  credit,  which  were  to 
be  received  as  money,  in  all  payments ;  and  for  the  guaranty  of 
which,  they  pledged  the  faith  of  the  province.  They  declared  that 
general  Gage,  having  sent  armed  soldiers  to  destroy  what  existed  in 
the  public  magazines  in  the  town  of  Concord,  a  violence  which  had 
occasioned  the  illegal  and  barbarous  death  of  a  great  number  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  province,  was  no  longer  entitled  to  receive  any 
obedience,  but  ought,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  regarded  as  an  enemy 
to  the  country. 

The  congress  also  resolved,  that  a  levy  should  be  made  in  the 
province,  of  thirteen  thousand  six  hundred  men,  and  chose  for 
their  general,  colonel  Ward,  an  officer  of  much  reputation.     This 
militia  was  designed  to  form  the  contingent  of  Massachusetts ;  the 
provinces  of  New  Hampshire,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island,  were 
invited  to  furnish  theirs,  in  order  to  complete  an  army  of  thirty 
thousand  men,  to  be  commanded  by  general  John  Thomas,  an  offi- 
cer of  great  experience.      Connecticut  dispatched  immediately  a 
considerable  corps,  under  the  command  of  colonel  Putnam,  an  old 
officer,  who,  in  the  two  late  wars,  had  often  given  proof  of  courage 
and  intelligence.     The  other  provinces  were  not  slow  in  causing 
their  standards  to  move,  and,  in  a  short  time,  an  army  of  thirty 
thousand  men  was  found  assembled  under  the  walls  of  Boston.     So 
great  and  so  universal  was  the  ardor  produced  among  the  inhab- 
itants by  the  battle  of  Lexington,  that  the  American  generals  were 
obliged  to  send  back  to  their  homes  many  thousand  volunteers. 
Putnam  took  his  station  at  Cambridge,  and  Thomas  at  Roxbury, 
upon  the  right  wing  of  the  army,  to  cut  off  entirely  the  communi- 
cation of  the  garrison,  by  the  isthmus,  with  the  adjacent  country. 
Thus,  a  few  days  after  the  affair  of  Lexington,  the  capital  of  the 
province  of  Massachusetts  was  closely  besieged ;  thus,  a  multitude 
assembled  in  haste,  of  men  declared  rebels,  and  mean  spirited  cow- 
ards, held  in  strict  confinement,  not  daring  to  sally  forth  even  to 
procure  food,  many  thousands  of  veteran  troops,  commanded  by  an 
able  general,  and  combating  under  the  royal  standard.     Such  wai 


BOOK  IV. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR 


187 


the  situation  of  troops  which  had  been  sent  from  Europe  with  the 
firm  expectation  that  they  would  only  have  to  show  themselves,  in 
order  to  drive  before  them  all  the  inhabitants  of  a  country,  infinitely 
more  vast  and  more  difficult  to  traverse  than  England  itself.  But, 
in  all  times,  regular  troops  have  regarded  with  disdain  the  militia 
of  an  insurgent  people ;  and  often  has  this  militia  baffled  all  the 
efforts  of  regular  armies. 


END    OF    BOOK     FOURTH. 


NOTE   TO   BOOK   IV 

NOTE    I. PAGE  138 

NAMES  OP   MEMBERS   COMPOSING  THE  CONGRESS  OF  1774. 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

John  Sullivan, 
Nathaniel  Fulsom. 


MASSACHUSETTS. 


James  Bowdoin, 
Thomas  Cushing, 
Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams, 
Robert  T.  Paine. 


RHODE  ISLAND. 

Stephen  Hopkins, 
Samuel  Ward. 


CONNECTICUT. 


Eliphalet  Dyer, 
Roger  Sherman, 
Silas  Deane. 


NEW  YORK. 

James  Duane, 
Henry  Wisner, 
John  Jay, 
Philip  Livingston, 
Isaac  Low, 
John  Alsop, 
William  Floyd. 


NEW  JERSEY. 

James  Kinsey, 
William  Livingston, 
John  De  Hart, 
Stephen  Crane,  . 
Richard  Smith. 

PENNSYLVANIA, 

Joseph  Galloway, 
Charles  Humphreys, 


Samuel  Rhoads, 
George  Ross, 
John  Morton, 
Thomas  MirrLLV, 
Edward  Biddle, 
John  Dickinson. 

DELAWARE. 

Cjesar  Rodney, 
Thomas  M'Kean, 
George  Read. 


MARYLAND. 

Robert  Goldsborough, 
Thomas  Johnson, 
William  Paca, 
Samuel  Chase, 
Matthew  Tilghman. 


VIRGINIA. 

Peyton  Randolph, 
Richard  Henry  Lee, 
GaOrge  Washington, 
Patrick  Henry, 
Richard  Bland, 
Benjamin  Harrison, 
Edmund  Pendleton. 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 

William  Hooper, 
Joseph  Hughes, 
Richard  Caswell. 


SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

Henry  Middleton, 
John  Rutledge, 
Thomas  Lynch, 
Christopher  Gabsdejt, 
Edward  Rutlkdgk. 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  189 


BOOK    FIFTH. 

1775.  Boston  is  situated  near  the  middle  of  the  province  of 
Massachusetts,  upon  a  tract  of  land,  which,  connecting  with  the  con- 
tinent by  an  extremely  narrow  tongue,  called  the  nee  k,  afterwards 
distends  sufficiently  to  comprehend  a  city  of  very  ample  dimensions. 
The  figure  of  this  penjnsula  is  irregular,  and  forms,  alternately,  bays 
and  promontories.  In  one  of  these  bays,  facing  towards  the  east,  is 
found  the  port,  which  is  admirably  adapted  to  receive  ships  of  any 
burthen,  as  well  of  war  as  of  commerce.  Towards  the  north,  the 
land  branches  into  two  parts,  resembling  horns  ;  one  of  which,  point- 
ing to  the  northeast,  is  called  Hudson's  Point ;  and  the  other,  bearing 
to  the  northwest,  Barton's  Point.  In  front  of  these  two  points, 
another  peninsula  is  perceived,  which,  from  the  name  of  a  consider- 
able town  there  situated,  opposite  Boston,  is  called  Charlestown,  and 
is  joined  to  the  main  land  by  an  exceedingly  narrow  neck,  which  also 
bears  the  name  of  Charlestown.  An  arm  of  the  sea,  about  half  a 
mile  in  breadth,  enters  between  the  points  of  Hudson,  of  Barton, 
and  of  Charlestown  ;  and,  then  expanding,  embraces  all  the  western 
part  of  the  peninsula  of  Boston.  A  number  of  streams  empty  them- 
selves into  this  cove  ;  the  principal  of  which,  are  Muddy,  Charles, 
and  Mystic,  or  Medford,  rivers.  Not  far  from  the  isthmus  of  Boston, 
the  continent  stretches  into  the  sea,  and  forms  a  long  promontory, 
which  extends,  on  the  right,  towards  the  east ;  from  Which  results 
another  peninsula,  though  joined  to  the  main  land  by  a  much  wider 
neck  than  either  that  of  Boston  or  of  Charlestown  ;  these  are  known 
by  the  appellations  of  Dorchester  Neck,  and  Point.  The  peninsulas 
of  Charlestown,  and  of  Dorchester,  are  so  near  to  that  of  Boston, 
that  batteries  placed  upon  either  can  reach  the  city  with  their  shot. 
This  can  be  done  with  the  greater  facility,  as  in  both  there  are  many 
hills,  or  eminences,  peculiarly  favorable  for  the  position  of  artillery. 
There  is  one,  above  the  village  of  Charlestown,  called  Breed's  Hill, 
which  commands  the  city  of  Boston  ;  and  another,  behind  it,  towards 
Charlestown  Neck,  and  consequently  further  from  Boston,  which 
bears  the  name  of  Bunker's  Hill.  In  like  manner  upon  the  penin- 
sula of  Dorchester  are  heights,  which  have  the  same  name ;  and 
another,  called  Nook's  Hill,  which  crowns  the  spur  of  land  towards 
Boston.  The  inlet  of  the  sea,  through  which  the  port  is  approached . 
is  sprinkled  with  little  islands  ;  the  most  considerable  of  which  are 
Noddle's,  Thompson's,  Governor's,  Long  Island,  and  Castle  Island. 
West  of  Boston,  uoon  the  river  Charles,  is  situate]  the  extensive 


190  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

village  of  Cambridge  ;  and  to  the  south,  at  the  entrance  of  the  Neck, 
that  of  Roxbury. 

The  American  army  had  rested  its  left  wing  upon  the  river  of 
Medford,  and  thus  intercepted  the  communication  of  Charlestown 
Neck  ;  the  center  occupied  Cambridge  ;  and  the  right  wing,  posted 
at  Roxbury,  repressed  the  garrison  on  the  part  of  the  isthmus,  which , 
being  fortified,  might  have  facilitated  their  sallies  and  excursions  htfo 
the  country. 

In  this  situation,  respectively,  the  two  armies  were  found  ;  but  the 
number  and  quality  of  the  combatants,  their  opinions,  their  military 
science,  their  arms,  ammunition  and  provisions,  created  a  great 
difference  in  their  condition.  The  Americans  were  much  superior 
in  number  ;  but  this  number  was  subject  to  continual  variations ;  for 
that  severe  discipline,  without  which  neither  order  nor  stability  can 
exist  in  armies,  not  being  as  yet  introduced  among  them,  the  soldiers 
joined  or  quitted  their  colors,  as  best  suited  their  inclinations  :  and 
fresh  bands  of  volunteers  were  daily  arriving,  to  take  the  place  of 
those  who  had  left  the  camp.  They  had  every  kind  of  food  in  great 
abundance,  and  especially  vegetables,  so  necessary  to  the  health  of 
troops.  But  their  arms  were  far  from  being  sufficient.  They  had, 
in  all,  but  sixteen  field  pieces,  six  of  which,  at  the  very  utmost,  were 
in  a  condition  for  service.  Their  brass  pieces,  which  were  few,  were 
of  the  smallest  caliber.  They  had,  however,  some  heavy  iron  can- 
non, with  three  or  four  mortars  and  howitzers,  and  some  scanty 
provision  of  balls  and  bombs.  But  of  powder  they  were  almost 
totally  destitute ;  for,  upon  visiting  the  magazines,  only  eighty-two 
half  barrels  of  it  were  found.  A  certain  quantity,  it  is  true,  might  have 
been  procured  in  the  neighboring  provinces  ;  but  this  feeble  resource 
would  soon  be  exhausted.  Muskets  were  in  abundance  ;  but  they 
were  all  of  different  caliber,  each  having  brought  his  own.  They 
were  admirably  skilled  in  the  use  of  this  weapon,  and  therefore  well 
adapted  for  the  service  of  light  troops  and  skirmishing  parties  ;  but 
in  regular  battle,  they  would  have  made  but  an  indifferent  figure. 
They  had  no  uniforms,  and  no  magazines  stocked  with  provisions ; 
they  lived  from  day  to  day,  without  taking  thought  for  the  morrow  : 
but,  in  these  first  moments,  the  zeal  of  the  neighboring  country 
people  suffered  them  to  want  for  nothing.  They  had  no  coined 
money,  or  very  little  ;  but  they  had  bills  of  credit,  which,  at  this 
epoch,  were  current  at  equal  value  with  gold.  The  officers  wanted 
due  instruction,  excepting  those  few  who  had  served  in  the  preceding 
wars.  They  were  not  even  known  by  their  soldiers;  for,  the  or- 
ganization of  the  several  corps  not  being  yet  completed,  the  changes 
in   them  were   continual.     Orders  were  ill  executed;   every  one 


BOOK  T  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  191 

wished  to  command,  and  do  according  to  his  own  fancy ;  few 
deigned  to  obey.  Upon  the  whole,  with  the  exception  of  some  few 
regiments,  which  had  been  trained  in  certain  provinces  by  experi- 
enced chiefs,  the  residue  had  more  the  appearance  of  a  tumultuary 
assemblage,  than  of  a  regular  army.  But  all  these  defects  were  com- 
pensated by  the  determined  spirit  of  their  minds ;  by  the  zeal  of 
party ;  the  profound  persuasion,  in  all,  of  the  justice  of  their  cause  . 
the  exhortations  of  their  chiefs,  and  of  the  ministers  of  religion, 
who  neglected  no  means  of  daily  exciting  this  people,  already  of 
themselves  inclined  to  the  enthusiasm  of  religious  ideas,  to  signalize 
their  firmness  and  valor  in  an  enterprise  pleasing  in  the  sight  of 
Heaven  and  all  the  good  of  the  human  race. 

With  these  feeble  preparations,  but  with  this  extraordinary  ardor, 
the  Americans  commenced  a  war,  which  every  thing  announced 
must  prove  lon'g,  arduous  and  sanguinary.  It  was,  however,  easy 
to  foresee,  that,  whatever  reverses  they  might  have  to  encounter  in 
the  outset,  an  unshaken  constancy  must  render  them  eventually  fri- 
umphant ;  for,  by  preserving  all  their  courage,  and  acquiring  disci- 
pline, and  the  science  of  war,  their  soldiers  could  not  fail  to  become 
equal,  in  all  respects,  to  any  that  could  be  opposed  to  them. 

As  to  the  British  troops,  they  were  abundantly  provided  with  all 
things  necessary  to  enter  the  field  ;  their  arsenals  were  glutted  with 
artillery  of  various  caliber,  excellent  muskets,  powder,  and  arms  of 
every  denomination.  Their  soldiers  Were  all  perfectly  exercised, 
accustomed  to  fatigues  and  dangers  ;  they  had  long  been  taught  the 
difficult  art,  so  essential  in  war — to  obey.  Their  minds  were  full  of 
the  recollection  of  the  achievements,  by  which  they  bad  distinguished 
themselves  at  various  times,  in  the  service  of  their  country,  while 
combating  against  the  most  warlike  nations  of  the  world.  A  partic- 
ular motive  added  still  greatly  to  the  martial  resolution  of  this  army 
— the  reflection  that  they  were  to  combat  under  the  royal  standard, 
which  is  usually  a  powerful  incentive  to  military  honor.  The  English, 
moreover,  considered  the  enemies  they  were  about  to  encounter,  in 
the  light  of  rebels ;  a  name  that  inflamed  them  with  an  animosity 
more  intense  than  simple  courage.  They  panted  to  avenge  them- 
selves for  the  affront  of  Lexington ;  they  could  by  no  means  admit 
that  these  Americans  were  able  to  resist  them ;  they  persisted  in 
viewing  them  as  cowards,  who  were  indebted  for  their  success  at 
Lexington,  exclusively  to  their  numbers,  and  the  advantage  of  ground. 
•They  were  persuaded  that,  in  the  first  serious  action,  in  the  first 
regular  battle,  the  colonists  would  not  dare  to  wait  their  approach 
But,  until  the  arrival  of  the  re-inforcements  expected  from  England, 
prudence  exacted  a  circumspect  conduct  towards  the  Americans,, 


19$  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

whose  forces  were  more  than  threefold  in  number.     Meanwhile,  se 
strict  was  the  siege,  no  provisions  being  permitted  to  enter  the  city 
from  the  neighboring  towns,  that  fresh  meat  and  all  kinds  of  vege 
tables  began  to  become  excessively  scarce ;  and,  although  the  se? 
was  open  to  the  English,  and  they  had  a  great  number  of  light  ves 
sels  at  their  disposal,  they  could  procure  no  supplies  from  the  coast; 
of  New  England ;  the  inhabitants  having  driven  their  cattle  into  th< 
interior  of  the  country.     As  to  the  other  provinces,  they  could  ob 
tain   nothing   from  them  by  their  consent ;    and  they  could  noi 
employ  force,  because  they  were  not  yet  declared  rebels.      The 
scarcity  became  therefore  extreme  at  Boston.     The  garrison,  as 
well  as  the  inhabitants,  were  reduced  to  salt  provisions.     The  Eng- 
i>h,  therefore,  were  impatient  for  the  arrival  of  re-inforcements  from 
i  ngland,  in  order  to  make  some  vigorous  effort  to  extricate  them- 
tfd  ves  from  this  difficult  situation. 

The  besieging  army,  aware  that  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  had  no 
other  resource  but  from  the  magazines  of  the  king,  exercised  the 
greater  vigilance  to  intercept  all  supplies  from  the  adjacent  country ; 
hoping  that  the  exhaustion  of  these  stores  would  at  length  induce  the 
governor  to  consent  that  the  inhabitants,  or  at  least  the  women  and 
children,  as  superfluous  mouths,  might  leave  the  city.  This  the  pro- 
vincials had  several  times  requested,  very  earnestly ;  but  the  governor, 
notwithstanding  the  embarrassment  he  experienced  in  providing 
sustenance  for  the  troops,  appeared  little  disposed  to  listen  to  the 
proposition.  He  considered  the  inhabitants  as  so  many  hostages  for 
the  safety  of  the  city  and  garrison ;  being  apprehensive  the  Ameri- 
cans might  attempt  to  carry  the  place  by  assault ;  of  which,  however, 
there  was  not  the  least  danger,  although  they  had  purposely  circulated 
such  a  rumor.  Their  generals  were  too  considerate  not  to  perceive 
how  fatal  an  impression  of  discouragement  must  have  been  made  on 
the  public  mind,  by  the  miscarriage  of  so  important  a  stroke,  at  the 
very  commencement  of  the  war ;  and  the  probabilities  in  favor  of 
this  assault  were  not  great,  as  the  fortifications  of  the  Neck  were 
extremely  formidable ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  there  could  have  been 
little  hope  of  success,  so  long  as  the  English  had  command  of  the 
sea.  and  the  movements  of  a  numerous  fleet*  But,  finally,  general 
Gage,  urged  by  necessity,  and  wishing  also  to  withdraw  arms  from 
the  hands  of  the  citizens,  on  whose  account  he  was  not  without 
appiehensions,  after  a  long  conference  with  the  council  of  the  city., 
acceded  to  an  arrangement,  by  which  it  was  stipulated,  that  all  citi- 
zens, on  giving  up  their  arms,  and  depositing  them  in  Faneuil  Hall, 
or  some  other  public  place,  should  be  at  liberty  to  retire  wherever 
they  might  think  proper,  with  all  their  effects :  it  was,  however, 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  193 

understood,  that  their  arms  should,  in  due  time,  be  restored  them. 
It  was  also  agreed,  that  thirty  carts  should  be  permitted  to  enter 
Boston,  to  take  away  the  movables  of  the  emigrants  ;  and  that  the 
admiralty  should  furnish  the  transports  requisite  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. This  compact  was  at  first  faithfully  observed  by  the  two 
parties  ;  the  inhabitants  deposited  their  arms,  and  the  general  de- 
livered them  passports.  But  soon  after,  either  unwilling  to  deprive 
himself  entirely  of  hostages,  or  apprehensive,  as  it  had  been  rumored, 
that  the  insurgents  meditated  the  design  of  setting  fire  to  the  city, 
so  soon  as  their  partisans  should  have  evacuated  it,  he  pretended 
that  individuals  who  had  gone  out  to  look  after  the  affairs  of  persons 
attached  to  the  royal  cause,  had  been  ill  treated ;  and  began  to  re- 
fuse passes.  This  refusal  excited  violent  complaints,  both  among 
the  Bostonians  and  the  provincials  stationed  without.  The  govern- 
or, however,  persisted  in  his  resolution.  If  he  afterwards  permitted 
some  few  citizens  to  depart,  it  was  only  upon  condition  that  they 
should  leave  their  furniture  and  effects ;  which  subjected  them  to  no 
little  detriment  and  inconvenience.  Many  of  them,  who  were  ac- 
customed to  live  in  a  style  of  great  elegance,  found  themselves  re- 
duced, by  this  extraordinary  rigor,  to  an  absolute  destitution  of  things 
of  the  first  necessity.  It  was  also  said,  and  with  too  much  appear- 
ance of  probability,  that,  from  a  certain  cruelty,  which  no  motive 
can  excuse,  in  granting  passports,  he  studied  to  divide  families, 
separating  wives  from  husbands,  fathers  from  children,  brothers  from 
each  other  ;  some  obtained  permission  to  depart — others  were  forced 
to  remain. 

The  poor  and  sick  might  all  retreat,  without  opposition  ;  but  their 
departure  was  accompanied  with  a  circumstance,  which,  if  it  was 
not  the  effect  of  a  barbarous  intention,  ought  at  least  to  have  been 
Jfrevented  with  the  most  sedulous  care  ;  among  the  sick,  those  were 
suffered  to  pass  who  were  attacked  with  the  smallpox,  a  very  mortal 
disease  in  America,  where  it  excites  the  same  horror  as  the  plague 
itself  k.  Europe  and  in  Asia.  The  contagion  spread  rapidly,  and 
my'    frightful  ravages  among  the  provincials 

vVhile  these  things  were  passing  within  and  about  Boston,  the 
other  provinces  were  making  their  preparations  for  war  with  exti&me 
activity.  The  city  of  New  York  itself,  in  which  the  English  iw 
more  friends  than  in  any  other  on  the  continent,  and  which  hitherto 
had  manifested  so  much  reserve,  at  the  first  news  of  the  battle  of 
Lexington,  was  seized  with  a  violent  emotion,  and  resolved  to  make 
common  cause  with  the  other  colonies.  The  inhabitants  adopted 
the  resolutions  of  the  general  congress,  with  the  determination  to 
persist  in  them  until  the  entire  re-establishment  of  constitutional 
vol.  i.  17 


194  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

laws.  They  drew  up  an  energetic  address  to  the  common  council 
of  the  city  of  London,  which  had  shown  itself  favorable  to  the  cause 
of  the  colonies ;  they  declared,  that  all  the  calamities  in  the  train 
of  civil  war,  could  not  constrain  the  Americans  to  bend  to  the  will 
of  Great  Britain  ;  and  that  such  was  the  universal  sentiment,  from 
Nova  Scotia  to  Georgia  ;  they  conjured  the  city  of  London  to  exert 
all  its  endeavors  to  restore  peace  between  the  two  parts  of  the  em- 
pire ;  but  as  to  themselves,  they  protested  their  determination  never 
to  endure  ministerial  tyranny. 

The  inhabitants  were  all  indefatigable  in  training  themselves  to 
the  use  of  arms ;  the  patriots  to  resist  England ;  and  the  partisans 
of  the  government,  forming  no  inconsiderable  number,  either  be- 
cause they  thought  it  prudent  to  go  with  the  current,  or  to  prevent 
disorders,  or  to  be  prepared,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  to  declare 
themselves  upon  the  first  occasion.  But  as  the  city  of  New  York  is 
entirely  exposed  towards  the  sea,  and  as  the  inhabitants  could  have 
no  hope  of  defending  it  against  the  attack  of  an  English  fleet,  they 
resolved  to  risk  nothing  by  delay,  and  to  seize  the  arms  and  ammu- 
nition deposited  in  the  royal  magazines.  The  women  and  children 
were  removed  from  the  seat  of  danger ;  which  done,  they  prepared 
to  defend  themselves  ;  and,  in  case  they  should  have  lost  all  hope  of 
resisting  the  forces  of  the  enemy,  it  was  resolved,  horrible  as  it  seems, 
though  but  too  common  in  civil  wars,  to  fire  the  city. 

In  South  Carolina,  it  was  hoped,  universally,  that  perseverance  in 
the  resolutions  taken  against  British  commerce,  would  suffice  to  dis- 
pose the  government  to  embrace  milder  counsels.  But  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  rigorous  acts  of  parliament  was  received  there  the  very 
day  on  which  was  fought  the  battle  of  Lexington,  the  tidings  of  which 
arrived  a  few  days  after.  The  inhabitants  were  struck  with  surprise, 
and  even  with  terror ;  well  knowing  to  what  dangers  they  exposed 
themselves,  in  undertaking  to  wage  war  with  Great  Britain ;  as  her 
formidable  squadrons  could  reach  them  at  all  the  points  of  a  coast 
two  hundred  miles  in  length,  and  as  they  found  themselves  almost 
totally  destitute  of  arms  or  munitions  of  war ;  without  means  to 
equip  their  soldiers,  without  ships,  without  money,  without  officers  of 
experience,  or  skilled  in  tactics.  They  were  even  not  without  serious 
apprehensions  relative  to  the  negro  slaves,  formidably  numerous  in 
this  province.  They  were  accessible  to  seduction,  by  gifts  and  prom- 
ises ;  and  might  be  instigated  to  massacre  their  masters,  at  the  mo- 
ment of  their  most  unsuspecting  security.  The  province  itself  had 
not  been  comprehended  in  the  parliamentary  proscription  ;  and  could 
not,  therefore,  without  manifest  treason,  spontaneously  take  part  in 
rebellion  and  open  war.     At  length,  however,  the  resolutions  in- 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  195 

spired  by  couiage  prevailed ;  and  such  measures  were  taken  as  were 
deemed  best  suited  to  the  occasion.  On  the  night  subsequent  to 
the  advice  of  the  hostilities  at  Lexington,  the  inhabitants  rushed  to 
the  arsenal,  and  seized  all  the  arms  and  ammunition  it  contained,  and 
distributed  them  among  the  soldiers  in  the  pay  of  the  province.  A 
provincial  congress  was  convoked  ;  a  league  was  contracted  by  the 
delegates,  purporting,  that  the  Carolinians  considered  themselves 
united,  by  all  the  ties  of  honor  and  religion,  for  the  defense  of  their 
country  against  all  enemies  whatsoever ;  that  they  were  ready  to 
march,  whenever  and  wherever  the  congress,  whether  general  or 
provincial,  should  judge  necessary ;  that  they  would  sacrifice  their 
fortunes  and  their  lives  to  maintain  the  public  liberty  and  safety ; 
that  they  would  hold  for  enemies  all  those  who  should  refuse  to  sub- 
scribe the  league ;  which  was  to  be  in  force,  until  a  reconciliation 
was  effected  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  conformably  to  the 
principles  of  the  constitution.  It  was  afterwards  determined  to 
raise  two  regiments  of  infantry,  and  one  of  cavalry,  called  rangers. 
Such  was  the  general  ardor,  that  more  officers  presented  themselves 
than  were  wanted ;  the  greater  part  from  among  the  wealthiest  and 
most  respectable  families  of  the  country.  At  the  same  time,  an 
emission  was  made  of  bills  of  credit,  which,  at  this  epoch,  were  re- 
ceived by  all  the  citizens,  with  the  greatest  promptitude. 

In  New  Jersey,  at  the  news  of  the  affair  at  Lexington,  the  people 
took  possession  of  the  provincial  treasure;  and  a  part  of  it  was 
destined  to  pay  the  troops  which  were  levied  at  the  same  time  in 
the  province. 

At  Baltimore,  in  Maryland,  the  inhabitants  laid  a  strong  hand  upon 
all  the  military  stores  that  were  found  in  the  public  magazines ;  and, 
among  other  arms,  fifteen  hundred  muskets  thus  fell  into  their  power. 
A  decree  was  published,  interdicting  all  transportation  of  commod- 
ities to  the  islands  where  fisheries  were  carried  on,  as  also  to  the 
British  army  and  fleet  stationed  at  Boston. 

The  inhabitants  of  Philadelphia  took  the  same  resolution,  and 
appeared,  in  all  respects,  equally  disposed  to  defend  the  common 
cause.  The  Quakers  themselves,  notwithstanding  their  pacific  in- 
stitutions, could  not  forbear  to  participate  in  the  ardor  with  which 
their  fellow-citizens  flew  to  meet  a  new  order  of  things. 

When  Virginia,  this  important  colony,  and  particularly  opposed  to 
the  pretensions  of  England,  received  the  intelligence  of  the  first  hos- 
tilities, it  was  found  in  a  state  of  extreme  commotion,  excited  by  a 
cause,  which,  though  trivial  in  itself,  in  the  present  conjuncture  be- 
came of  serious  importance.  The  provincial  congress,  convened  in 
the  month  of  March,  had  recommended  a  levy  of  volunteers  in  each 


106  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  V. 


county,  for  the  better  defense  of  the  country.  The  governor,  lord 
Dunmore,  at  the  name  of  volunteers,  became  highly  indignant ;  and 
conceived  suspicions  of  some  pernicious  design.  Apprehending  the 
inhabitants  intended  to  take  possession  of  a  public  magazine,  in  the 
city  of  Williamsburg,  he  caused  all  the  powder  it  contained  to  be 
removed,  by  night,  and  conveyed  on  board  an  armed  vessel,  at 
anchor  in  the  river  James.  The  following  morning,  the  citizens,  on 
being  apprised  of  the  fact,  were  violently  exasperated  ;  they  flew  to 
arms,  assembled  in  great  numbers,  and  demonstrated  a  full  determi- 
nation to  obtain  restitution  of  the  powder,  either  by  fair  means  or 
force.  A  serious  affair  was  apprehended ;  but  the  municipal  coun- 
cil interposed,  and,  repressing  the  tumult,  dispatched  a  written 
request  to  the  governor,  entreating  him  to  comply  with  the  public 
desire.  They  complained,  with  energy,  of  the  injury  received  ;  and 
represented  the  dangers  to  which  they  should  be  exposed,  in  case  of 
insurrection  on  the  part  of  the  blacks,  whose  dispositions,  from  va- 
rious recent  reports,  they  had  too  much  reason  to  distrust.  The 
governor  answered,  that  the  powder  had  been  removed,  because  he 
had  heard  of  an  insurrection  in  a  neighboring  county ;  that  he  had 
removed  it  in  the  night  time  to  prevent  any  alarm ;  that  he  was 
much  surprised  to  hear  the  people  were  under  arms ;  and  that  he 
should  not  think  it  prudent  to  pi  p  wder  into  their  hands  in  such 
a  situation.  He  assured  them,, -however,  that,  in  case  of  a  revolt 
of  the  negroes,  it  should  be  returned  immediately.  Tranquillity 
tvas  re-established ;  but  in  the  evening,  an  alarm  was  given,  that 
ffie  soldiers  of  the  ship  of  war  were  approaching  the  city  in  arms ; 
the  people  again  also  took  up  theirs,  and  passed  the  whole  night 
in  expectation  of  an  attack. 

The  governor,  not  knowing,  or  unwilling  to  yield  to  the  temper  of 
the  times,  manifested  an  extreme  irritation  at  these  popular  move- 
ments. He  suffered  certain  menaces  to  fall  from  his  lips,  which  it 
would  have  been  far  more  prudent  to  suppress.  He  intimated,  that 
the  royal  standard  would  be  erected  ;  the  blacks  emancipated,  and 
armed  against  their  masters  ;  a  thing  no  less  imprudent  than  bar- 
barous, and  contrary  to  every  species  of  civilization ;  finally,  he 
threatened  the  destruction  of  the  city,  and  to  vindicate,  in  every 
mode,  his  own  honor,  and  that  of  the  crown.  These  threats  ex- 
cited a  general  fermentation  throughout  the  colony,  and  even  pro- 
duced an  absolute  abhorrence  towards  the  government.  Thus, 
incidents  of  slight  importance,  assisted  by  the  harsh  and  haughty 
humors  of  the  agents  of  England  and  America,  contributed  to  ac- 
celerate the  course  of  things  towards  that  crisis,  to  which  they 
tended  already,  but  too  strongly,  of  themselves. 


BOOK  T.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  197 

Meanwhile;  in  the  popular  meetings  that  assembled  in  all  the 
counties  of  the  province,  the  seizure  of  the  powder,  and  the  menaces 
of  the  governor,  were  condemned  with  asperity.  But,  in  the  coun- 
ty of  Hanover,  and  the  country  adjacent,  the  inhabitants  were  not 
content  with  words.  They  took  arms ;  and,  under  the  command  of 
Henry,  one  of  the  delegates  to  the  general  congress,  marched 
against  the  city  of  Williamsburg,  with  the  design,  as  they  declared 
openly,  not  only  of  obtaining  restitution  of  the  powder,  but  also  of 
securing  the  public  treasury  against  the  attempts  of  the  governor. 
An  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  most  enterprising  were  already  in  the 
suburbs  of  the  city,  when  a  parley  was  opened,  which  concluded  in 
an  accommodation,  and  tranquillity  was  restored  ;  but  it  was  evident 
that  the  public  mind  was  too  much  inflamed  to  admit  of  its  long  con- 
tinuance. The  people  of  the  country,  however,  returned  peaceably 
to  their  habitations. 

The  governor  fortified  his  palace  to  the  utmost  of  his  power  ;  he 
placed  a  garrison  of  marines  within,  and  surrounded  it  with  artil- 
lery. He  issued  a  proclamation,  by  which  Henry  and  his  followers 
were  declared  rebels.  Finally,  with  an  imprudence  of  conduct  un- 
worthy of  a  magistrate,  who  ought  never,  in  the  exercise  of  his  func- 
tions, to  suffer  himself  to  be  transported  with  anger,  in  acrimonious 
terms,  he  attributed  the  present  commotions  to  the  disaffection  of 
the  people,  and  their  desire  to  excite  a  general  revolt.  These  im- 
putations served  only  to  imbitter  hatred,  and  cut  off  all  hope  of  a 
better  futurity. 

In  the  midst  of  these  divisions  between  the  people  of  Virginia 
and  the  governor,  an  incident  happened^  which  still  added  to  their 
violence. 

In  like  manner  as  doctor  Franklin  had  procured  the  letters  of 
Hutchinson,  some  other  person  had  found  means  to  convey  from 
the  office  of  state,  the  official  correspondence  of  lord  Dunmore ; 
which  was  transmitted  to  the  Virginian  chiefs.  Immediately  upon 
its  publication,  a  cry  of  indignation  arose  against  the  governor,  for 
having  written  things  false,  and  injurious  to  the  province.  Thus  all 
reciprocal  confidence  was  destroyed ;  the  slightest  casualty  became  a 
serious  event,  and  mutual  enmity  more  and  more  imbittered  the  in- 
evitable effects  of  this  misunderstanding. 

During  these  disputes,  which,  apart  from  the  irritation  they  sup- 
ported against  the  government,  could  have  no  considerable  influ- 
ence, of  themselves,  upon  public  affairs,  the  inhabitants  of  Con- 
necticut attempted  an  important  enterprise. 

The  road  which  leads  from  the  English  colonies  to  Canada,  is  traced 
almost  entirely  along  the  rivers  and  lakes,  which  are  found  between 

17* 


198  HE    AMERICAN    tVAR  BOOK  V 

these  two  countries,  and  in  the  direction  of  south  to  north.  Those 
who  undertake  this  excursion,  begin  by  ascending  the  river  Hudson? 
up  to  fort  Edward,  whence,  keeping  to  the  right,  they  arrive  at 
Skeenesborough,  a  fort  situated  near  the  sources  of  Wood  creek  : 
or,  bearing  to  the  left,  they  come  to  fort  George,  erected  at  the  south- 
ern extremity  of  the  lake  of  that  name.  Both  the  former  and  the 
latter  afterwards  embark,  the  first  upon  Wood  creek,  the  second 
upon  lake  George,  and  are  landed  at  Ticonderoga  ;  at  which  point, 
the  two  lakes  unite  to  form  lake  Champlain,  so  called  from  the  name 
of  a  French  governor,  who  drowned  himself  there.  By  the  lake, 
and  thence  by  the  river  Sorel,  which  flows  out  of  it,  they  descend 
into  the  great  river  St.  Lawrence,  which  passes  to  Quebec.  Ticon- 
deroga is  then  situated  near  the  confluence  of  these  waters,  between 
lake  George  and  lake  Champlain.  It  is  therefore  a  place  of  the 
highest  importance,  as  standing  upon  the  frontier,  and  at  the  very 
entrance  of  Canada ;  whoever  occupies  it  can  intercept  all  commu- 
nication between  this  province  and  the  colonies.  Accordingly,  the 
French  had  fortified  it  with  such  diligence,  that  the  English,  in  the 
preceding  war,  were  unable  to  carry  it  without  extraordinary  efforts, 
and  great  effusion  of  blood  on  both  sides. 

The  chiefs  of  this  expedition,  colonels  Eaton  and  Allen,  consid- 
ered how  essential  it  was  to  seize  this  key  of  Canada,  before  the 
English  should  have  thrown  into  the  place  a  sufficient  garrison  for 
its  defense ;  for,  in  the  profound  peace  which  prevailed  at  that  time, 
without  apprehension  of  war  either  abroad  or  at  home,  the  govern- 
ors of  Canada  had  made  no  preparations  at  Ticonderoga ;  and  it 
was  left  to  the  charge  of  a  feeble  detachment.  It  was  evident,  that 
if  the  British  government  resolved  to  prosecute  war  against  its  colo- 
nies, it  would  send  troops  into  Canada  with  a  view  of  attacking  the 
Americans  in  the  rear,  by  the  way  of  Ticonderoga.  It  was  known, 
besides,  that  this  fortress,  and  that  of  Crown  Point,  situated  a  little 
below  it,  upon  the  same  lake,  Champlain,  were  furnished  with  a 
very  numerous  artillery,  of  which  the  Americans  stood  in  the  great- 
est need.  Finally,  it  was  thought  of  no  little  importance,  in  these 
first  movements,  to  strike  some  capital  blow,  in  order  to  stimulate 
the  ardor  of  the  insurgent  people.  Accordingly,  this  enterprise, 
having  been  maturely  considered  in  the  plan,  and  directed  with 
great  prudence  in  the  execution,  had  the  result  which  might  have 
been  expected. 

It  was  deemed  an  essential  point,  to  attaok  the  enemy  by  sur- 
prise ;  they  resolved,  therefore,  to  proceed  with  profound  secrecy ; 
for  if  the  commanders  of  Ticonderoga  and  of  Crown  Point  had 
any  suspicion  of  the  project,  they  could  draw  re-inforcements  from 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  199  | 

the  neighboring  fortress  of  St.  John*  The  general  congress  itself, 
then  in  session  at  Philadelphia,  had  no  intimation  of  their  design ; 
its  authors  being  apprehensive,  lest,  in  so  great  a  number  of  mem- 
bers, there  might  be  found  some  individual  deficient  in  discretion. 

To  defray  the  expenses  of  the  enterprise,  the  assembly  of  Con- 
necticut appropriated  the  sum  of  eighteen  hundred  dollars.  Pow- 
iler,  bullets,  and  all  the  utensils  requisite  for  a  siege,  were  secretly 
provided.  The  troops  were  promptly  assembled  at  Castleton,  a 
place  situated  upon  the  banks  of  Wood  creek,  and  the  great  road 
to  Ticonderoga.  The  greater  part  were  inhabitants  of  the  Green 
Mountains,  and  thence,  in  their  own  style,  they  were  called  Green 
Mountain  Boi/s ;  a  race  of  men  accustomed  to  fatigue  and  danger. 
Among  the  superior  officers,  besides  Allen  and  Eaton,  were  colonels 
Brown  and  Warner,  and  captain  Dickinson.  They  were  joined  at 
Castleton  by  colonel  Arnold,  who  came  from  the  army  of  Boston. 
Possessed  by  nature  of  an  extraordinary  force  of  genius,  a  restless 
character,  and  an  intrepidity  bordering  upon  prodigy,  this  officer  had 
of  himself  conceived  the  same  plan ;  so  manifest  was  the  utility  of 
the  enterprise,  and  so  bold  the  spirit  of  these  American  chiefs. 
Arnold  had  conferred,  to  this  end,  with  the  committee  of  safety  of 
Massachusetts,  who  had  appointed  him  colonel,  with  authority  to  levy 
soldiers,  in  order  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Ticonderoga ;  in  pursu- 
ance whereof,  he  arrived  at  Castleton  ;  and  his  surprise  was  extreme, 
at  finding  himself  anticipated.  But,  as  he  was  not  a  man  to  be  baf- 
fled by  trifles,  and  as  nothing  could  delight  him  more  than  the  occa- 
sion for  combat,  he  concerted  with  the  other  leaders,  and  consented, 
however  hard  he  must  have  thought  the  sacrifice,  to  put  himself  un- 
der the  command  of  colonel  Allen. 

They  posted  sentinels  upon  all  the  roads,  to  prevent  the  least  ru- 
mor of  their  approach  from  reaching  the  menaced  point ;  and  thev 
arrived,  in  the  night,  upon  the  bank  of  lake  Champlain,  opposite 
Ticonderoga.  The  chief  hope  of  success  depending  on  dispatch, 
Allen  and  Arnold  rapidly  surmounted  the  difficulties  of  crossing ; 
and  landed  upon  the  other  bank,  in  the  environs  of  the  fortress. 
They  continued  their  march,  and  at  day  break,  entering  by  the  cov- 
ered way,  arrived  upon  the  esplanade ;  here  they  raised  the  shouts 
of  victory,  and  made  a  deafening  uproar.  The  soldiers  of  the  gar- 
rison roused  from  sleep  at  this  tumult,  and  soon  commenced  firing. 
A  hot  scuffle  ensued,  with  gun-breeches  and  bayonets.  The  com- 
mander of  the  fort  at  length  appeared ;  colonel  Eaton  having  in- 
formed him  that  he  was  prisoner  <*f  America,  he  was  much  confused, 
and  repeated,  several  times,  <  What  does  this  mean  ? '  The  English 
threw  down  arms,  and  all  was  surrendered  to  the  victors. 


QQO  THE   AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

They  found,  at  Ticonderoga,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
pieces  of  twenty-four  pound  brass  cannon,  several  howitzers  and 
mortars,  balls,  bombs,  and  ammunition  of  every  denomination. 
The  detachment  that  was  left  upon  the  other  bank,  having  rejoined 
the  first,  a  party  was  sent  against  Crown  Point,  where  the  garrison 
consisted  of  only  a  few  soldiers.  This  expedition  succeeded  with- 
out difficulty ;  more  than  a  hundred  pieces  of  artillery  were  found 
in  the  fort. 

But  the  plan  of  the  Americans  would  not  have  been  completely 
accomplished,  except  they  secured  to  themselves  the  exclusive  con- 
trol of  tii-s  Jake;  which  they  could  not  hope  to  obtain,  however 
without  seizing  a  corvette  of  war,  which  the  English  kept  at  anchor 
near  fort  St.  John.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to  arm  a  vessel  of  the 
species  they  call  schooners,  the  command  of  which  was  to  be  given 
to  Arnold ;  while  Allen  should  bring  on  his  men  upon  the  flat  boats 
employed  in  the  navigation  of  these  lakes.  The  wind  blowing  fresh 
from  the  south,  the  vessel  of  Arnold  left  the  boats  far  in  the  rear. 
He  came  unexpectedly  alongside  of  the  corvette,  the  captain  of 
which  was  far  from  suspecting  the  danger  that  menaced  him,  and 
took  possession  of  it  without  resistance ;  and,  as  if  Heaven  was 
pleased  to  distinguish  with  evident  tokens  of  its  favor  these  first 
achievements  of  the  Americans,  the  wind  suddenly  changed  from 
south  to  north,  so  that,  in  a  few  hours'  time,  colonel  Arnold  re- 
turned, sound  and  safe,  with  his  prize,  to  Ticonderoga. 

Things  passed  no  less  propitiously  for  the  Americans  at  Skeenes- 
borou^h.  The  fortress  fell  into  their  hands,  with  its  garrison ;  and 
thus  placed  at  their  disposal  a  great  quantity  of  light  artillery. 
Colonel  Allen  put  sufficient  garrisons  in  the  conquered  fortresses, 
and  deputed  Arnold  to  command  them  in  chief.  As  to  himself,  he 
returned  directly  to  Connecticut. 

Such  was  the  fortunate  issue  of  the  expedition  of  the  Americans 
upon  the  northern  frontiers.  It  was  no  doubt  of  high  importance ; 
but  it  would  have  had  a  much  greater  influence  upon  the  course  of 
the  whole  war,  if  these  fortresses,  which  are  the  shield  and  bulwark 
of  the  colonies,  had  been  defended,  in  times  following,  with  the 
same  prudence  and  valor  with  which  they  had  been  acquired 

But  about  Boston,  the  course  of  events  was  far  less  rapid.  The 
Americans  exerted  their  utmost  industry,  to  intercept  from  the  Eng- 
lish all  supplies  of  provisions ;  and  they,  all  their  endeavors  to  pro- 
cure them.  This  gave  occasion  to  frequent  skirmishes  between  the 
detachments  of  the  two  armies.  One  of  the  most  severe  took  place 
about  Noddle's  and  Hog  Island,  both  situated  in  the  harbor  of  Bos- 
ton northeast  of  the  city;  the  first  opposite  Winnesimick,  and  the 


BOOK   V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  201 

second  in  front  of  Chelsea,  and  very  near  it.  These  two  islands, 
abounding  in  forage  and  cattle,  were  a  great  resource  for  the  Eng- 
lish, who  went  there  often  in  quest  of  provisions.  This  the  provin- 
cials resolved  to  put  a  stop  to,  by  removing  the  cattle,  and  destroy- 
ing al!  the  provender  they  could  find.  They  carried  their  purpose 
into  effect ;  not,  however,  without  a  vigorous  opposition  on  the  part 
of  the  royalists.  The  provincials  landed  a  second  time  upon  Nod- 
dle's Island,  and  took  off  a  great  number  of  cattle,  of  various  de- 
nominations. They  effected  the  same  purpose,  a  few  days  after,  in 
Pettick's  and  Deer  Island.  In  all  these  actions,  they  demonstrated 
the  most  intrepid  courage,  and  acquired  greater  confidence  in  then** 
selves.  The  garrison  of  Boston,  already  suffering  greatly  from  thf 
scarcity  of  food,  experienced,  from  these  operations,  a  prejudice  dif 
ficult  to  describe. 

These  feats  were  the  prelude  to  an  action  of  far  greater  moment 
which  followed  a  few  days  after.  The  succors  expected  from 
England,  had  arrived  at  Boston  ;  which,  with  the  garrison,  formed 
an  army  of  from  ten  to  twelve  thousand  men  ;  all  excellent  troops. 
Three  distinguished  generals,  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Burgoyne,  were 
at  the  head  of  these  re-inforcements.  Great  events  were  looked 
for  on  both  sides.  The  English  were  inflamed  with  desire  to  wash 
out  the  stain  of  Lexington ;  they  could  not  endure  the  idea  that  the 
Americans  had  seen  them  fly ;  it  galled  them  to  think,  that  the  sol- 
diers of  the  British  king,  renowned  for  their  brilliant  exploits,  were 
now  closely  imprisoned  within  the  walls  of  a  city.  They  were  de- 
sirous, at  any  price,  of  proving  that  their  superiority  over  the  herds 
of  American  militia,  was  not  a  vain  chimera.  Above  all,  they  ar- 
dently aspired  to  terminate,  by  some  decisive  stroke,  this  ignominious 
war ;  and  thus  satisfy,  at  once,  their  own  glory,  the  expectations  of 
their  country,  the  orders,  the  desires,  and  the  promises  of  the 
ministers.  But  victory  was  exacted  of  them  still  more  imperiously 
by  the  scarcity  of  food,  which  every  day  became  more  alarming ; 
for,  if  they  must  sacrifice  their  lives,  they  chose  rather  to  perish 
by  the  sword  than  by  famine.  The  Americans,  on  their  part,  were 
not  less  eager  for  the  hour  of  combat  to  arrive;  their  preceding 
successes  had  stimulated  their  courage,  and  promised  them  new 
triumphs. 

In  this  state  of  things,  the  English  generals  deliberated  maturely 
upon  the  most  expedient  mode  of  extricating  themselves  from  this 
difficult  position,  and  placing  themselves  more  at  large  in  the  country. 
Two  ways  were  suggested  of  issuing  from  the  city ;  one,  to  sally  out 
from  the  Neck,  and  attack  the  American  intrenchments  at  Roxbu- 
ry ;  and.  having  forced  them,  to  sco'u  the  country  on  the  oart  of  the 


202'  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V 

county  of  Suffolk ;  the  other  was,  to  pass  the  feny  of  Charlestown, 
traverse  the  peninsula  of  this  name,  issue  by  the  isthmus,  and  dis- 
lodge the  enemy,  who  occupied  the  heights  between  Willis  creek 
and  Mystic  river ;  and  then  dilate  in  the  direction  of  Worcester. 

General  Gage  had  for  some  time  been  decided  to  attempt  the 
first  of  these  alternatives.     He  calculated,  that  in  case  of  a  repulse, 
the  fortifications  of  Boston  Neck  would  secure  his  retreat.     The 
Americans,  having  been  apprised  of  it,  on  the  very  day  appointed 
for  the  attack,  stood  much  upon  their  guard.     Whether  from  this 
motive,  or  some  other  more  probable,  the  English  general  altered 
his  resolution,  and  neither  marched  out  on  that  day  nor  the  following 
The  provincials  took'  advantage  of  the  delay,  and  strengthened  their 
intrenehments  with. parapets  and  palisades.     They  also  concentrated 
their  artillery,  and  re-inforced  this  part  of  the  army  with  all  the 
militia  of  the  adjacent  country.     All  these  dispositions  were  made 
with  so  much  intelligence,  that  the  English  could  no  longer  attempt 
an  attack  upon  this  quarter,  without  exposing  themselves  to  manifest 
peril     Accordingly,  they  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  it,  and  directed 
their  views  towards  the  peninsula  and  Neck  of  Charlestown.     The 
American  generals  had  immediate  notice  of  it ;  and  resolved  to  exert 
their  most  strenuous  endeavors  to  defeat  this  new  project  of  the 
enemy.     Nothing  was  better  suited  to  such  a  purpose,  than  to  fortify 
diligently  the  heights  of  Bunker's  Hill,  which  commanded  the  en- 
trance and  the  issue  of  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown.     Orders  were 
therefore  given  to  colonel  William  Prescott,  to  occupy  them  with  a 
detachment  of  a  thousand  men,  and  to  intrench  himself  there  by  the 
rules  of  art.     But  here  an  error  was  committed,  which  placed  the 
garrison  of  Boston  in  very  imminent  danger,  and  reduced  the  two 
parties  to  the  necessity  of  coming  to  action  immediately.     Whether 
he  was  deceived  by  the  resemblance  of  name,  or  from  some  other 
motive  unknown,  colonel  Prescott,  instead  of  repairing  to  the  heights 
of  Bunker's  Hill,  to  fortify  himself  there,  advanced  further  on  in  the 
peninsula,  and  immediately  commenced  his  intrenehments  upon  the 
heights  of  Breed's  Hill,  another  eminence,  which  overlooks  Charles- 
town, and  is  situated  towards  the  extremity  of  the  peninsula,  nearer 
to  Boston.     The  works  were  pushed  with  so  much  ardor,  that  the 
following  morning,  by  day-break,  the  Americans  had  already  con- 
structed a  square  redoubt,  capable  of  affording  them  some  shelter 
from  the  enemy's  fire.     The  labor  had  been  conducted  with  such 
silence,  that  the  English  had  no  suspicion  of  what  was  passing.     It 
was  about  four  in  the  morning,  when  the  captain  of  a  ship  of  war 
first  perceived  it,  and  began  to  play  his  artillery.     The  report  of  the 
cannon  attracted  a  multitude  of  spectators  to  the  shore. 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAIU  $03 

The  English  generals  doubted  the  testimony  of  their  senses. 
Meanwhile,  the  thing  appeared  too  important  not  to  endeavor  to 
dislodge  the  provincials,  or  at  least  to  prevent  them  from  completing 
the  fortifications  commenced ;  for,  as  the  height  of  Breed's  Hill  ab- 
solutely commands  Boston,  the  city  was  no  longer  tenable,  if  the 
Americans  erected  a  battery  upon  this  eminence.  The  English 
therefore  opened  a  general  fire  of  the  artillery  of  the  city,  of  the 
fleet,  and  of  the  floating  batteries  stationed  around  the  peninsula  of 
Boston.  It  hailed  a  tempest  of  bombs  and  balls  upon  the  works  of 
the  Americans ;  they  were  especially  incommoded  by  the  fire  of  a 
battery  planted  upon  an  eminence  named  Copp's  Hill,  which,  situ- 
ated within  the  city,  forms  a  species  of  tower,  in  front  of  Breed's 
Hill.  But  all  this  was  without  effect.  The  Americans  continued 
to  work  the  whole  day,  with  unshaken  constancy;  and,  towards 
night,  they  had  already  much  advanced  a  trench,  which  descended 
from  the  redoubt  to  the  foot  of  the  hill,  and  almost  to  the  bank  of 
Mystic  river.  The  fury  of  the  enemy's  artillery,  it  is  true,  had  pre- 
vented them  from  carrying  it  to  perfection. 

In  this  conjuncture,  there  remained  no  other  hope  for  the  English 
generals,  but  in  attempting  an  assault,  to  drive  the  Americans,  by 
dint  of  force,  from  this  formidable  position.  This  resolution  was 
taken  without  hesitation ;  and  it  was  followed,  the  17th  of  June,  by 
the  action  of  Breed's  Hill,  known  also  by  the  name  of  Bunker's  Hill ; 
much  renowned  for  the  intrepidity,  not  to  say  the  temerity,  of  the 
two  parties ;  for  fche  number  of  the  dead  and  wounded ;  and  for  the 
effect  it  produced  upon  the  opinions  of  men,  in  regard  to  the  valor 
of  the  Americans,  and  the  probable  issue  of  the  whole  war. 

The  right  wing  of  the  Americans  was  flanked  by  the  houses  of 
Charlestown,  which  they  occupied  ;  and  the  part  of  this  wing  which 
connected  with  the  main  body,  was  defended  by  the  redoubt  erected 
upon  the  heights  of  Breed's  Hill.  The  center,  and  the  left  wing, 
formed  themselves  behind  the  trench,  which,  following  the  declivity 
of  the  hill,  extended  towards,  but  without  reaching,  Mystic  river. 
The  American  officers  having  reflected  that  the  most  feeble  part  of 
their  defensive  was  precisely  this  extremity  of  the  left  wing,  for  the 
trench  not  extending  to  the  river,  and  the  land  in  this  place  being 
smooth  and  easy,  there  was  danger  of  being  turned,  and  attacked  in 
the  rear,  they  determined,  therefore,  to  obstruct  this  passage  by  two 
parallel  palisades,  and  to  fill  up  with  herbage  the  interval  between 
the  one  and  the  other.  The  troops  of  Massachusetts  occupied 
Charlestown,  the  redoubt,  and  a  part  of  the  trench  ;  those  of  Con- 
necticut, commanded  by  captain  Nolten,  and  those  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, under  colonel  Stark,  the  rest  of  the  trench.     A  few  moment! 


$04  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  fiOOK   V 

before  the  action  commenced,  doctor  Warrin,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed general,  a  personage  of  great  authority,  and  a  zealous  patriot 
fcrrived  with  sOrne  re-inforcements.  General  Pomeroy  made  his 
appearance  at  the  same  time.  The  first  joined  the  troops  of  his 
own  province,  of  Massachusetts  ;  the  second  took  command  of  those 
from  Connecticut.  General  Putnam  directed  in  chief;  and  held 
himself  ready  to  repair  to  any  point,  where  his  presence  should  be 
most  wanted.  The  Americans  had  no  cavalry;  that  which  was 
expected  from  the  southern  provinces  was  not  yet  arrived.  The 
artillery,  without  being  very  numerous,  was  nevertheless  competent. 
They  wanted  not  for  muskets ;  but  the  greater  part  were  without 
bayonets.  Their  sharp  shooters,  for  want  of  t ■(Ics,  were  obliged  to 
use  common  firelocks  ;  but  as  marksmen  they  had  no  equals.  Such 
were  the  means  of  the  Americans ;  but  their  hope  was  great ;  and 
they  were  all  impatient  for  the  signal  of  combat. 

Between  mid-day  and  oue  o'clock,  the  heat  being  intense,  all  was 
in  motion  in  the  British  camp.  A  multitude  of  sloops  and  boats, 
filled  with  soldiers,  left  the  shore  of  Boston,  and  stood  for  Charles- 
town  ;  they  landed  at  Moreton's  Point,  without  meeting  resistance ; 
as  the  ships  of  war  and  armed  vessels  effectually  protected  the 
debarkation  with  the  fire  of  their  artillery,  which  forced  the  enemy 
to  keep  within  his  intrenchments.  This  corps  consisted  of  ten  com- 
panies of  grenadiers,  as  many  of  light  infantry,  and  a  proportionate 
artillery ;  the  whole  under  the  command  of  major-general  Howe, 
and  brigadier-general  Pigot.  The  troops,  on  landing,  began  to 
display,  the  light  infantry  upon  the  right,  the  grenadiers  upon  the 
left ;  but,  having  observed  the  strength  of  the  position,  and  the  good 
countenance  of  the  Americans,  general  Howe  made  a  halt,  and  sent 
to  call  a  re-inforcement. 

The  English  formed  themselves  in  two  columns.  Their  plan  was, 
that  the  left  wing,  under  general  Pigot,  should  attack  the  rebels  in 
Charlestown ;  while  the  center  assaulted  the  redoubt ;  and  the  right 
wing,  consisting  of  light  infantry,  should  force  the  passage  near  the 
river  Mystic,  and  thus  assail  the  Americans  in  flank  and  rear ;  which 
would  have  given  the  English  a  complete  victory.  It  appears,  also, 
that  general  Gage  had  formed  the  design  of  setting  fire  to  Charles- 
town,  when  evacuated  by  the  enemy,  in  order  that  the  corps  destined 
to  assail  the  redoubt,  thus  protected  by  the  flame  and  smoke,  might 
be  less  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  provincials. 

The  dispositions  having  all  been  completed,  the  English  put  them- 
selves in  motion.  The  provincials  that  were  stationed  to  defend 
Charlestown,  fearing  lest  the  assailants  should  penetrate  between 
this  town  and  the  redoubt ;  and  thus  to  find  themselves  cut  off  from 


BOOK    V  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  205 

the  rest  of  the  army,  retreated.  The  English  immediately  entered 
the  town,  and  fired  the  buildings ;  as  they  were  Of  wood  in  a  mo- 
ment the  combustion  became  general. 

They  continued  a  slow  march  against  the  redoubt  and  trench  ; 
halting,  from  time  to  time,  for  the  artillery  to  come  up,  and  act  with 
some  effect,  previous  to  the  assault.  The  flames  and  smoke  of 
Charlestown  were  of  no  use  to  them,  as  the  wind  turned  them  in  a 
contrary  direction.  Their  gradual  advance,  and  the  extreme  clear- 
ness of  the  air,  permitted  the  Americans  to  level  their  muskets. 
They,  however,  suffered  the  enemy  to  approach,  before  they  com- 
menced their  fire ;  and  waited  for  tiie  assault,  in  profound  tranquil- 
lity. It  would  be  difficult  to  paint  the  scene  of  terror  presented  by 
these  circumstances.  A  large  town,  all  enveloped  in  flames,  which, 
excited  by  a  violent  wind,  rose  to  an  immense  height,  and  spread 
every  moment  more  and  more ;  an  innumerable  multitude,  rushing 
from  all  parts,  to  witness  so  unusual  a  spectacle,  and  see  the  issue  of 
the  sanguinary  conflict  that  was  about  to  commence.  The  Bosto- 
nians,  and  soldiers  of  the  garrison  not  in  actual  service,  were  mounted 
upon  the  spires,  upon  the  roofs,  and  upon  the  heights.  The  hills, 
and  circumjacent  fields,  from  which  the  dread  arena  could  be  viewed 
in  safety,  were  covered  with  swarms  of  spectators,  of  every  rank,  and 
age,  and  sex ;  each  agitated  by  fear  or  hope,  according  to  the  party 
he  espoused. 

The  English  having  advanced  within  reach  of  musketry,  the 
Americans  showered  upon  them  a  volley  of  bullets.  This  terrible 
fire  was  so  well  supported,  and  so  well  directed,  that  the  ranks  of 
the  assailants  were  soon  thinned  and  broken ;  they  retired  in  disor- 
der to  the  place  of  their  landing ;  some  threw  themselves  precipi- 
tately into  the  boats.  The  field  of  battle  was  covered  with  the  slain. 
The  officers  were  seen  running  hither  and  thither,  with  promises, 
with  exhortations,  and  with  menaces,  attempting  to  rally  the  soldiers, 
and  inspirit  them  for  a  second  attack.  Finally,  after  the  most  pain- 
ful efforts,  they  resumed  their  ranks,  and  marched  up  to  the  enemy. 
The  Americans  reserved  their  fire,  as  before,  until  their  approach, 
and  received  them  with  the  same  deluge  of  balls.  The  English, 
overwhelmed  and  routed,  again  fled  to  the  shore.  In  this  perilous 
moment,  general  Howe  remained  for  some  time  alone  upon  the 
field  of  battle ;  all  the  officers  who  surrounded  him  were  killed  or 
wounded.  It  is  related,  that  at  this  critical  conjuncture,  upon  which 
depended  the  issue  of  the  day,  general  Clinton,  who,  from  Copp's 
Hill,  examined  all  the  movements,  on  seeing  the  destruction  of  his 
troops,  immediately  resolved  to  fly  to  their  succor. 

This  experiencrd  commander,  by  an  able  movement,  re-established 

18 


206  THE    AMERICA*     Waa.  BOOK    V. 

order ;  and  seconded  by  the  officers,  who  felt  all  the  importance  of 
success,  to  English  honor  and  the  course  of  events,  he  led  the  troops 
to  a  third  attack.  It  was  directed  against  the  redoubt,  at  three 
several  points.  The  artillery  of  the  ships  not  only  prevented  all 
re-inforcements  from  coming  to  the  Americans,  by  the  isthmus  of 
Charlestown,  but  even  uncovered,  and  swept  the  interior  of  the 
trench,  which  was  battered  in  front  at  the  same  time.  The  ammu- 
nition of  the  Americans  was  nearly  exhausted,  and  they  could  have 
no  hopes  of  a  recruit.  Their  fire  must,  of  necessity,  languish. 
Meanwhile,  the  English  had  advanced  to  the  foot  of  the  redoubt- 
The  provincials,  destitute  of  bayonets,  defended  themselves  valiantly 
with  the  but-end  of  their  muskets.  But  the  redoubt  being  already 
full  of  enemies,  the  American  general  gave  the  signal  of  retreat,  and 
drew  off  his  men. 

While  the  left  wing  and  center  of  the  English  army  were  thus 
engaged,  the  light  infantry  had  impetuously  attacked  the  palisades, 
which  the  provincials  had  erected  in  haste  upon  the  bank  of  the 
river  Mystic.  On  the  one  side,  and  on  the  other,  the  combat  was 
obstinate ;  and  if  the  assault  was  furious,  the  resistance  was  not 
feeble.  In  spite ^of  all  the  efforts  of  the  royal  troops,  the  provincials 
still  maintained  the  battle  in  this  part ;  and  had  no  thoughts  of  retir- 
ing, until  they  saw  the  redoubt  and  upper  part  of  the  trench  were 
in  the  power  of  the  enemy.  Their  retreat  was  executed  with  an  or- 
der not  to  have  been  expected  from  new  levied  soldiers.  This  strenu 
ous  resistance  of  the  left  wing  of  the  American  army,  was,  in  effect, 
the  salvation  of  the  rest ;  for  if  it  had  given  ground  but  a  few  in- 
stants sooner,  the  enemy's  light  infantry  would  have  taken  the  main 
body  and  right  wing  in  the  rear,  and  their  situation  would  have  been 
hopeless.  But  the  Americans  had  not  yet  reached  the  term  of  their 
toils  and  dangers.  The  only  way  that  remained  of  retreat,  was  by 
the  isthmus  of  Charlestown,  and  the  English  had  placed  there  a  ship 
of  war  and  two  floating  batteries,  the  balls  of  which  raked  every 
part  of  it.  The  Americans,  however,  issued  from  the  peninsula, 
without  any  considerable  loss.  It  was  during  the  retreat,  that  doc- 
tor Warren  received  his  death.  Finding  the  corps  he  commanded 
hotly  pursued  by  the  enemy,  despising  all  danger,  he  stood  alone  be- 
fore the  ranks,  endeavoring  to  rally  his  troops,  and  to  encourage  them 
by  his  own  example.  He  reminded  them  of  the  mottos  inscribed  on 
their  ensigns ;  on  one  side  of  which  were  these  words,  '  An  appeal 
to  Heaven ;'  and  on  the  other,  '  Q«i  transtulit,  sustinet ;'  meaning, 
that  the  same  Providence  which  brought  their  ancestors  through  so 
many  perils,  to  a  place  of  refuge,  would  also  deign  to  support  their 
descendants. 


BOOK    V  THE    AMERICAN    WAK  207 

An  English  officer  perceived  doctor  Warren,  and  knew  him ;  he 
borrowed  the  musket  of  one  of  his  soldiers,  and  hit  him  with  a  ball, 
either  in  the  head  or  in  the  breast.  He  fell  dead  upon  the  spot. 
The  Americans  were  apprehensive  lest  the  English,  availing  them- 
selves of  victory,  should  sally  out  of  the  peninsula,  and  attack  their 
head-quarters  at  Cambridge.  But  they  contented  themselves  with 
taking  possession  of  Bunker's  Hill,  where  they  intrenched  them- 
selves, in  order  to  guard  the  entrance  of  the  Neck  against  any  new 
enterprise  on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  The  provincials,  having  the 
same  suspicion,  fortified  Prospect  Hill,  which  is  situated  at  the  mouth 
of  the  isthmus,  on  the  side  of  the  main  land.  But  neither  the  one 
nor  the  other  were  disposed  to  hazard  any  new  movement ;  the  first, 
discouraged  by  the  loss  of  so  many  men,  and  the  second,  by  that  of 
the  field  of  battle  and  the  peninsula.  The  provincials  had  to  regret 
five  pieces  of  cannon,  with  a  great  number  of  utensils  employed  in 
fortifications,  and  no  little  camp  equipage. 

General  Howe  was  greatly  blamed  by  some,  for  having  chosen  to 
attack  the  Americans,  by  directing  his  battery  in  front  against  the 
fortifications  upon  Breed's  Hill,  and  the  trench  that  descended 
towards  the  sea,  on  the  part  of  Mystic  river.  It  was  thought,  that  if 
he  had  landed  a  respectable  detachment  upon  the  isthmus  of  Charles- 
town,  an  operation  which  the  assistance  of  the  ships  of  war  and  float- 
ing batteries  would  have  rendered  perfectly  easy  to  him,  it  would 
have  compelled  the  America  ns  to  evacuate  the  peninsula,  without 
the  necessity  of  coming  to  a  sanguinary  engagement.  They  would 
thus,  in  effect,  have  been  deprived  of  all  communication  with  their 
camp  situated  without  the  peninsula;  and,  on  the  part  of  the  sea, 
they  could  have  noped  for  no  retreat,  as  it  was  commanded  by  the 
English.  In  this  mode,  the  desired  object  would,  therefore,  have 
been  obtained  without  the  sacrifice  of  men.  Such,  it  is  said,  was 
the  plan  of  general  Clinton ;  but  it  was  rejected,  so  great  was  the 
confidence  reposed  in  the  bravery  and  discipline  of  the  English 
soldiers,  and  in  the  cowardice  of  the  Americans.  The  first  of  these 
opinions  was  not,  in  truth,  without  foundation ;  but  the  second  was 
absolutely  chimerical,  and  evinced  more  of  intellectual  darkness  in 
the  English,  than  of  prudence,  and  just  notions  upon  the  state  of 
things.  By  this  fatal  error,  the  bravery  of  the  Americans  was  con- 
firmed, the  English  army  debilitated,  the  spirit  of  the  soldiers  abated, 
and,  perhaps,  the  final  event  of  the  whole  contest  decided. 

The  possession  of  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown  was  much  less 
useful  than  prejudicial  to  the  royalists.  Their  army  was  not  suffi- 
ciently numerous  to  guard,  conveniently,  all  the  posts  of  the  city  and 
of  the  peninsula.     The  fatigues  of  the  soldiers  multiplied  in  an  ex 


208  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V 

cessive  manner ;  added  to  the  heat  of  the  season,  which  was  extreme, 
they  generated  numerous  and  severe  maladies,  which  paralysed  the 
movements  of  the  army,  and  enfeebled  it  from  day  to  day.  The 
greater  part  of  the  wounds  became  mortal,  from  the  influence  ot  the 
climate,  and  defect  of  proper  food.  Thus,  besidf-*  the  honor  of 
having  conquered  the  field  of  battle,  the  victors  gathered  no  real 
fruit  from  this  action  ;  and,  if  its  effects  be  considered,  upon  the 
opinion  of  other  nations,  and  even  of  their  own,  as  also  upon  the 
force  of  the  army,  it  was  even  of  serious  detriment.  In  the  Ameri- 
can camp,  on  the  contrary,  provisions  of  every  sort  were  in  abun- 
dance, and  the  troops  being  accustomed  to  the  climate,  the  greater 
part  of  the  wounded  were  eventually  cured ;  their  minds  were 
animated  with  the  new  ardor  of  vengeance,  and  the  blood  they  had 
lost  exacted  a  plenary  expiation.  These  dispositions  were  fortified, 
not  a  little,  by  the  firing  of  Charlestown,  which,  from  a  flourishing 
town,  of  signal  commercial  importance,  was  thus  reduced  to  a  heap 
of  ashes  and  of  ruins.  The  Americans  could  never  turn  their  eyes 
in  this  direction,  without  a  thrill  of  indignation,  and  without  exe- 
crating the  European  soldiers.  But  the  loss  they  felt  the  most 
sensibly,  was  that  of  general  Warren.  He  was  one  of  those  men 
who  are  more  attached  to  liberty  than  to  existence,  but  not  more 
ardently  the  friend  of  freedom,  t\  n  foe  to  avarice  and  ambition. 
He  was  endowed  with  a  solid  judgment,  a  happy  genius,  and  a  bril- 
liant eloquence.  In  all  private  affairs,  his  opinion  was  reputed 
authority,  and  in  all  public  councils,  a  decision.  Friends  and  ene- 
mies, equally  knowing  his  fidelity  and  rectitude  in  all  things,  reposed 
in  him  a  confidence  without  limits.  Opposed  to  the  wicked,  without 
hatred,  propitious  to  the  good,  without  adulation,  affable,  courteous 
and  humane  towards  each,  he  was  beloved,  with  reverence,  by  all, 
and  respected  by  envy  itself.  Though  in  his  person  somewhat  spare, 
his  figure  was  peculiarly  agreeable.  He  mourned,  at  this  epoch,  the 
recent  loss  of  a  wife,  by  whom  he  was  tenderly  beloved,  and  whom 
he  cherished  with  reciprocal  affection.  In  dying  so  gloriously  for 
his  country,  on  this  memorable  day,  he  left  several  orphans,  still  in 
childhood ;  but  a  grateful  country  assumed  the  care  of  their  educa- 
tion. Thus  was  lost  to  the  state,  and  to  his  family,  in  so  important 
a  crisis,  and  in  the  vigor  of  his  days,  a  man  equally  qualified  to  ex- 
cel in  council  or  in  the  field.  As  for  ourselves,  faithful  to  the  pur- 
pose of  history,  which  dispenses  praise  to  the  good  and  blame  to  the 
perverse,  we  have  not  been  willing  that  this  virtuous  and  valiant 
American  should  be  deprived,  among  posterity,  of  that  honorable 
remembrance  so  rightfully  due  to  his  eminent  qualities. 

The  expedition  of  the  English  against  the  peninsula  of  Charles- 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  209 

town,  inspired  the  Americans  with  a  suspicion  that  they  might  per- 
haps also  attack  Roxbury,  in  order  to  open  a  communication  with 
the  country.  In  consequence  of  this  apprehension,  they  strength- 
ened their  fortifications  with  incessant  application,  adding  new  bas- 
tions to  their  lines,  and  furnishing  them  copiously  with  artillery,  of 
which  they  had  obtained  a  fresh  supply.  The  garrison  of  Boston, 
which  abounded  in  munitions  of  war,  kept  up  a  continual  fire  of  its 
artillery,  and  particularly  of  its  mortars,  to  impede  the  works  of  the 
Americans.  The  latter  had  a  certain  number  of  dead  and  wound- 
ed, and  several  houses  were  burnt  in  Roxbury.  The  works  were 
nevertheless  continued  with  incredible  constancy,  and  the  fortifi- 
cations were  carried  to  the  degree  of  perfection  desired,  and  ad- 
equate to  serve  for  a  sufficient  defense  against  the  assaults  of  the 
enemy. 

The  Bostonians  having  seen  their  countrymen  driven  not  only  from 
Breed's  Hill,  but  also  from  the  entire  peninsula,  and  dreading  the 
horrors  of  a  siege,  which  every  thing  presaged  must  be  long  and 
rigorous,  experienced  anew  a  strong  desire  to  abandon  the  city  and 
seek  refuge  in  the  interior  of  the  province.  Accordingly,  the  se- 
lectmen of  the  city  waited  on  general  Gage,  entreating  him  to  de- 
liver the  requisite  passports;  and  protesting  that,  according  to 
the  accord  previously  made.,  all  the  citizens  had  deposited  their  armft 
in  the  Town  Hall.  But  the  general,  desirous  of  a  pretext  for  his 
refusal,  issued  a  proclamation,  two  days  subsequent  to  the  affair  t>f 
Breed's  Hill,  declaring,  that,  by  various  certain  ways,  it  had  come  to 
his  knowledge,  that  great  quantities  of  arms  were  concealed  in  the 
interior  of  houses,  and  that  the  inhabitants  meditated  hostile  designs. 
This,  at  least,  was  what  the  loyalists  reported,  who,  terrified  at  the. 
valor  and  animosity  the  patriots  had  manifested  in  this  battle,  were 
apprehensive  of  some  fatal  accident,  and  were  unwilling  to  release 
their  hostages.  But  the  truth  is,  that  the  greater  part  had  delivered 
up  their  arms,  though  some  had  concealed  the  best  and  the  most  pre- 
cious. However,  the  English  general,  who  kept  his  word  with  no- 
body, would  have  others  to  observe  the  most  scrupulous  faith.  He 
refused,  therefore,  for  a  long  time,  all  permission  to  depart.  But, 
finally,  the  scarcity  increasing  more  and  more,  and  all  hope  of  be- 
ing able  to  raise  the  siege  becoming  illusory,  he  found  himself  con- 
strained to  grant  passes,  in  order  to  disburthen  himself  of  useless 
mouths.  He  strenuously  still  persisted  in  refusing  to  permit  the  in- 
habitants who  retired,  to  remove  their  furniture  and  effects.  Thus, 
when  compelled  by  necessity  to  consent  to  that  which  he  had  no 
power  to  prevent,  he  annexed  to  it  a  rigorous  condition,  the  more 
nexcusable,  as  it  was  altogether  without  utility,  and  even  could 
vol.  i.  18* 


5210  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK    V. 

have  none  but  prejudicial  results.  In  this  manner,  men  who  re- 
nounce all  moderation  of  mind,  and  abandon  themselves  to  the  vio- 
lence of  their  irritated  passions,  often  take  resolutions,  which,  far 
from  approaching  them  to  the  end  proposed,  powerfully  tend  to  ren- 
der its  attainment  hopeless. 

The  dearth  of  provisions  to  which  the  garrison  of  Boston  found 
themselves  reduced,  caused  them  to  endeavor  to  procure  supplies, 
by  falling  suddenly  upon  the  different  islands  of  the  environs.  Hence 
frequent  encounters  ensued  between  the  English  and  the  Americans, 
in  which  the  latter  acquired  greater  courage,  and  greater  experience; 
while  the  former  became  but  the  more  surprised,  and  the  more  irri- 
tated, at  these  demonstrations  of  prowess.  The  provincials,  per- 
fectly conversant  with  the  places,  and  knowing  how  to  avail  them- 
selves of  occasions,  generally  had  all  the  advantage,  in  these  collis- 
ions. Sometimes  they  bore  off  the  stock  which  remained  ;  some- 
times they  burnt  the  forage,  or  the  houses  which  might  serve  as  a 
covert  for  the  enemy.  In  vain  did  the  English  appear  every  where 
with  their  numerous  marine ;  the  provincials  slid  themselves  sometimes 
into  one  island,  and  sometimes  into  another,  and  cut  off  the  royal- 
ists, thus  taken  by  surprise.  In  like  manner  upon  the  coast  fre- 
quent skirmishes  took  place  ;  the  one  party  coming  for  booty,  and 
the  other  flying  to  repulse  them.  This  predatory  warfare  could 
kave  no  effect  to  incline  the  balance  more  to  one  side  than  to  the 
other ;  it  served  only  to  envenom  the  minds  of  men,  and  convert 
them  from  partisans,  as  they  were,  into  viperous  and  irreconcilable 
enemies. 

While  these  events  were  passing  within  Boston  and  its  environs, 
the  new  congress  had  convened  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  month  of  May. 
If  the  first  had  commenced  a  difficult  work,  this  had  it  to  continue ; 
and  the  difficulties  were  even  increased.  At  the  epoch  of  the  for- 
mer, war  was  apprehended  ;  now  it  had  commenced  ;  and  it  was 
requisite  to  push  it  with  vigor.  Then,  as  it  usually  happens  in  all 
new  enterprises,  minds  were  full  of  ardor,  and  tended,  by  a  certain 
natural  proclivity,  towards  the  object ;  at  present,  though  greatly 
inflamed  by  the  same  sentiments,  it  was  to  be  feared  they  might  cool, 
in  consequence  of  those  vicissitudes  so  common  in  popular  move- 
ments, always  more  easy  to  excite  than  to  maintain.  A  great  number 
of  loyalists,  believing  that  things  would  not  come  to  the  last  extremi- 
ties, and  that  either  the  petitions  sent  to  England  would  dispose  the 
government  to  condescend  to  the  desires  of  the  Americans,  or  that, 
in  time,  the  latter  would  become  tranquil,  had  hitherto  kept  them- 
selves quiet ;  but  it  was  to  be  feared,  that  at  present,  seeing  all  hope 
of  reconciliation  vanished,  and  war,  no  longer  probable,  but  alreadv 


BOOK   T.  *BE    AFRICAN    WAR.  9H 

waged  against  that  king  towards  whom  they  wished  to  remain  faith- 
ful, they  would  break  out,  and  join  themselves  to  the  royal  forces, 
against  the  authors  of  the  revolution.  It  was  even  to  be  doubted, 
lest  many  of  the  partisans  of  liberty,  who  had  placed  great  hope  in 
the  petitions,  should  faJter  at  the  aspect  of  impending  losses  and 
inevitable  dangers.  All  announced  that  the  contest  would  prove 
long  and  sanguinary.  It  was  little  to  be  expected,  that  a  popula- 
tion, until  then  pacific,  and  engaged  in  the  arts  of  agriculture^  and 
of  commerce,  could  all  at  once  learn  that  of  warvand  devote  them- 
selves to  it  with  constancy,  and  without  reserve.  It  was  much  more 
natural  to  imagine,  that,  upon  the  abating  of  this  first  fervor,  the 
softer  image  of  their  former  life  recurring  to  their  minds,  they  would 
abandon  their  colors,  to  go  and  implore  the  clemency  of  the  conquer- 
or. It  was,  therefore,  an  enterprise  of  no  little  difficulty  for  die 
congress  to  form  regulations  and  take  measures,  capable  of  main- 
taining the  zeal  of  the  people,  and  to  impart  to  its  laws  the  influence 
which  at  first  had  been  exercised  by  public  opinion.  What  obsta- 
cles had  they  not  to  surmount,  in  order  to  reduce  a  multitude,  col- 
lected in  haste  and  in  tumult,  to  that  state  of  rigorous  discipline, 
without  which  it  was  not  permitted  to  hope  for  success  !  Nor  was 
it  an  easy  task  to  prevent,  in  the  conduct  of  the  war,  the  revival  of 
those  jealousies  which  had  heretofore  existed  between  the  different 
colonies ;  and  which  might  serve  as  a  motive,  or  a  pretext,  for  some 
of  them  to  consent  to  an  accommodation,  and  thus  desert  the  com- 
mon cause.  The  money  requisite  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
war,  was  almost  totally  wanting;  and  there  was  no  prospect  of 
being  able  to  remedy,  for  the  future,  the  defect  of  this  principal 
sinew.  It  was,  on  the  contrary,  more  rationally  to  be  expected,  that 
the  penury  of  the  finances  would  progressively  increase,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  interruption,  or  rather  total  cessation,  of  commerce, 
produced  by  the  acts  of  the  British  parliament.  The  want  of  arms 
and  munitions  of  war,  was  no  less  afflicting ;  not  that  there  was  ab- 
solutely no  provision  of  military  stores,  but  it  was  very  far  from  be- 
ing adequate  to  the  exigency.  And  further,  it  may  be  considered 
as  a  thing  very  doubtful,  whether  even  the  American  chiefs  sincerely 
expected  to  be  able,  of  themselves,  to  resist  the  forces  of  England, 
and  to  attain  the  object  of  so  arduous  an  enterprise.  Nay,  it  is  al- 
lowable to  believe  they  placed  great  dependence  upon  foreign  suc- 
cors ;  and  these  were  only  to  be  looked  for  on  the  part  of  the  princes 
of  Europe ;  who,  if  they  beheld  with  satisfaction  the  effects  of  the 
American  disturbances,  must  at  least  have  detested  their  causes,  and 
the  principles  for  which  the  colonies  combated.  It  was  no  less  evi- 
dent, tnat  these  sovereigns  would  not  declare  themselves  in  favor  of 


31'2  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

the  Americans,  and  would  not  lend  them  assistance,  until  the  latter 
should  have  signalized  their  arms  by  some  brilliant  achievement,  of 
decisive  importance  for  the  eventual  success  of  the  war.  The  Amer- 
icans themselves  were  perfectly  aware,  that  it  would  be  vain  to  at- 
tempt, at  first,  to  draw  the  European  states  into  their  quarrel ;  that 
the  first  brunt  of  the  war  must  be  borne  by  themselves  alone  ;  and 
that,  if  they  proved  unfortunate,  all  hope  of  foreign  aid  must  be  aban- 
doned. The  prosperity  of  the  enterprise  was  therefore  precisely  so 
much  the  less  probable,  as  it  was  the  more  necessary ;  since  the  means 
did  not  exist  for  providing,  in  so  short  a  time,  the  necessary  prep- 
arations of  war.  So  many  obstacles  demonstrated  the  little  foun- 
dation there  was  for  expecting  the  support  of  foreign  nations.  This 
consideration  was  calculated  to  damp  the  ardor  of  the  American 
chiefs,  and  to  introduce  a  certain  vacillation  into  all  their  measures. 
Finally,  there  was  an  object  of  primary  interest,  which  demanded 
the  attention  of  congress ;  that  of  ascertaining  what  line  of  conduct 
the  Indian  nations  were  likely  to  observe  in  the  present  contest. 
Their  neutrality,  or  their  adhesion  to  this  party  or  to  that,  was  of 
essential  importance  to  the  issue  of  the  whole  enterprise.  The 
Americans  had  reason  to  fear  the  influence  of  the  English  over  these 
nations ;  as  they  are  only  to  be  swayed  by  gifts,  and  the  hope  of 
plunder ;  and  the  English,  in  the  control  of  these  means,  had  greatly 
the  advantage  of  their  adversaries.  The  Indians,  with  much  greatei 
assurance,  could  promise  themselves  pillage  in  combating  for  Eng- 
land ;  since  her  arms,  at  this  epoch,  appeared  secure  of  victory,  and 
since  the  American  territory  was  to  be  the  theatre  of  the  war.  Can- 
ada, also,  presented  to  the  English  a  way  of  communication  with  the 
Indian  tribes,  who  mostly  inhabit  the  banks  of  the  lakes  situated 
behind  the  colonies,  and  in  front  of  this  English  province.  It  was, 
besides,  of  the  last  importance  to  those  who  conducted  the  affairs  of 
America,  to  avoid  exposing  themselves  to  the  least  reproach  on  the 
part  of  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  even  of  such  of  their  fel- 
low-citizens as,  being  either  adverse,  wavering,  or  torpid,  could  not 
have  witnessed  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  without  a  severe 
shock.  Now,  though  it  was  little  difficult  to  undertake  the  justifica- 
tion of  the  affairs  of  Lexington  and  of  Breed's  Hill,  in  which  the 
colonists  had  combated  in  their  own  defense  against  an  enemy  who 
assailed  them,  could  the  same  motives  have  been  alledged  in  favor  of 
the  expeditions  upon  the  frontiers  of  Canada,  directed  against  the 
fortresses  of  Ticonderoga,  and  of  Crown  Point,  in  which  the  Amer- 
icans had  been  the  aggressors  ?  Not  that  these  hostilities  would 
stand  in  need  of  excuse,  with  men  conversant  in  affairs  of  state ; 
for,  the  war  once  kindled^  it  was  natural  that  the  Americans  should 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  213 

endeavor  to  do  the  enemy  all  the  harm  in  their  power,  and  to  pre- 
serve himself  from  his  assaults.  But  the  mass  of  people  could  not 
see  things  in  the  same  light ;  and  still  it  was  essentially  the  interest 
of  the  patriot  leaders,  to  demonstrate,  even  to  evidence,  the  justice 
of  the  cause  they  defended.  All  their  force  consisted  in  opinion ; 
and  arms  themselves  depended  on  this;  so  dissimilar  was  their 
situation  to  that  of  governments  confirmed  by  the  lapse  of  ages,  in 
which,  by  virtue  of  established  laws,  whether  the  war  be  just  or  not, 
the  regular  troops  hurry  to  battle,  the  people  pay  the  cost ;  arms, 
ammunition,  provisions,  all,  in  a  word,  are  forthcoming,  at  the  first 
signal !  But  the  greatest  obstacle  which  the  congress  had  to  sur- 
mount, was  the  jealousy  of  the  provincial  assemblies.  As  all  th6 
provinces  had  joined  the  league,  and  taken  part  in  the  war,  it  was 
requisite  that  each  should  concur  in  the  general  counsels,  which  di- 
rected the  administration ;  and  that  all  the  movements  of  the  body 
politic  should  tend  towards  the  same  object.  Such  had  been  the 
origin  of  the  American  congress.  But  this  body  could  not  take  the 
government  of  all  parts  of  the  confederacy,  without  assuming  a  por- 
tion of  the  authority  which  belonged  to  the  provincial  assemblies; 
as,  for  example,  that  of  levying  troops,  of  disciplining  the  army,  of 
appointing  the  generals  who  were  to  command  it  in  the  name  of 
America,  and  finally,  that  of  imposing  taxes,  and  of  creating  a  pa- 
per currency.  It  was  to  be  feared,  if  too  much  authority  was  pre- 
served to  the  provincial  assemblies,  they  might  administer  the  affairs 
of  the  Union  with  private  views,  whicli  would  have  become  a  source 
of  the  most  serious  inconveniences.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  sus- 
pected that  these  assemblies  were  extremely  unwilling  to  invest  the 
congress  with  the  necessary  authority,  by  divesting  themselves  of 
a  part  of  their  own  ;  and,  therefore,  that  either  they  would  oppose 
its  deliberations,  or  not  exercise  in  their  execution  that  exactness 
and  promptitude  so  desirable  to  secure  the  success  of  military  op- 
erations. 

From  this  outline  of  the  circumstances  under  which  the  congress 
assembled,  it  is  seen  how  difficult  was  their  situation.  Others,  per- 
1  aps,  endowed  with  less  force  of  character,  though  with  equal  pru- 
dence, would  have  been  daunted  by  its  aspect.  But  these  minds,  in- 
spired by  the  novelty  and  ardor  of  their  opinions,  either  did  not  per- 
ceive, or  despised,  their  own  dangers  and  the  chances  of  the  public 
fortune.  It  is  certain,  that  few  enterprises  were  ever  commenced 
with  greater  intrepidity  ;  for  few  have  presented  greater  uncertainty 
and  peril.  But  the  die  was  cast ;  and  the  necessity  itself  in  which 
they  were,  or  believed  themselves  placed,  did  not  permit  them  to 
recede.     To  prevent  accidents,  not  willing  to  wait  for  the  times  to 


214  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V 

become  their  law,  they  resolved  to  have  recourse,  the  first  moment, 
to  the  most  prompt  and  the  most  efficacious  means. 

The  first  thoughts  of  congress  were  necessarily  turned  towards 
the  army  that  blockaded  Boston,  to  see  that  there  should  be  want- 
ing neither  arms,  nor  ammunition,  nor  re-inforcements.  nor  able  and 
valiant  generals.  As  for  those  who  were  then  employed,  it  was  to 
be  remarked,  that  having  received  their  authority  from  the  colonial 
assemblies,  they  could  not  pretend  to  command  the  army  in  the 
name  of  the  whole  Union.  If  they  had  all  consented  to  serve  un- 
der general  Putnam,  it  was  on  account  of  his  seniority ;  and  the 
power  he  enjoyed  was  rather  a  sort  of  temporary  dictature,  confer- 
red by  the  free  will  of  the  army,  than  an  office  delegated  by  the  gen- 
eral government.  The  new  state  of  things  required  a  new  military 
system,  and  the  confederate  troops  ought,  necessarily,  to  have  a 
chief  appointed  by  the  government,  which  represented  the  entire 
confederation.  The  election  of  a  generalissimo  was  an  act  of  su- 
preme importance  •  on  this  alone  might  depend  the  good  or  ill  suc- 
cess of  the  whole  series  :f  operations.  Among  the  military  men 
that  were  then  found  in  America,  and  had  shown  themselves  not 
only  well  disposed,,  but  even  ardent  for  the  cause  of  liberty,  those 
who  enjoyed  the  greatest  esteem  were  Gates  and  Lee ;  the  first  for 
his  experience ;  the  second,  because,  to  much  experience,  he  joined 
a  very  active  genius.  But  the  one,  and  the  other,  were  born  in 
England ;  and  whatever  were  their  opinions,  and  the  warmth  with 
which  they  had  espoused  the  cause  of  America ;  whatever  even  was 
the  confidence  the  congress  had  placed  in  them,  they  would  have 
deemed  it  a  temerity  to  commit  themselves  to  the  good  faith  of  two 
Englishmen,  in  a  circumstance  upon  which  depended  the  safety  of 
all.  In  case  of  misfortune,  it  would  have  been  impossible  to  per- 
suade the  multitude  they  had  not  been  guilty  of  treason,  or,  at  least, 
of  negligence,  in  the  accomplishment  of  their  duties ;  suspicions 
which  would  have  acted  in  the  most  fatal  manner  upon  an  army 
whose  entire  basis  reposed  on  opinion.  Besides,  Lee  was  a  man  of 
impetuous  character,  and,  perhaps,  rather  hated  tyranny  than  loved 
liberty.  These  searching  and  distrustful  spirits  were  apprehen- 
sive that  such  a  man,  after  having  released  them  from  the  tyr- 
anny of  England,  might  attempt,  himself,  to  usurp  their  liberty. 
And  further,  the  supreme  direction  of  the  war,  once  committed  to  the 
hands  of  an  individual,  English  born,  the  latter  would  be  restricted 
to  the  alternative  of  abandoning  the  colonies,  by  a  horrible  treason, 
to  the  absolute  power  of  England,  or  of  conducting  them  to  a  state 
of  perfect  independence.  And  the  American  chiefs,  though  they 
detested  the  first  of  these  conditions,  were  not  willing  to  deprive 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  215 

themselves  of  the  shelter  afforded  by  a  discretion,  with  regard  to 
the  second.  It  was  the  same  consideration  which  determined  the 
congress  against  appointing  one  of  the  generals  of  the  provinces  of 
New  England,  such  as  Putnam  or  Ward,  who  then  commanded  the 
army  of  the  siege,  and  who  had  recently  demonstrated  such  signal 
valor  and  ability,  in  ail  the  actions  which  had  taken  place  in  the 
vicinity  of  Boston.  Both  had  declared  themselves  too  openly  in 
favor  of  independence ;  the  congress  desired,  indeed,  to  procure  it, 
but  withal,  in  a  propitious  time.  Nor  should  it  escape  mention,  that 
the  colonists  of  Massachusetts  were  reproached  with  a  too  partial 
patriotism ;  showing  themselves  rather  the  men  of  their  province 
than  Americans.  The  provinces  of  the  middle  and  of  the  south  be- 
trayed suspicions ;  they  would  have  seen  with  evil  eye,  the  cause  of 
America  confided  to  the  hands  of  an  individual  who  might  allow 
himself  to  be  influenced  by  certain  local  prepossessions,  at  a  time  in 
which  all  desires  and  all  interests  ought  to  be  common.  There  oc- 
curred also  another  reflection,  no  less  just ;  that  the  office  of  gene- 
ralissimo ought  only  to  be  conferred  upon  a  personage,  who,  in  the 
value  of  his  estate,  should  offer  a  sufficient  guaranty  of  his  fidelity, 
as  well  in  conforming  himself  to  the  instructions  of  congress,  as  in 
abstaining  from  all  violation  of  private  property. 

It  was  too  well  known  that  military  chiefs^  when  they  are  not 
softened  and  restrained  by  the  principles  of  a  liberal  education,  make 
no  scruples  to  glut  their  greedy  passions,  and  lay  their  hands  very 
freely,  not  only  upon  the  effects  of  the  enemy,  but  even  upon  those 
of  their  allies  and  of  their  own  fellow  citizens ;  a  disorder  which  has 
always  been  the  scourge,  and  often  the  ruin  of  armies. 

Accordingly,  after  having  maturely  weighed  these  various  consid- 
erations, the  congress  proceeded,  on  the  15th  of  June,  to  the  election 
of  a  generalissimo,  by  the  way  of  ballot ;  the  votes,  upon  scrutiny, 
were  found  all  in  favor  of  George  Washington,  one  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  Virginia.  The  delegates  of  Massachusetts  would  have 
wished  to  vote  for  one  of  theirs ;  but  seeing  their  votes  would  be 
lost,  they  adhered  to  the  others,  and  rendered  the  choice  unanimous. 
Washington  was  present ;  he  rose,  and  said,  that  he  returned  his 
most  cordial  thanks  to  the  congress,  for  the  honor  they  had  conferred 
upon  him ;  but  that  he  much  doubted  his  abilities  were  not  equal  to 
so  extensive  and  important  a  trust ;  that,  however,  he  would  not 
shrink  from  the  task  imposed  for  the  service  of  the  country,  since, 
contrary  to  his  expectation,  and  without  regard  for  the  inferiority  of 
his  merit,  it  had  placed  in  him  so  great  confidence ;  he  prayed  only, 
that  in  case  any  unlucky  event  should  happen,  unfavorable  to  his 
reputation,  it  might  be  remembered,  that  he  had  declared  on  that 


§i(y  'tUt    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V, 

day,  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  he  did  not  think  himself  equal  to  the 
Command  he  was  honored  with.  He  assured  the  congress,  that  as 
no  pecuniary  consideration  had  induced  him  to  abandon  his  domestic 
ease  and  happiness^  to  enter  this  arduous  career,  he  did  not  wish  any 
profit  from  it ;  that  pay  he  would  not  accept  of  any  sort. 

Colonel  Washington,  for  such  was  his  rank  before  his  election,  had 
acquired  the  reputation  of  a  brave  and  prudent  commander,  in  the 
late  wars  against  the  Indians,  and  against  the  French ;  but  at  the 
peace  of  1763,  he  had  retired  to  private  life,  and  no  longer  exercised 
the  military  profession.  It  is  not,  therefore,  extraordinary,  that  many 
should  have  thought  him  unable  to  sustain  the  burthen  of  so  fierce  a 
war.  But,  however,  the  greater  part  of  the  nation  having  full  confi- 
dence in  his  talents  and  his  courage,  the  Americans  had  no  hesitation 
in  raising  him  to  this  high  dignity.  He  was  not  only  born  in  Amer- 
ica, but  he  there  had  also  received  his  education,  and  there  had  made 
a  continual  residence.  He  was  modest,  reserved,  and  naturally  an 
enemy  to  all  ambition  ;  a  quality  most  of  all  esteemed  by  this  dis- 
trustful and  jealous  people.  He  enjoyed  a  considerable  fortune,  and 
the  general  esteem  due  to  his  worth  and  virtue.  He  was  especially 
considered  for  his  prudence,  and  a  character  of  singular  energy  and 
firmness.  It  was  generally  thought,  that  he  did  not  aim  at  indepen- 
dence, but  merely  desired  an  honorable  arrangement  with  England. 
This  opinion  of  his  well  corresponded  with  the  intentions  of  the 
principal  representatives,  who  had  no  objection  to  advancing  towards 
independence,  but  were  not  yet  prepared  to  discover  themselves. 
They  expected  to  be  able  so  to  manage  affairs  that  one  day  this 
great  measure  would  become  a  necessity,  and  that  Washington  him- 
self, when  he  should  have  got  warm  in  the  career,  would  easily  allow 
himself  to  be  induced,  by  the  honor  of  rank,  the  force  of  things,  or 
the  voice  of  glory,  to  proceed  with  a  firm  step,  even  though,  instead 
of  the  revocation  of  the  oppressive  laws,  the  object  of  his  efforts 
should  become  total  independence.  Thus  in  the  person  of  this 
general,  who  was  then  in  his  forty-fourth  year,  and  already  far  from 
the  illusions  of  youth,  were  found  united  all  the  qualifications  wished 
for  by  those  who  had  the  direction  of  affairs.  Wherefore,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  his  election  gave  displeasure  to  none,  and  was  even 
extremely  agreeable  to  the  greater  number. 

Having  given  a  chief  to  the  Union,  the  congress,  to  demonstrate 
how  much  they  promised  themselves  from  his  fidelity  and  virtues, 
resolved  unanimously,  that  they  would  adhere  to,  maintain,  and  assist 
him,  with  their  lives  and  fortunes,  to  preserve  and  uphold  American 
liberty.  Then,  wishing  to  place  at  the  head  of  the  army,  other 
experienced  officers,  who  might  second  Washington,  they  appointed 


BOOK  V  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  217 

Artemas  Ward,  first  major-general;  Charles  Lee,  second  major- 
general  ;  and  Philip  Schuyler,  third  major-general ;  Horatio  Gates 
was  named  adjutant-general.  A  few  days  after,  they  created  the 
eight  brigadier-generals  following :  Seth  Pomeroy,  William  Heath, 
and  John  Thomas,  of  Massachusetts ;  Richard  Montgomery,  of  New 
York  ;  David  Wooster  and  John  Spencer,  of  Connecticut ;  John 
Sullivan,  of  New  liampshire;  and  Nathaniel  Greene',  of  Rhode 
Island.  If  any  thing  demonstrated  the  excellent  discernment  of 
congress,  it  was,  doubtless,  the  choice  of  the  first  generals  ;  all  con- 
ducted themselves,  in  the  course  of  the  war,  as  intrepid  soldiers,  and 
faithful  guardians*  of  American  liberty. 

Immediately  on  being  invested  with  the  supreme  command,  Wash- 
ington repaired  to  the  camp,  at  Boston ;  he  was  accompanied  by 
general  Lee.  He  was  received,  wherever  he  passed,  with  the  great- 
est honors  ;  the  most  distinguished  inhabitants  formed  themselves  in 
company  to  serve  him  as  an  escort.  The  congresses  of  New  York, 
and  of  Massachusetts,  went  to  compliment  him,  and  testify  the  joy 
his  election  had  given  them.  He  answered  them  with  suavity  and 
modesty  ;  they  might  be  assured  that  all  his  thoughts,  all  his  efforts, 
as  well  as  those  of  his  companions,  would  he  directed  towards  the 
re-establishment  of  an  honorable  intelligence  between  the  colonies 
and  the  parent  state ;  that  as  to  the  exercise  of  the  fatal  hostilities, 
m  assuraingthe  character  of  warriors,  they  had  not  laid  aside  that  of 
citizens  ;  and  nothing  could  afford  them  a  gratification  so  sincere,  as 
for  the  moment  to  arrive,  when,  the  rights  of  America  secured,  they 
should  be  at  liberty  to  return  to  a  private  condition,  in  the  midst  of 
a  free,  peaceful,  and  happy  country. 

The  general,  having  made  the  review  of  the  army,  found,  exclu- 
sively of  an  almost  useless  multitude,  only  fourteen  thousand  five 
hundred  men  in  a  condition  for  service ;  and  these  had  to  defend  a 
line  of  more  than  twelve  miles.  The  new  generals  arrived  at  the 
camp  most  opportunely  ;  for  the  discipline  of  the  army,  having  fallen, 
us  it  were,  into  desuetude,  it  was  urgently  necessary  to  introduce  a 
reform.  The  officers  had  no  emulation;  the  soldiers  scarcely  ob- 
served the  regulations,  and  neglected  all  care  of  cleanliness.  And, 
bv\ng  mostly  drawn  from  New  England,  they  manifested  a  refractory 
spirit,  impatient  of  all  subordinancy. 

The  generals  of  congress,  but  not  without  the  most  painful  efforts, 
succeeded  in  repairing  these  disorders.  General  Gates,  who  was 
profoundly  versed  in  all  the  details  of  military  organization,  contrib- 
uted more  than  any  other  to  this  salutary  work.  The  soldiers 
became  gradually  accustomed  to  obedience;  the  regulations  were 
observed ;  each  began  to  know  his  duty  ;  and,  at  length,  instead  of 
vol.  i.  19 


218  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  .  BOOK  t\ 

a  mass  of  irregular  militia,  the  camp  presented  the  spectacle  of  a 
properly  disciplined  army.  It  was  divided  into  three  corps ;  the 
right,  under  the  command  of  Ward,  occupied  Roxbury ;  the  left, 
conducted  by  Lee,  defended  Prospect  Hill ;  and  the  center,  which 
comprehended  a  select  corps,  destined  for  reserve,  was  stationed  at 
Cambridge,  where  Washington  himself  had  established  his  head- 
quarters. The  circumvallation  was  fortified  by  so  great  a  number  of 
redoubts,  and  supplied  with  so  formidable  an  artillery,  that  it  had 
become  impossible  for  the  besieged  to  assault  Cambridge,  and  spread 
themselves  in  the  open  country.  It  was  believed,  also,  that  they  had 
lost  a  great  many  men,  as  well  upon  the  field  of  battle,  as  in  conse- 
quence of  wounds  and  disease. 

But  the  American  army  was  near  wanting  a  most  essential  article; 
the  inventory  of  powder  deposited  at  Roxbury,  Cambridge,  and  other 
places  of  the  vicinity,  represented  a  public  stock  of  only  ninety  bar- 
rels. It  was  known  also,  that  there  existed  but  thirty-six  in  the 
magazines  of  Massachusetts.  Though  to  this  quantity  had  been 
added  all  that  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut  could 
furnish,  the  whole  would  have  fallen  short  of  ten  thousand  pounds ; 
which  allowed  but  nine  charges  a  man.  In  this  scarcity  and  danger, 
the  army  remained  more  than  fifteen  days  ;  and,  if  the  English  had 
attacked  during  the  time,  they  might  easily  have  forced  the  lines, 
and  raised  the  siege.  At  length,  by  the  exertions  of  the  committee 
of  New  Jersey,  a  few  tons  of  powder  arrived  at  the  camp,  which 
supplied,  for  the  moment,  the  necessities  of  the  army,  and  averted 
the  evils  that  were  feared. 

There  remained,  also,  an  important  part  to  be  organized  in  the 
American  army  ;  it  had,  as  yet,  no  special  corps  of  riflemen,  which, 
however,  were  extremely  essential  for  sudden  and  desultory  opera- 
tions; for  maintaining  discipline  in  the  camp  ;  and  for  protecting  the 
arrival  of  recruits,  of  ammunition,  and  of  provisions.  It  was  neces- 
sary, withal,  to  consider,  that  if  the  war,  as  it  was  probable,  after  the 
arrival  of  re-inforcements  from  England,  should  be  established  in  the 
open  country,  light  troops  became  absolutely  indispensable,  in  such 
a  country  as  America,  broken  incessantly  by  ravines  and  waters,  and 
obstructed  by  forests,  hedges,  mountains,  and  almost  impracticablo 
defiles.  Accordingly,  the  congress  resolved  that  there  should  be 
raised  in  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  a  sufficient  number  of  riflemen  ; 
who,  the  moment  the  companies  should  be  formed,  were  to  com- 
mence their  march  towards  the  camp  of  Boston,  where  they  were 
destined  for  the  service  of  light  infantry.  At  the  news  of  the  battle 
of  Breed's  Hill,  the  congress  decreed  that  two  companies  more 
ihould  be  levied  in  Pennsylvania,  and  that  they  should  all  be  united 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  219 

in  a  single  battalion,  to  be  commanded  by  such  officers  as  the  pro- 
vincial assembly  or  congress  might  appoint.  These  companies  of 
riflemen  arrived  at  the  camp  about  the  commencement  of  August ; 
they  formed  a  corps  of  not  far  from  fourteen  hundred  men,  light 
clothed,  and  armed,  for  the  most  part,  with  rifles  of  great  projectile 
power. 

While  the  American  army  that  besieged  Boston  was  thus  daily 
re-inforced,  and  furnished  with  all  articles  of  immediate  necessity, 
the  congress  employed  themselves  with  extreme  activity  in  taking 
such  measures  as  they  thought  best  cajculated  to  keep  on  foot  the 
troops  already  assembled ;  and  even  to  augment  and  equip  them  moie 
completely  in  case  of  need.  Accordingly,  it  was  recommended  by 
a  resolution  of  congress,  that  all  the  colonies  should  put  themselves 
in  a  state  of  defense,  and  provide  themselves  with  the  greatest  pos- 
sible number  of  men,  of  arms,  and  of  munitions ;  and,  especially, 
that  they  should  make  diligent  search  for  saltpeter  and  sulphur,  and 
collect  all  they  could  find  of  these  articles,  without  delay.  An  exact 
scrutiny  was  therefore  commenced,  in  the  cellars  and  in  the  stables, 
in  pursuit  of  materials  so  essential  to  modern  war.  In  every  part, 
manufactures  of  gunpowder,  and  founderies  of  cannon,  were  seen 
rising ;  every  place  resounded  with  the  preparations  of  war.  The 
provincial  assemblies  and  conventions  seconded  admirably  the  oper- 
ations of  "the  congress  ;  and  the  people  obeyed,  with  incredible 
promptitude,  the  orders  of  these  various  authorities. 

The  congress  having  perceived  that  zeal  for  the  liberty  of  Amer- 
ica at  length  prevailed  over  local  partialities,  and  over  the  jealousy 
of  power,  in  the  provincial  assemblies,  took  greater  courage,  and  re- 
solved to  introduce  a  general  system,  which  might  serve  to  regulate 
all  the  levies  that  were  about  making  in  each  province.  They  were 
not  ignorant  of  the  extreme  utility  of  uniformity,  in  whatever  relates 
to  war,  as  the  means  of  directing  all  minds  towards  the  same  object, 
and  of  preventing  dissensions.  They  passed,  therefore,  a  resolution, 
by  which  it  was  recommended — and  their  recommendations  at  this 
opoch  were  received  and  executed  as  laws — that  all  men  fit  to  bear 
arms,  in  each  colony,  from  sixteen  years  to  fifty,  should  form  them- 
selves into  regular  companies;  that  they  should  furnish  themselves 
with  arms,  and  should  exercise  in  wielding  them  ;  that  the  compa- 
nies should  organize  themselves  into  battalions,  upon  the  footing  of 
habitual  defense;  and,  finally,  that  a  fourth  part  of  the  militia,  in 
every  colony,  should  be  selected  to  serve  as  minute  men,  always 
ready  to  march  wherever  their  presence  might  be  necessary.  Those 
who,  from  their  religious  opinio  is,  could  not  bear  arms,  were  invited 
to  come  to  the  succor  of  their  country,  at  least  with  all  the  otheF 


220  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

means  in  their  power.  The  military  pay  was  regulated  after  the  rate 
of  twenty  dollars  a  month  to  captains,  thirteen  to  lieutenants  and 
ensigns,  eight  to  sergeants  and  corporals,  six  to  mere  soldiers.  The 
congress  also  recommended,  that  each  province  should  appoint  a 
committee  of  safety,  to  superintend  and  direct  all  those  things  that 
might  concern  the  public  security  during  the  recess  of  the  assem- 
blies or  conventions;  also,  that  they  should  make  such  provision 
as  they  might  judge  expedient,  by  armed  vessels  or  otherwise,  foi 
the  protection  of  their  coasts  and  navigation  against  all  insults  from 
the  enemy's  ships. 

The  intentions  of  congress  were  fulfilled,  in  all  parts  of  the  Union , 
with  the  utmost  cheerfulness ;  but  no  where  with  more  ardor  than 
in  Pennsylvania,  and  particularly  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  The 
militia  of  this  city  were  divided  into  three  battalions  ef  fifteen  hun- 
dred men  each,  with  an  artillery  company  of  one  hundred  and  fifty . 
and  six  pieces  of  cannon.  It  comprehended,  besides,  a  trcop  of 
light  horse,  and  a  few  companies  of  light  infantry,  riflemen,  and 
pioneers.  This  corps  assembled  often ;  and,  exhibiting  the  sem- 
blance of  battle,  maneuvered  in  the  presence  of  congress,  and  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  thronged  to  the  spectacle  from  all  parts.  The 
dexterity  and  precision  of  the  movements  excited  a  general  surprise 
and  joy.  There  were,  at  least,  eight  thousand  men,  of  these  excel- 
lent troops,  and  in' their  ranks  were  seen  a  great  number  of  persons 
distinguished  for  their  education  and  condition.  The  same  thing 
was  done  in  the  country  towns  of  Pennsylvania.  It  appeared  that 
the  number  of  all  the  men  who  had  taken  arms  therein,  and  exercised 
themselves  in  handling  them,  amounted  to  upwards  of  sixty  thousand. 
So  active,  this  year,  was  the  zeal  of  the  colonists  for  their  cause, 
that  even  a  great  number  of  Quakers,  however  their  religious  opin- 
ions forbid  them  to  take  arms,  and  to  shed  human  blood,  and  not- 
withstanding their  discipline  is  all  of  patience  and  of  submission, 
allowing  themselves  to  be  transported  by  the  general  ardor,  also 
joined  the  companies  of  the  Philadelphians.  They  said,  that 
although  their  religion  prohibited  them  from  bearing  arms  in  favor 
of  a  cause  the  object  of  which  should  be  either  ambition,  cupidity,  or 
revenge,  they  might,  nevertheless,  undertake  the  defense  of  national 
rights  and  liberty.  Thus  there  exist  no  opinions,  however  rigorous, 
but  what  find  evasions — no  minds,  however  pacific,  but  kindle  in 
great  political  convulsions. 

A  spectacle,  no  less  extraordinary,  attracted  the  eyes  of  all  the 
inhabitants  of  Philadelphia ;  whether  it  was  reality,  or  merely  an 
artifice,  with  a  view  of  exciting  others.  The  German  emigrants 
who  inhabited  the  city,  were  almost  all  very  aged,  and  had  seen 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  221 

service  in  Europe.  At  the  name  of  liberty,  they  also  were  fircct; 
and,  what  was  little  to  have  been  expected  from  their  years  and 
decrepitude,  formed  themselves  into  a  body,  which  was  called  the 
Old  Men's  Company ;  resuming  the  profession  of  arms,  which  they 
had  already  relinquished  so  long,  they  resolved  to  bear  a  part  in  the 
common  defense.  The  oldest  of  all  was  elected  captain,  and  his 
age  wanted  not  much  of  a  century  of  years.  Instead  of  a  cockade 
tn  their  hats,  they  wore  a  black  crape,  to  denote  their  concern  at 
those  unfortunate  causes  that  compelled  them,,  in  the  decline  of  life, 
to  take  up  arms,  in  order  to  defend  the  liberty  of  a  country  which 
had  afforded  them  a  retreat  from  the  oppression  which  had  forced 
them  to  abandon  their  own. 

Even  the  women  became  desirous  to  signalize  their  zeal  in  de- 
fense of  country.  In  the  county  of  Bristol,*  they  resolved  to  raise 
a  regiment,  at  their  own  cost ;  to  equip  it  entirely,  and  even  to  arm 
such  as  were  unable  to  afford  that  expense  of  themselves.  With 
their  own  hands  they  embroidered  the  colors  with  mottos  appropriate 
to  the  circumstances.  The  gentlewoman  who  presented  them  to 
the  regiment,  made  an  eloquent  discourse  upon  public  affairs.  She 
earnestly  exhorted  the  soldiers  to  be  faithful,  and  never  to  desert 
the  banners  of  the  American  ladies. 

All  these  things,  though  of  little  importance  in  themselves,  served, 
however,  admirably  to  inflame  the  minds,  and  render  them  invincibly 
resolute.  The  public  papers  contributed  incessantly  to  the  same 
end,  by  a  multitude  of  harangues,  of  examples,  and  of  news.  The 
battles  of  Lexington  and  of  Breed's  Hill  were  the  subjects  upon 
which  the  American  writers  chiefly  delighted  to  exercise  their 
talents.  Every  circumstance,  all  the  ;«ninutest  details  of  these  en- 
gagements, were  accurately  described ;  and  those  who  had  lost  life  in 
them,  were  commemorated  with  exalted  praises.  But  doctor  War- 
ren, especially,  was  the  object  of  the  most  touching  regrets,  of  the 
most  unaffected  homage.  They  called  him  the  Hampden  of  their 
age ;  they  proposed  him  as  a  model  of  imitation,  to  all  who,  like 
him,  were  ready  to  devote  themselves  for  the  public.  The  eulogium 
published  in  the  papers  of  Philadelphia,  was  particularly  pathetic, 
and  calculated  to  act  powerfully  upon  the  minds  of  the  multitude. 

*  What  spectacle  more  noble/  said  the  encomium,  'than  this, "of  a 
hero  who  has  given  his  life  for  the  safety  of  country !  Approach, 
cruel  ministers,  and  contemplate  the  fruits  of  your  sanguinary  edicts. 
What  reparation  can  you  offer  to  his  children  fbr  the  loss  of  such  a 
father,  to  the  king  for  that  of  so  good  a  subject,  to  tho  country  fat 
that  of  so  devoted  a  citizen  ?     Send  hither  your  satellites  ;  come, 

•  Pennsylvania 

19- 


222  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  T 

feast  your  vindictive  rage ;  the  most  implacable  enemy  to  tyrants  is 
n%  more.  We  conjure  you,  respect  these  his  honored  remains 
Have  compassion  on  the  fate  of  a  mother  overwhelmed  with  despair 
and  with  age.  Of  him,  nothing  is  left  that  you  can  still  fear.  His 
eloquence  is  mute ;  his  arms  are  fallen  from  his  hand ;  then  lay 
down  yours ;  what  more  have  you  to  perpetrate,  barbarians  that 
you  are  ?  But,  while  the  name  of  American  liberty  shall  live,  that 
of  Warren  will  fire  our  breasts,  and  animate  our  arms,  against  thfc 
pest  of  standing  armies. 

1  Approach,  senators  of  America !  Come,  and  deliberate  here, 
upon  the  interests  of  the  united  colonies.  Listen  to  the  voice  >f  this 
illustrious  citizen ;  he  entreats,  he  exhorts^  he  implores  you  not  to 
disturb  his  present  felicity  with  the  doubt  that  he  perhaps  has  sacri- 
ficed his  life  for  a  people  of  slaves. 

*  Come  hither,  ye  soldiers,  ye  champions  of  American  liberty,  and 
contemplate  a  spectacle  which  should  inflame  your  generous  hearts 
with  even  a  new  motive  to  glory.  Remember,  his  shade  still  hovers 
unexpiated  among  us.  Ten  thousand  ministerial  soldiers  would  not 
suffice  to  compensate  his  death.  Let  ancient  ties  be  no  restraint , 
foes  of  liberty  are  no  longer  the  brethren  of  freemen.  Give  edge  to 
your  arms,  and  lay  them  not  down  till  tyranny  be  expelled  from 
the  British  empire ;  or  America,  at  least,  become  the  real  seat  of 
liberty  and  happiness. 

'  Approach  ye  also,  American  fathers  and  American  mothers ; 
come  hither,  and  contemplate  the  first  fruits  of  tyranny ;  behold  your 
friend,  the  defender  of  your  liberty,  the  honor,  the  hope  of  your 
country ;  see  this  illustrious  hero,  pierced  with  wounds,  and  bathed 
in  his  own  blood.  But  let  not  your  grief,  let  not  your  tears  be  sterii. 
Go,  hasten  to  your  homes,  and  there  teach  your  children  to  detest 
the  deeds  of  tyranny ;  lay  before  them  the  horrid  scene  you  have 
beheld ;  let  their  hair  stand  on  end ;  let  their  eyes  sparkle  wi^ 
fire  ;  let  resentment  kindle  every  feature  ;  let  their  lips  vent  threats 
and  indignation  ;  then — then — put  arms  into  their  hands,  send  them 
to  battle,  and  let  your«last  injunction  be,  to  return  victorious,  or  to 
die,  like  Warren,  in  the  arms  of  liberty  and  of  glory ! 

1  And  ye  generations  of  the  futiye,  you  will  often  look  back  to  this 
memorable  epoch.  You  will  transfer  the  names  of  traitors  and  of 
rebels  from  the  faithful  people  of  America,  to  those  who  have  merited 
them.  Your  eyes  will  penetrate  all  the  iniquity  of  this  scheme 
,of  despotism,  recently  plotted  by  the  British  government.  You  will 
see  good  kings  misled  by  perfidious  ministers,  and  virtuous  ministers 
b  perfidious  kings.  You  will  perceive  that  if  at  first  the  sovereign* 
oi  Great  Britain  shed  tears  in  commanding  their  subjects  to  accept 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  223 

atrocious  laws,  they  soon  gave  themselves  up  to  joy  in  the  midst  of 
murder,  expecting  to  see  a  whole  continent  drenched  in  tie  blood 
of  freemen.  O,  save  the  human  race  from  the  last  outrages,  and 
render  a  noble  justice  to  the  American  colonies.  Recall  to  life  the 
ancient  Roman  and  British  eloquence ;  and  be  not  niggardly  of 
merited  praises  towards  those  who  have  bequeathed  you  liberty.  It 
costs  us  floods  of  gold  and  of  blood ;  it  costs  us,  alas !  the  life  of 
Warren.' 

The  congress,  wishing  to  uphold  this  disposition  of  minds,  and  t'> 
render  it,  if  possible,  still  more  ardent  and  pertinacious,  had  recourse 
to  the  power  of  religious  opinions  over  the  human  affections.  At 
their  instigation,  the  synods  of  Philadelphia  and  of  New  York  pub- 
lished a  pastoral  letter,  which  wa3  read,  to  crowded  congregations, 
in  all  the  churches.  They  affirmed,  that  unwilling  to  be  the  instru- 
ments of  discord  and  of  war  between  men  and  brethren,  they  had 
hitherto  observed  a  scrupulous  silence ;  but  things  were  now  come 
to  such  a  height,  that  they  were  resolved  to  manifest  their  senti- 
ments ;  that  they  exhorted  the  people,  therefore,  to  go  forth  as 
champions  in  their  country's  cause  ;  and  to  be  persuaded,  that  in  so 
doing,  they  would  march  in  the  ways  of  the  Master  of  the  kings  of 
the  earth,  and  find,  in  battle,  either  victory  or  inevitable  death.  The 
letter  concluded  with  certain  moral  considerations  and  precepts, 
well  adapted  to  stimulate  the  zeal  of  these  religious  minds,  and  to 
satisfy  them  that  the  cause  of  America  was  the  cause  of  God.  It 
was  recommended  to  the  soldiers  to  approve  themselves  humane  and 
merciful ;  and  to  all  classes  of  citizens,  to  humble  themselves,  \r 
fast,  to  pray,  and  to  implore  the  divine  assistance,  in  this  day  of 
trouble  and  of  peril.  The  congress  recommended  that  the  20th  of 
July  should  be  kept  as  a  day  of  fasting,  in  all  the  colonies ;  which 
was  religiously  observed,  but  more  solemnly  at  Philadelphia  than 
elsewhere.  The  congress  attended  the  divine  services  in  a  body  ; 
and  discourses  adapted  to  the  occasion  were  pronounced  in  the 
church. 

On  the  same  day,  as  the  congress  were  about  to  enter  the  temple, 
the  most  agreeable  dispatches  were  received  from  Georgia.  They 
announced  that  this  province  had  joined  the  confederation,  and  ap- 
pointed five  delegates  for  its  representation  in  congress.  This  news 
was  accepted  by  all  as  a  happy  augury ;  and  the  joy  which  its  im- 
portance excited,  was  heightened  in  consideration  of  the  moment  at 
which  the  government  and  people  were  apprised  of  it.  The  loyal- 
ists had  long  prevailed  in  this  colony ;  and  thus  it  had  hitherto  con- 
tinued in  a  state  of  immobility,  and  apparent  neutrality.  But  the 
extremity  to  which  affairs  were  come,  the  battles  of  Lexington  and 


f24  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOS,  f 

of  f£\**Ta  II'!!,  the  cruelties,  real  or  supposed,  committed  by  the 
royal  troops,  the  probabilities  ot  tfte  success  of  trie  war  in  tavor  of 
the  Americans,  the  union  and  concord  of  the  other  colonies,  and  the 
efficacious  movements  of  the  friends  of  liberty,  among  whom  Dr. 
Zubly  distinguished  himself  especially,  were  at  length  the  cause  that 
a  provincial  convention  adhered  to  all  the  resolutions  of  the  general 
congress,  and  took  sevenJ  very  energetic  measures  against  England  ; 
either  as  a  compensation  for  their  former  coldness,  or  that  the  patri- 
ots, heretofore  repressed,  were  thus  animated  with  greater  fury. 
Thqy  declared,  that  the  exception  made  of  Georgia,  in  the  acts  of 
parliament  against  America,  ought  rather  to  be  considered  as  an 
injury  than  a  favor,  since  this  exemption  was  only  an  artifice  to  sep- 
arate them  from  their  brethren.  They  resolved,  also,  that  they 
would  admit  no  merchandise  which  should  have  been  shipped  in 
England,  after  the  1st  of  July;  and  that,  dating  from  the  10th  of 
September,  none  should  be  exported  from  Georgia  for  England ;  and, 
besides,  that  all  commerce  should  cease  with  the  English  islands  of 
the  West  Indies,  and  with  those  parts  of  the  American  continent 
which  had  not  accepted  the  resolutions  of  congress.  These  decis- 
ions were  of  great  importance ;  Georgia  being,  though  not  one  of 
the  most  considerable  provinces,  extremely  fertile  in  grain,  and  prin- 
cipally in  rice.  It  was  determined  also  to  abstain  from  all  superfluity, 
and  to  banish  luxury ;  to  give  encouragement  to  the  farmers  who 
fhould  rear  the  most  numerous  flocks.  Nor  was  it  forgotten  to 
address  a  petition  to  the  king,  very  eloquent,  and  full  of  the  accus- 
tomed protestations  of  loyalty ;  which  were  lavished;,  perhaps,  the 
more  prodigally,  as  they  were  intended  no  pledges  of  the  reality. 

The  general  congress  cast  an  anxious  eye  upon  the  province  of 
New  York,  as  well  because  the  loyalists  abounded  there,  as  because 
it  is  naturally  much  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  an  enemy  strong  in 
naval  forces.  To  obviate  these  dangers,  it  was  ordained,  that  five 
thousand  infantry  should  be  stationed  in  the  environs  of  New  York  ; 
and,  in  order  to  secure  the  soldiers  the  succors  they  might  need,  in 
case  of  wounds  and  sickness,  that  a  hospital  should  be  established, 
with  accommodations  for  the  invalids  of  an  army  of  twenty  thou- 
sand men.  It  was  placed  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Benjamin 
Church,  principal  physician  of  the  army. 

Considering,  also,  of  how  great  importance  was  the  prompt 
transmission  of  letters,  and  desirous  that  the  service  of  the  post 
should  be  confided  to  zealous  and  faithful  men,  the  congress  ap- 
pointed Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin  director -general  of  this  establish- 
ment. He  had  filled  the  same  office  in  England,  for  the  letters  of 
America ;  and  had  lost  it,  for  having  shown  too  much  attachment  to 


ttOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  225 

the  privileges  ol  the  colonies.  Regular  mails  were  established  upon 
the  route  from  Falmouth,  in  New  England,  to  the  city  of  Savannah, 
in  Georgia. 

But,  as  trie  congress  could  not  forget  that  the  principal  sinew  of 
war  is  money,  they  soon  turned  their  attention  to  this  object,  no  less 
important  than  men  and  arms  themselves,  especially  in  a  defensive 
war,  as  from  the  very  nature  of  things,  this,  which  had  broken  out 
in  America,  was  to  be.  In  offensive  wars,  where  the  enemy  is  as- 
sailed in  his  own  country,  by  ravaging  his  territory,  men  and  arms 
can  obtain  money  with  victory ;  whereas,  in  a  war  of  defense,  it  i& 
money  that  roust  procure  men  and  arms.  In  the  present  circum- 
stances, however,  it  could  not  be  obtained,  but  with  the  greatest  dif- 
ficulties ;  since  the  only  resources  were  loans  or  taxes.  Both  pre- 
sented not  only  many  obstacles,  but  almost  an  absolute  impossibility. 
For  several  years,  the  misunderstanding  which  had  arisen  with  Eng- 
land had  greatly  diminished  the  quantity  of  specie  that  circulated 
in  the  colonies.  The  provinces  of  New  England  had  always  been 
rather  sparingly  supplied  with  it ;  and  the  prohibitory  acts  of  par- 
liament, of  the  last  ten  years,  had  excessively  attenuated  this  slender 
mass.  In  the  southern  provinces,  though,  from  the  fertility  of  their 
lands,  the  most  opulent,  this  scarcity  of  coin  was  still  increased, 
not  only  by  the  above  mentioned  causes,  but  also  by  a  numerous  im- 
portation of  negroes,  which  had  taken  place  within  the  last  few  years. 
To  draw  money  from  these  provinces,  by  way  of  loans  or  taxes, 
would  have  been  an  imprudent  and  dangerous  operation,  or  rather 
a  thing  impracticable,  at  least  in  the  quantity  exacted  by  the  wants 
of  the  state.  It  should  be  added,  as  to  loans,  that  whether  the  rich 
should  furnish  the  money  or  not,  they  could  always,  however,  lend 
their  credit ;  and  the  employment  of  the  second  means  offered  more 
advantages  than  the  first ;  for,  if  the  wealthy  could  aid  the  state 
with  their  funds  and  their  credit  at  the  same  time,  men  of  moderate 
or  narrow  fortune  had  not  the  same  faeulty ;  thus  partial  loans  of 
money  could  not  have  been  effected ;  while,  on  the  contrary,  a  par- 
tial loan  of  credit  might  be  used,  which,  though  made  collectively, 
in  the  name  of  all,  would  in  fact  be  supported  partially,  in  general 
opinion,  by  the  powerful  means  of  the  rich.  In  respect  to  taxes, 
this  way  offered  only  inconveniences ;  the  people  of  the  colonies 
being  little  accustomed  to  assessments,  this  sudden  stroke  at  their 
property,  in  the  outset,  would  infallibly  have  produced  the  most  per- 
nicious effects.  The  people  inflamed  for  a  common  cause  more 
willingly  make  the  sacrifice  of  their  existence  than  of  their  proper- 
ty;  because  to  the  first  of  these  sacrifices  is  annexed  a  glory  which 
is  foreign  to  the  other,  and  that  honor  is  more  frequently  found 


f20  THE    AMERICAN     WAB  BOOK  T 

among  the  brave  than  among  the  rich.  Hence  the  congress  found 
themselves  placed,  with  respect  to  this  business,  in  a  situation  of 
lingular  difficulty.  This  will  easily  be  conceived,  when  it  is  con- 
sidered that  they  could  indeed  recommend,  but  not  command  ;  and 
that  the  obedience  of  the  people  was  more  voluntary  than  constrain- 
ed. It  was  much  to  be  feared  they  would  refuse  it,  if  it  were  at- 
tempted to  subject  them  to  contributions. 

It  was  also  greatly  to  be  apprehended,  that  the  provincial  assem- 
blies, extremely  jealous  of  the  right  of  establishing  public  burthens, 
would  consent  with  repugnance,,  if  not  absolutely  refuse,  that  the 
congress  should  assume  the  power  of  taxation.  How,  besides,  could 
the  latter  hope  to  assess  the  tax  in  a  just  proportion,  with  respect  to 
each  colony,  when  their  means,  founded,  in  great  part,  upon  com- 
merce, and  consequently  subject  to  all  the  variations  resulting  from 
the  disturbances,  could  not  be  appreciated  upon  any  certain  prin- 
ciple ?  It  would  have  been  necessary  to  undertake  this  operation, 
without  basis,  and  without  rule  ;  and  even  the  semblance  of  partial- 
ity, however  imaginary,  would  have  sufficed  to  excite  general  clamors, 
and  the  most  prejudicial  dissensions. 

Such  were  the  shoals  the  congress  had  to  encounter,  in  their  ef- 
forts to  obtain  the  money  necessary  to  the  wants  of  the  state  and  of 
war.  They  resolved,  therefore,  to  avoid  them,  in  resorting  to  loans 
o(  credit,  by  an  emission  of  bills  which  should  have  for  guaranty 
the  faith  of  the  united  colonies.  It  was  hoped  that  the  abundance 
of  provisions,  the  ardor  and  unanimity  of  the  people,  and  particu- 
larly of  the  rich,  for  the  most  part  favorable  to  the  new  order  of 
things,  would  support  the  public  credit,  and  prevent  a  depreciation 
of  tire  bills.  It  seems,  however,  that  what  had  happened  in  tire 
northern  provinces,  where  the  paper  money  had  fallen  very  serious- 
ly, should  have  served  as  an  example  and  a  warning.  Besides,  pru- 
dent men  plainly  foresaw  that  the  facility  of  tire  thing,  and  the  al- 
ways increasing  multiplicity  of  wants,  would  lead  to  the  emission  cf 
so  great  a  quantity  of  this  paper,  that  even  its  superabundance  must 
deprive  it  of  much  of  its  value.  Indeed,  could  this  have  been 
doubted,  considering  the  congress  would  not  have  an  exclusive 
authority  to  emit  bills  of  credit,  and  that  the  provincial  assemblies 
might  as  freely  exercise  the  same  right?  The  cause  of  the  evil  was 
too  evident  for  the  most  prejudicial  consequences  not  to  have  been 
anticipated.  It  was  also  to  be  considered,  that  the  chances  of  war, 
always  uncertain,  might  prove  favorable  to  the  English,  and  open 
them  a  passage  into  the  interior  of  the  provinces  ;  the  inevitable  re~ 
suit  of  which  would  be,  the  total  ruin  of  credit,  and  the  annihilation 
of  the  bills.     It  is  known  by  experience,  thit  in  similar  cases,  the 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  227 

distrust  of  the  people  admits  of  no  remedy.  Such  were  the  mo- 
tives of  hesitation  and  of  fear,  winch  perplexed  the  minds  of  the 
thoughtful,  relative  to  the  emission  of  bills  of  credit.  But  there  wa* 
no  room  for  option ;  and  the  congress  found  themselves  reduced  to 
an  extremity  so  imperious,  that  any  resource  became  desirable.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  had  no  scruple  in  adopting  the  present,  which,  if  not 
good,  was  at  least  necessary.  They  decreed,  in  the  month  of  June, 
that  the  sum  of  two  millions  of  Spanish  dollars  should  be  issued,  in 
bills  -df  credit ;  and  that  the  faith  of  the  united  colonies  should  be 
the  guaranty  of  their  redemption.  Some  time  after,  they  made 
another  emission  of  bills,  to  the  value  of  one  million  of  dollars,  in 
bills  of  thirty  dollars  each.  They  were  received,  in  this  first  ardor, 
with  universal  promptitude. 

Having  provided  men,  arms,  and  money,  the  congress  took  into 
consideration  the  means  of  gaining  the  Indian  nations,  respecting 
whose  dispositions  they  were  not  without  a  certain  anxiety.  It  was 
known  that  general  Gage  had  dispatched  from  Boston  one  of  his 
emissaries,  named  John  Stuart,  to  the  nation  of  the  Cherokees,  who 
inhabit  the  countries  bordering  upon  South  Carolina ;  and  that  gene- 
ral Carleton,  governor  of  Canada,  had  sent  colonel  Johnson  to  the 
Indians  of  St.  Francis,  and  others  belonging  to  the  Six  Tribes,  that 
wrere  nearer  to  this  province.  Their  object  was,  to  induce  these 
nations  with  promises,  with  monev,  and  with  presents,  to  take  arms 
against  the  colonies ;  an  expedient  which  could  barely  have  been 
tolerated,  if  every  other  hope  had  been  lost,  and  England  had  been 
reduced  to  the  necessity  either  of  employing  the  Indians,  or  of  re- 
ceiving conditions  from  the  Americans.  But  how  is  it  possible  not 
to  condemn  it,  not  to  view  it  with  abhorrence,  when  other  soldiers, 
and  other  arms,  offered  themselves  from  all  parts  in  abundance,  to 
prosecute  the  war  successfully  against  the  colonies  ?  Posterity  can- 
not fail  to  execrate  the  counsels  of  those  who,  without  the  least  ne- 
cessity, were  capable  of  preferring  the  barbarous  Indians  to  the  dis- 
ciplined troops  of  England.  This  act  of  detestable  ferocity,  more- 
over, turned  at  length  to  the  confusion  of  its  own  authors  ;  but  the 
mind  of  man  is  blind,  his  character  often  cruel,  and  civil  fury  im- 
placable. The  congress,  consequently,  thought  of  opposing,  by  the 
most  efficacious  means,  these  English  attempts.  In  order  to  pro- 
ceed with  more  method,  they  made  an  ideal  division  of  the  Indian 
tribes  into  as  many  districts  as  there  were  tribes,  and  stationed  with 
each  an  agent,  who,  knowing  the  language,  customs,  and  country  of 
these  ncwages,  should  observe  their  motions,  satisfy  their  reasonable 
desirei;  and  provide  for  their  wants;  in  a  word,  these  emissaries 
were  t    neglect  no  means  of  conciliating  the  benevolence  of  fjx  In- 


228  THE    AMERICAN    WA|C  BOOK  V, 

dians,  in  order  that  they  might  give  no  aid  to  the  royal  arms,  and 
observe  a  strict  neutrality.  It  has  been  attempted  to  insinuate,  on 
the  contrary,  that  the  congress  had  instructed  its  agents  to  use  all 
their  endeavors  to  engage  the  Indians  on  the  American  side.  But 
4hls  accusation  appears  to  want  probability  ;  for  it  was  evident  that 
the  war  was  to  be  carried  on  upon  the  American  territory,  and  it 
was  well  known  that  the  Indians  plunder  and  massacre  friends  as 
well  as  enemies.  Besides,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the  Ameri- 
cans could  have  had  the  design  to  sully  with  a  stain  of  barbarity,  in 
the  very  outset,  a  cause  which  they  wished  might  be  reputed  by 
the  universe  both  just  and  holy. 

We  will  not,  however,  omit  to  relate,  that  in  Philadelphia  it  was 
believed,  and  was  announced  as  a  happy  event,  that  the  Mohawk 
Indians,  having  sent  the  belt  to  those  of  Stockbridge,  which,  with 
these  nr  tims,  was  the  token  of  alliance,  were  ready  to  march  with 
the  coiunists  against  the  English.  It  was  in  like  manner  published 
in  Massachusetts,  that  the  Senecas,  another  Indian  nation,  were 
prepared  to  take  arms  in  favor  of  America.  In  addition  to  this,  an 
Indian  chief,  named  Sivashan,  accompanied  by  four  other  chiefs  of 
the  tribe  of  St.  Francis,  was  conducted,  in  the  month  of  August,  to 
the  camp  at  Cambridge,  by  a  certain  Reuben  Colburn.  They  came 
to  offer  themselves  as  ready  to  undertake  the  defense  of  American 
liberty;  they  were  well  received,  and  pay  was  assigned  them. 
Swashan  boasted  that  he  would,  if  required,  produce  a  good  band 
of  his  people.  He  added,  that  the  Indians  of  Canada,  and  the 
French  themselves,  were  disposed  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  and 
were  ready  to  join  them.  These  reports  were  circulated,  and  gene- 
rally believed.  But,  whatever  were  the  wishes  of  the  people,  the 
congress  desired  merely  to  maintain  the  savages  in  neutrality.  This 
moderation  did  not  prevent  the  English  from  availing  themselves 
of  these  first  demonstrations ;  affirming,  that  they  had  employed 
the  Indians  in  their  army,  because  the  Americans  had  first  endeav- 
ored to  gain  them  for  auxiliaries. 

The  congress  having  arranged  the  business  of  the  Indians,  which 
had  caused  them  great  perplexity,  and  imboldened  by  the  affairs  of 
Lexington  and  Breed's  Hill,  they  resolved  to  manifest  the  dignity  of 
their  cause,  and  justify  their  appeal  to  arms,  in  the  sight  of  all  tltfe 
nations  of  the  world  ;  in  doing  which,  they  employed  the  style  of 
independent  nations.  They  published  a  declaration,  wherein  they 
recited,  in  a  strain  of  singular  energy,  the  toils,  the  hardships,  the 
perils,  which  had  been  the  portion  of  the  first  colonists,  when  they 
went  to  seek  refuge  in  these  foreign  and  distant  regions ;  their  cares 
to  pf  on  tote  the  increase  and  prosperity  of  their  establishments ;  their 


BOOK  V.  TJIE    AMERICAN    WAR.  229 

compacts  made  with  the  crown ;  the  advantages  and  wealth  which 
England  had  derived  from  them.  After  having  mentioned  the  long 
fidelity  and  uniform  promptitude  of  the  Americans,  in  coming  to  the 
succor  of  tne  mother  country,  they  proceeded  to  speak  of  the  new 
measures  taken  by  the  ministers  upon  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war ; 
and  made  an  exact  enumeration  of  the  laws  which  had  been  the 
subject  of  complaints,  so  often,  and  always  so  fruitlessly,  repeated. 
They  glanced  at  the  iniquitous  conditions  of  accommodation  pro- 
posed in  parliament  by  lord  North,  insidiously  calculated  to  divide 
them,  to  establish  an  auction  of  taxations,  where  colony  should  bid 
against  colony,  all  uninformed  what  ransom  would  redeem  their  lives. 
They  described  the  hostile  occupation  of  the  city  of  Boston,  by  the 
troops  under  the  command  of  general  Gage ;  the  hostilities  of  Lexing- 
ton, commenced  by  the  royal  soldiers,  and  the  cruelties  committed  in 
this  expedition  ;  the  violation  of  faith  on  the  part  of  this  general,  in 
the  refusal  of  permissions  to  pass  out,  and  by  permissions  more  cruel 
than  refusal,  in  having,  with  barbarous  inhumanity,  separated  wives 
from  their  husbands,  children  from  their  parents,  the  aged  and  sick 
from  their  relations  and  friends,  who  wished  to  attend  and  comfort 
:hem  ;  the  proprietors  from  their  furniture  and  most  valuable  effects. 
They  related  the  butchery  of  Breed's  Hill,  the  burning  of  Charles- 
iown,  the  seizure  of  their  vessels,  the  ravage  of  provisions,  and  the 
menaced  ruin  and  destruction  of  all  things.  The  attempts  of  the 
governor  of  Canada  to  excite  the  ferocious  savages  of  that  province 
against  the  colonists,  were  not  omitted ;  and  they  accused  the  min- 
isters of  a  determination  to  inflict  upon  an  innocent  and  unhappy 
country,  the  complicated  calamities  of  fire,  sword,  and  famine. 

'  We  are  reduced,'  they  exclaimed, '  to  the  alternative  of  choosing 
an  unconditional  submission  to  the  tyranny  of  irritated  ministers,  or 
resistance  by  force.  We  have  counted  the  cost  of  this  contest,  and 
find  nothing  so  dreadful  as  voluntary  slavery.  Honor,  justice,  and 
humanity,  forbid  us  tamely  to  surrender  that  freedom  which  we  re- 
ceived from  our  gallant  ancestors,  and  which  our  innocent  posterity 
have  a  right  to  receive  from  us.  We  cannot  endure  the  infamy  of 
resigning  succeeding  generations  to  that  wretchedness  which  inevi- 
tably awaits  them,  if  we  basely  entail  hereditary  bondage  upon  them. 
Our  cause  is  just.  Our  union  is  perfect.  Our  resources  are  great ; 
and,  if  necessary,  foreign  assistance  is  undoubtedly  attainable.  We 
gratefully  acknowledge,  as  signal  instances  of  the  divine  favor  to- 
wards us,  that  his  providence  would  not  permit  us  to  be  called  into 
this  severe  controversy,  until  we  were  grown  up  to  our  present 
strength,  had  been  previously  exercised  in  warlike  operations,  and 
^possessed  of  the  means  of  defending  ourselves.    With  hearts  fortified 

20 


230  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V 

with  these  animating  reflections,  we  most  solemnly,  before  God  and 
the  world,  declare,  that,  exerting  the  utmost  energy  of  those  powers 
which  our  beneficent  Creator  hath  graciously  bestowed  upon  us,  the 
arms  we  have  been  compelled  by  our  enemies  to  assume,  we  will,  in 
defiance  of  every  hazard,  with  unabating  firmness  and  perseverance, 
employ  for  the  preservation  of  our  liberties ;  being,  with  one  mind, 
resolved  to  die  freemen  rather  than  to  live  slaves.  Lest  this  decla- 
ration should  disquiet  the  minds  of  our  friends  and  fellow  subjects 
in  any  part  of  the  empire,  we  assure  them  that  we  mean  not  to 
dissolve  that  union  which  has  so  long  and  so  happily  subsisted  be- 
tween us,  and  which  we  sincerely  wish  to  see  restored.  Necessity 
has  not  yet  driven  us  into  that  desperate  measure,  or  induced  us  to 
excite  any  other  nation  to  war  against  them.  We  have  not  raised 
armies,  with  ambitious  designs  of  separating  from  Great  Britain,  and 
establishing  independent  states.  We  fight  not  for  glory  or  for  con- 
quest. We  exhibit  to  mankind  the  remarkable  spectacle  of  a  people 
attacked  by  unprovoked  enemies,  without  any  imputation  or  even  sus- 
picion of  offense.  They  boast  of  their  privileges  and  civilization,  and 
yet  proffer  no  milder  conditions  than  servitude  or  death. 

'  In  our  native  land,  in  defense  of  the  freedom  that  is  our  birth- 
right, and  which  wre  ever  enjoyed  till  the  late  violation  of  it, — for 
the  protection  of  our  property,  acquired  solely  by  the  honest  indus- 
try of  our  forefathers  and  ourselves,  against  violence  actually  Offered, 
we  have  taken  up  arms.  We  shall  lay  them  down,  when  hostilities 
shall  cease  on  the  part  of  the  aggressors,  and  all  danger  of  their 
being  renewed  shall  be  removed, — and  not  before. 

1  With  an  humble  confidence  in  the  mercies  of  the  supreme  and 
imparl  ial  Judge  and  Ruler  of  the  universe,  we  most  devoutly  implore 
his  divine  goodness  to  protect  us  happily  through  this  great  conflict, 
to  dispose  our  adversaries  to  reconciliation  on  reasonable  terms,  and 
thereby  to  relieve  the  empire  from  the  calamities  of  civil  war.' 

This  manifesto,  which  was  generally  received  with  great  eulogium, 
was  subscribed  by  John  Hancock,  who  had  been  elected  president 
of  congress  in  place  of  Rutledge,  and  countersigned  by  the  secretary, 
Charles  Thomson. 

The  congress,  in  this  occurrence  also,  omitted  not  to  employ  the 
rteans  of  religion.  The  declaration  was  sent  into  every  part  of  the 
continent,  and  read  from  the  pulpits  by  the  ministers  of  religion, 
with  suitable  exhortations.  In  the  camp  of  Boston  it  was  read  with 
particular  solemnity.  Major-general  Putnam  assembled  his  division 
upon  the  heights  of  Prospect  Hill,  to  hear  it.  It  was  followed  by  a 
prayer  analogous  to  the  occasion ;  the  general  having  given  the  signal, 
all  the  troops  cried  three  times,  Amen;  and.  at  the  same  instant,  the 


BOOK  V  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  231 

artillery  of  the  fort  fired  a  general  salute ;  the  colors,  recently  sent 
to  general  Putnam,  were  seen  waving,  with  the  usual  motto,  '  An 
appeal  to  Heaven?  and  this  other,  'Qui  (ranstulit  sustinet.'  The 
same  ceremony  was  observed  in  the  other  divisions.  The  joy  and 
enthusiasm  were  universal.  At  Cambridge,  the  manifesto  was  read 
in  the  presence  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens  of  Massachusetts, 
and  of  an  immense  multitude  that  were  assembled  upon  this  occasion 
There  resulted  from  it,  in  all  minds,  no  little  increase  of  constancy, 
fortified  by  religious  zeal.  All  this  was  done  in  imitation  of  what 
had  been  practiced  by  the  patriots  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.  It 
seemed  as  if  this  same  war  was  renewed,  in  which  the  Protestant 
religion  served  as  a  motive  or  a  pretext  to  the  defenders  of  liberty, 
or  to  the  promoters  of  anarchy ;  and  the  Catholic  religion,  as  a  title, 
or  a  veil,  to  the  partisans  of  limited  monarchy,  or  to  the  supporters 
of  despotism — so  powerful  is  the  voice  of  religion  over  human  hearts  ! 
And  such  has  always  been  the  propensity  of  those  who  govern  nations, 
to  profit  by  it !  Hence  religion  itself  sustains  an  incalculable  injury ; 
hence  that  coldness  towards  it,  which,  to  the  regret  of  prudent  men, 
has  been  observed  at  certain  periods.  The  generality  of  people  have 
discovered  that  politic  men  make  use  of  religion  as  an  instrument  to 
arrive  at  their  worldly  ends.  Man,  being  naturally  a  foe  to  restraint, 
and  inordinate  in  his  desires,  insteau  of  restricting  hlT^If  ™i!Mn  the 
limits  of  good,  is  too  often  ] ::<  cipitated  into  its  contrary.  Thus  re- 
ligion, which  should  always  bvj  holy  and  spotless,  too  often  has  fa- 
vored culpable  enterprises,  to  the  great  scandal  of  the  people,  and 
manifest  diminution  of  its  own  authority,  and  of  good  habits.  Be  this 
as  it  may,  it  is  quite  certain,  that  if  the  semblance  of  religion,  with 
which  the  Americans  endeavored  to  color  their  enterprise,  produced 
greater  unanimity  and  ardor  among  themselves,  it  engendered  also 
more  obstinacy  and  rigor  on  the  part  of  the  English  government,  in 
the  conduct  of  the  war.  In  their  contemplation,  state  policy  was 
coupled  with  the  remembrance  of  the  obstacles  which  the  ancient 
British  monarchs  were  forced  to  contend  with  ;  which,  mingled  with 
a  certain  terror,  excited  them  to  greater  bitterness  and  fury. 

The  congress  having  thus  attempted  to  justify  their  conduct  be- 
fore the  tribunal  of  the  world,  they  employed  their  thoughts  in  pro- 
testing to  the  English  people,  that  the  intention  of  the  Americans 
was  to  maintain  those  ancient  relations  which  had  been,  and  still 
were  their  glory,  their  happiness,  and  the  first  of  their  desires.  They 
admonished  them,  in  a  grave  and  pathetic  style,  to  remember  the 
ancient  friendships,  the  glorious  and  common  achievements  of  their 
ancestors,  and  the  affection  towards  the  heirs  of  their  virtues,  which 
had  hitherto  preserved  their  mutual  connection      f  But  when/  they 


232  THE    AMERICAN    WAR 


BOOK  V 


added,  '  that  friendship  is  violated  by  the  grossest  injuries ;  when 
the  pride  of  ancestry  becomes  our  reproach,  and  we  are  no  other- 
wise allied  than  as  tyrants  and  slaves ;  when  reduced  to  the  melan- 
choly alternative  of  renouncing  your  favor  or  our  freedom ;  cur 
choice  cannot  be  doubtful.'  After  some  lines  upon  their  merits  to- 
wards the  mother  country,  and  expatiating  upon  the  pernicious 
laws,  they  concluded,  by  saying,  that  victory  would  prove  equally 
fatal  to  England  and  to  America;  that  soldiers  who  had  sheathed 
their  swords  in  the  bowels  of  the  Americans,  would  have  as  little  re- 
luctance to  draw  them  against  Britons  ;  that  they  entreated  Heaven 
to  avert  from  their  friends,  brethren  and  countrymen,  for  by  these 
names  they  would  still  address  them,  before  the  remembrance  of 
former  kindness  was  obliterated,  the  destruction  and  ruin  that  threat- 
ened them. 

They  also  drew  up  an  address  to  the  king,  which  commenced 
with  a  recital  of  the  services  rendered  by  the  colonists,  of  their  fidel- 
ity towards  the  crown,  and  of  the  calamities  that  now  oppressed 
them.  They  supplicated  his  majesty,  that  he  would  deign  to  inter- 
pose his  authority,  to  procure  them  relief  from  their  present  con- 
dition ;  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  direct  some  mode,  by  which  the 
united  applications  of  the  colonist*  to  the  throne,  might  be  imnrov- 
ef  into  a  happy  and  permanent  rc<  ='  n  -'.liatlon .  They  implored  also, 
that  arms,  in  the  me&n  time,  might  cease  ;  and  that  such  statutes  as 
more  immediately  distressed  them,  might  be  repealed ;  affirming, 
that,  having  done  them  this  justice,  the  king  would  receive  such 
proofs  of  the  good  disposition  of  the  colonists,  as  would  soon  restore 
them  to  his  royal  favor ;  while,  on  their  part,  they  should  neglect 
nothing  to  testify  their  devotion  to  their  sovereign,  and  affection 
towards  the  parent  state. 

The  congress  had  motives  for  wishing  to  render  the  Irish  nation 
favorable  to  their  cause ;  a  great  number  of  useful  citizens  annually 
emigrated  from  Ireland  to  America :  and  thus,  among  the  soldiers, 
and  even  among  the  American  generals,  were  found  some  Irish. 
They  were  apprehensive  that  the  people  of  Ireland  might  receive 
impressions  unfavorable  to  the  colonists,  in  consequence  of  the  as- 
sociations against  commerce,  which  were  seriously  prejudicial  to  that 
country.  They  were  not  ignorant,  besides,  that  the  Irish  were,  for 
many  reasons,  dissatisfied  with  the  English  government,  and  that, 
notwithstanding  the  concessions  which  had  recently  been  made 
them,  no  little  animosity  still  rankled  in  their  minds.  The  congress 
purposed  to  avail  themselves  of  this  misunderstanding,  and  to  irri- 
tate the  wounds  already  festering  in  the  breast  of  the  Irish.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  prove  this  conduct  strictly  consistent  with  lov- 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  233 

alty.  But  the  war  was  now  commenced,  and  the  Americans  were 
disposed  to  use  all  means  to  carry  it  on  with  advantage ;  and  none 
are  more  sanctioned  by  usage,  than  those  of  feigning  to  desire  peace, 
and  of  exciting  and  exasperating  the  minds  of  the  enemy's  subjects, 
against  lawful  authority.  To  this  intent,  the  congress  addressed  a 
very  eloquent  letter  to  the  Irish  people.  <  They  were  desirous,'  they 
affirmed,  '  as  injured  and  innocent,  of  possessing  the  good  opinion 
of  the  virtuous  and  humane ;  however  incredible  it  might  appear, 
that,  in  so  enlightened  a  period,  the  leaders  of  a  nation,  which  in 
every  age  had  sacrificed  hecatombs  of  her  bravest  patriots  on  the 
altar  of  liberty,  should  attempt  to  establish  an  arbitrary  sway  over 
the  lives,  liberties,  and  property  of  their  fellow  subjects  in  America ; 
it  was,  nevertheless,  a  most  deplorable  and  indisputable  truth.'  The 
battles  of  Lexington  and  Breed's  Hill,  the  burning  of  Charlestown, 
and  the  iinprisonn-iente  of  Boston,  were  mentioned  in  suitable  terms, 
1  Who  can  blame  us,'  they  added,  '  for  endeavoring  to  restrain  the 
progress  of  so  much  desolation  ?  for  repelling  the  attacks  of  such  a 
barbarous  band  ?  We  have  no  doubt,  with  the  divine  assistance,  of 
rising  superior  to  the  usurpations  of  evil  and  abandoned  ministers. 
We  already  anticipate  the  golden  period,  when  liberty,  with  all  the 
gentle  arts  of  peace  and  humanity,  shall  establish  her  mild  dominion 
in  this  western  world,  and  erect  eternal  monuments  to  the  memory 
of  those  virtuous  patriots  and  martyrs,  who  shall  have  fought,  and 
bled,  a::  1  suffered,  in  her  cause.  *m 

( Accept  our  most  grateful  acknowledgments  for  the  friendly  dis- 
position you  have  always  shown  towards  us»  We  know  that  you 
are  not  without  your  grievances.  We  sympathize  with  you  in  your 
distress,  and  are  pleased  to  find,  that  the  design  of  subjugating  us, 
has  persuaded  administration  to  dispense  to  Ireland  some  vagrant 
rays  of  ministerial  sunshine.  Even  the  tender  mercies  of  govern- 
ment have  long  been  cruel  towards  you.  In  the  rich  pastures  of 
Ireland,  many  hungry  parricides  have  fed  and  grown  strong,  to  la 
bor  in  its  destruction.  We  hope  the  patient  abiding  of  the  meek 
may  not  always  be  forgotten ;  and  God  grant  that  the  iniquitous 
schemes  of  extirpating  liberty  from  the  British  empire  may  be  soon 
defeated.  We  have  taken  up  arms  to  defend  it;  and  with  it,  our 
property,  our  honor,  our  existence  ;  all,  in  a  word,  that  is  dearest  to 
man  upon  earth.  For  the  success  of  our  efforts,  we  confide  in  the 
good  offices  of  our  fellow  subjects  beyond  the  Atlantic,  aware,  as 
they  must  be,  that  they  have  no  other  favor  to  expect  from  the 
same  common  enemy,  than  that  of  being  last  devoured.' 
*  With  the  same  view,  the  congress  wrote  a  letter  to  the  city  of 
London,  to  return  thanks  for  the  part  it  had  taken  in  favor  of  Amer- 

vol.  i.  20* 


234  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

ica;  a  conduct,  they  said,  which  well  became  the  first  city  in  the 
world,  that,  in  all  ages,  had  approved  itself  the  defender  of  liberty 
and  just  government,  against  lawless  tyranny  and  oppression. 

In  the  midst  of  these  cares,  the  congress  had  not  forgotten  how 
important  it  was  to  the  success  of  their  enterprises,  to  conciliate  the 
friendship  of  the  Canadians,  in  order  that  they  might  either  make 
common  cause  with  the  Americans,  or,  at  least,  stand  neutral.  They 
knew  that  the  first  letter  had  not  been  without  effect,  and  they  re- 
solved to  confirm  it  with  a  second.  The  situation  of  affairs  was 
favorable  to  their  hopes  ;  the  act  of  Quebec  had,  in  this  province, 
produced  effects  altogether  contrary  to  those  its  authors  had  antici- 
pated. The  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants  had  received  it  with  evi- 
dent marks  of  displeasure,  and,  by  all  except  the  nobles,  it  was  con- 
sidered tyrannical,  and  tending  to  oppression.  And  although  it 
could  not  be  expected  that  the  Canadians,  long  accustomed,  under 
the  French,  to  a  more  rigid  rein,  should  be  as  much  inclined  to  resist- 
ance as  the  English  colonists,  habituated  to  live  under  the  laws  of 
a  milder  government,  yet  there  was  ground  to  hope,  that  from  aver- 
sion to  the  English  domination,  they  might  be  induced  to  take  part 
in  the  quarrel,  and  unite  their  arms  to  those  of  their  neighbors.  It 
was  known,  however,  that  a  part  of  the  Canadians,  and  especially 
those  of  Montreal,  and  other  places  nearer  to  the  colonies,  had 
manifested  great  displeasure  at  the  occupation  by  the  colonists  of 
Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point,  and  the  lakes  which  lead  fro.,  the  colo- 
nies to  Canada.  The  congress  wished  to  dissipate  entirely  these 
suspicions  and  jealousies  ;  but,  what  was  more  worthy  of  their  con- 
sideration, is,  that  they  had  positive  intelligence  of  the  exertions 
which  the  English  governor  was  continually  making,  to  dispose  the 
Canadians  to  take  arms,  and  march  under  the  British  banners.  The 
agents  of  the  king  spared  neither  gold  nor  promises,  to  attain  their 
object.  General  Carleton,  who  was  then  governor,  though  of  a  char- 
acter naturally  severe,  derived  great  facility  in  this  point  from  the 
extensive  influence  he  enjoyed  with  the  inhabitants,  and  the  reputa- 
tion he  had  deservedly  acquired,  of  a  good  chieftain,  a  humane  man. 
and  an  upright  eitizen.  It  was  known,  that  he  was  arrived  in  the 
pro^  ince  with  very  ample  powers.  He  could  appoint  or  dismiss,  at 
will,  all  the  members  of  the  council ;  compel  as  many  Canadian 
subjects  as  he  should  see  fit,  to  march  against  whatever  enemy  he 
might  deem  it  expedient  to  combat ;  construct  forts  and  dismantle 
them  ;  in  a  word,  take  all  the  measures  he  might  think  necessary  for 
the  security  of  the  province.  He  was,  besides,  not  a  man  to  hesi- 
tate how  to  exercise  the  authority  which  had  been  confided  to  him. 
He  had  already  made  use  of  it,  in  proclaiming  that  the  Canadians 


BOOK  V.  tffrE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

who  should  present  themselves,  shouM  be  received  as  volunteers, 
into  the  king's  pay,  and  formed  into  a  regiment.  The  Americans 
had  learned,  besides,  that  the  government  h&&  resolved  to  expedite, 
for  Canada,  fifteen  thousand  mUsketS)  in  order  to  arm  the  Romon 
Catholics  of  that  country.  All  announced,  that  it  Was  intended  to 
assemble  a  strong  force,  with  a  view  of  attacking  the  colonies  in  the 
rear,  and  of  co-operating  with  general  Gage.  Lord  North  himself, 
in  his  discourse  to  parliament,  had  intimated  that  such  was  the  design 
of  the  government.  The  moment  was  critical;  and,  without  a 
prompt  remedy,  it  was  to  be  feared  the  Canadians  would  take  their 
resolution  to  act  against  the  colonies.  The  congress,  therefore,  de- 
cided to  address  them  a  letter,  entitling  it,  '  To  the  oppressed  Inhab- 
itants of  Ca.utJa.'  It  was  strong  in  thoughts,  expressed  in  a 
style  as  elegant  as  it  was  spirited.  They  reminded  the  Canadians, 
that,  by  their  late  address,  they  had  already  apprised  them  of  the 
designs  in  agitation  to  extirpate  the  rights  and  liberties  of  all  Ameri- 
ca ;  they  had  now  to  condole  with  them  most  sincerely,  that  these 
schemes  were  about  to  be  carried  into  execution ;  or  rather,  that,  by 
the  new  form  of  government  given  to  the  province  of  Canada,  were 
already  introduced ;  that  thus  its  inhabitants,  their  wives,  and  theit 
children,  were  made  slaves ;  that  thus  they  had  nothing  they  could 
any  longer  call  their  own ;  that  all  the  fruits  of  their  labor  and  in- 
dustry might  be  taken  from  them,  whenever  an  avaricious  governor 
and  a  rapacious  council  might  incline  to  demand  them ;  that  thej 
were  liable  to  be  transported  into  foreign  countries,  to  fight  battles 
in  which  they  had  no  interest ;  that  the  enjoyment  of  their  very  re- 
ligion depended  on  a  legislature  in  which  they  had  no  share ;  that 
their  priests  were  exposed  to  expulsion,  banishment,  and  ruin,  when- 
ever their  wealth  and  possessions  should  furnish  sufficient  tempta 
tions ;  that  they  could  not  be  sure  that  a  virtuous  prince  would 
always  fill  the  throne ;  and,  should  a  wicked  or  a  careless  king  con- 
cur with  a  wicked  ministry,  in  extracting  the  treasure  and  strength 
of  their  country,  it  was  impossible  to  conceive  to  what  variety,  and 
to  what  extremes  of  Wretchedness  they  might,  under  the  present 
establishment,  be  reduced ;  that  the  Americans  knew  full  Well  that 
every  exertion  was  made,  that  every  artifice  Was  employed,  to  arm 
their  brethren  of  Canada  against  them ;  but  should  they,  by  com- 
plying in  this  instance,  assent  to  their  new  establishment,  and  a  war 
break  out  with  France,  let  them  recollect  their  wealth  and  their  sous 
might  be  sent  to  perish  in  expeditions  against  the  French  islands  in 
the  West  Indies ;  that  as  to  the  colonists,  they  were  determined  to 
five  free  or  not  at  all ;  that  they  were  the  friends,  and  not  the  ene- 
mies, of  the  Canadians ;  that  the  taking  of  the  fortresses  and  armed 


236  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

Vessels  on  the  lake,  was  dictated  by  necessity ;  but  that  they  might 
place  full  trust  in  the  assurance  that  the  colonies  would  pursue  no 
measures  whatever,  but  such  as  friendship,  and  a  regard  for  the 
mutual  interests  of  the  two  people,  might  suggest;  and,  finally, 
that  they  still  hoped  the  Canadians  would  unite  with  the  colonists 
in  defense  of  their  common  liberty. 

This  address  had  the  effect  its  authors  desired,  at  least  in  that  it 
produced  the  neutrality  of  the  Canadians.  In  answer  to  the  in- 
stances of  the  governor,  they  said,  that  without  regret  they  found 
themselves  under  the  English  government,  and  that  they  should  al- 
ways deport  themselves  peaceably  and  loyally ;  but  that  being  en- 
tirely strangers  to  the  controversy  arisen  between  the  government 
and  the  colonies,  it  was  not  for  them  to  undertake  to  be  the  judges  of 
it ;  that  consequently  it  would  in  no  shape  become  them  to  take  any 
part  in  the  quarrel ;  that  if  the  government  thought  proper  to  arm 
the  militia  of  the  province,  in  order  to  defend  it  in  case  of  attack, 
they  should  give  it  their  cordial  assent ;  but  that  to  march  beyond 
the  frontiers,  and  attack  the  neighboring  people,  they  could  not  con- 
sent. These  favorable  dispositions  of  the  Canadians  were  a  guar- 
anty to  the  congress  of  their  security  on  the  part  of  the  north. 

Gener  J  Carleton,  finding  the  Canadians  so  decided  in  their  oppo- 
sition, h  d  recourse  to  the  authority  of  religion.  He  therefore  so- 
licited Brand,  the  bishop  of  Quebec,  to  publish  a  mandament,  to  be 
read  from  the  pulpit,  by  the  curates,  in  time  of  divine  service.  He 
desired  the  prelate  should  exhort  the  people  to  take  arms,  and  second 
the  soldiers  of  the  king,  in  their  enterprises  against  the  colonies 
But  the  bishop,  by  a  memorable  example  of  piety  and  religious 
moderation,  refused  to  lend  his  ministry  in  this  work;  saying,  that 
such  conduct  would  be  too  unworthy  the  character  of  the  pastor, 
and  too  contrary  to  the  canons  of  the  Roman  church.  However, 
as  in  all  professions  there  are  individuals  who  prefer  their  interest  to 
their  duty,  and  the  useful  to  the  honest,  a  few  ecclesiastics  employed 
themst  Ives  with  great  zeal  in  this  affair ;  but  all  their  efforts  were 
vain  ;  the  Canadians  persisted  in  their  principles  of  neutrality.  The 
nobility,  so  well  treated  in  the  act  of  Quebec,  felt  obligated  in  grati- 
tude to  promote  in  this  occurrence  the  views  of  the  government, 
and  very  strenuously  exerted  themselves  with  that  intention,  but 
without  any  better  success.  The  exhortations  of  congress  did  not 
contribute  alone  to  confirm  the  inhabitants  in  these  sentiments  ;  they 
flattered  themselves,  also,  that  their  pacific  conduct  in  so  urgent  a  cri- 
sis, and  when  their  junction  with  the  colonies  might  have  been  so 
prejudicial  to  the  interests  of  England,  would  determine  the  gov- 
ernment to  exercise  greater  mildness  towards  them,,  and  grant  them 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  £3T 

favors  wh  ch  otherwise  they  could  have  had  no  expectation  flf 
obtaining. 

General  Carleton,  perceiving  that  he  could  make  rto  calculation 
upon  being  able  to  form  Canadian  regiments,  and  knowing,  withal, 
that  there  existed  in  the  province  certain  loyalists,  who  Would  have 
no  repugnance  to  taking  arms,  and  other  individuals  whom  interest 
might  easily  induce  to  enlist  as  volunteers,  resolved  to  employ  a  new 
expedient.  He  caused  the  drums  to  beat  up,  in  Quebec,  in  order 
to  excite  the  people  to  enroll  themselves  in  a  corps  to  which  he  gave 
the  name  of  the  Royal  Highland  Emigrants.  He  offered  the  most 
favorable  conditions.  The  term  of  service  was  limited  to  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  disturbances  ;  each  soldier  was  to  receive  two  hun- 
dred acres  of  land,  in  any  province  of  North  America  he  might 
choose ;  the  king  paid  himself  the  customary  duties  upon  the  acqui- 
sition of  lands  ;  for  twenty  years,  the  new  proprietors  were  to  be  ex- 
empted from  all  contribution  for  the  benefit  of  the  crown ;  every 
married  soldier  obtained  other  fifty  acres,  in  consideration  of  his  wife, 
and  fifty  more  for  account  of  each  of  his  children,  with  the  same 
privileges  and  exemptions,  besides  the  bounty  of  a  guinea  at  the 
time  of  enlistment.  In  this  manner,  Carleton  succeeded  in  glean- 
ing up  some  few  soldiers ;  but  he  was  reduced  to  attach  much  more 
importance  to  the  movements  of  the  Indians.  The  governor,  and 
the  agents  of  the  king  with  these  savage  nations,  had  pushed  their 
negotiations  with  so  much  zeal,  that  they  had  at  length  accomplished 
a  part  of  their  wishes ;  having  persuaded  some  of  them  to  take  arms 
in  favor  of  the  English  party,  notwithstanding  they  had  so  many 
times  sworn  to  observe  an  absolute  neutrality ;  but  savage  nations 
are  not  more  scrupulous  in  keeping  faith  than  the  civilized  ;  and  gold, 
the  love  of  rapine,  and  thirst  of  blood,  are  with  them  omnipotent. 
Towards  the  last  of  July,  arrived,  however,  in  Montreal,  colonel 
Guy  Johnson,  intendant-general  of  the  king  for  Indian  affairs,  ac- 
companied by  a  great  number  of  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six 
Tribes.  A  solemn  assembly  was  formed,  where  they  appeared  as 
the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  confederate  Indians ;  their  troop  was 
considerable.  They  swore,  according  to  their  custom,  and  in  the 
presence  of  general  Carleton,  to  support  the  cause  of  the  king. 
Such  was  the  first  origin  of  the  Indian  war.  These  were  the  bar- 
barians, who,  having  joined  the  troops  of  general  Burgoyne,  exer- 
cised, two  years  after,  such  ravages,  and  perpetrated  such  cruelties, 
as  we  shall  be  constrained  to  relate,  in  the  sequel  of  this  history. 

Meanwhile,  the  congress  could  not  overlook  in  silence  the  act  of 
conciliation  of  lord  North,  without  manifesting  too  great  an  inflexi- 
bility, and  avowing  that  the  Americans  would  listen  to  no  accommo- 


238  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  T 

dation.  They,  nevertheless,  were  not  disposed  to  take  a  precipitate 
resolution  on  this  point,  and  reflected  upon  it  for  the  space  of  full  two 
months.  By  this  delay,  they  intended  to  show  either  a  great  matu- 
rity of  judgment,  or  perhaps  their  indifference  towards  the  act. 
But  what  appears  more  certain,  is  that  the  war  being  commenced, 
they  desired  to  wait  the  event  of  the  first  actions.  The  answer 
could  not,  in  effect,  be  the  same,  if  victory  had  crowned  their  efforts. 
as  in  case  fortune  had  favored  the  English  arms.  When  the  concil- 
iatory act  arrived  in  America,  the  30th  of  May,  it  is  true  the  affair 
of  Lexington  had  taken  place,  and  the  Americans  had  acquired  in  it 
a  reputation  for  incontestable  courage  ;  but  it  was  no  more,  in  fact, 
than  a  warm  brush  between  militia  collected  in  haste,  and  a  detach- 
ment of  regular  troops ;  not  a  set  battle,  from  which  any  prognostic 
could  be  drawn  relative  to  the  final  issue  of  the  war.  The  congress 
saw  perfectly  well,  that  it  would  always  be  time  to  enter  into  a  nego- 
tiation of  arrangement ;  and,  in  case  of  any  disastrous  event,  they 
wished  to  reserve  a  way  open  to  accept  the  conditions  which  Eng- 
land herself  had  offered.  Victory  would  become  of  no  utility  to  the 
Americans,  if  they  had  commenced  by  submitting  to  the  terms  pro- 
posed ;  and  ill  fortune  would  have  made  the  conditions  of  accord  no 
worse.  No  risk,  therefore,,  was  incurred  by  temporizing  ;  and  there 
might  result  from  it  great  advantages.  But  the  battle  of  Breed's 
Hill  entirely  changed  the  state  of  things.  The  ardor  with  which 
the  Americans  pressed  the  siege  of  Boston,  their  activity  in  procur- 
ing themselves  arms  and  ammunition,  the  constancy  and  even  alac- 
rity they  discovered  in  supporting  the  hardships  of  war,  and  evils 
produced  by  the  late  acts  of  parliament,  rendered  their  situation 
much  less  desperate.  If  the  event  might  still  appear  dubious  to  in- 
different men,  minds  strongly  excited  must  have  conceived  more  hope 
than  fear.  Accordingly,  the  members  of  congress,  encouraged  by 
the  favorable  aspect  of  affairs,  delayed  their  answer  under  pretext  of 
dignity.  But  at  length  they  proceeded  to  the  examination  of  the 
conditions  of  accord,  with  a  full  determination  to  reject  them.  This 
resolution,  however,  was  not  without  inconvenience  ;  for,  at  the  very 
moment  they  refused  all  arrangement,  they  wished  to  retain  the  ap- 
pearan<  >  of  a  desire  for  the  return  of  concord.  It  was  requisite  to 
color  this  refusal,  and  to  demonstrate  to  the  eyes  of  the  world,  that 
they  rejected  not  all  conditions,  but  only  such  as  were  offered  them 
They  declared  themselves  of  opinion,  that  the  colonies  of  America 
were  entitled  to  the  sole  and  exclusive  privilege  of  giving  and  grant- 
ing their  own  money ;  that  this  involved  the  right  of  deliberating 
whether  they  would  make  any  gift,  for  what  purpose  it  should  be 
made,  and  what  should  be  its  amount ;  which  privileges  were  taken 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  239 

from  the  colonists  altogether,  by  the  resolution  of  lord  North  :  that, 
as  the  colonies  possessed  the  right  of  appropriating  their  own  gifts, 
so  were  they  entitled  to  inquire  into  their  application,  to  see  that  they 
were  not  wasted  among  the  venal  and  corrupt,  for  the  purpose  of 
undermining  the  civil  rights  of  the  givers,  nor  diverted  to  the  sup- 
port of  standing  armies,  inconsistent  with  their  freedom,  and  sub- 
versive of  their  quiet ;  which  right  was  violated  by  the  resolution  in 
question,  since  it  placed  the  money  voted  at  the  disposal  of  parlia- 
ment ;  that  this  proposition  was  unreasonable,  because  it  could  not 
be  known  what  sum  the  parliament  would  exact ;  and  insidious,  be- 
cause the  parliament  itself  might  accept  the  trivial  grants  of  one 
colony,  and  refuse  the  considerable  offers  of  another,  thus  maintain- 
ing a  good  intelligence  with  some,  and  reducing  the  others  to  a  state 
of  enmity,  in  order  to  compel  their  compliance  with  harder  condi- 
tions, and  by  the  division  of  the  colonies,  thus  prepare,  at  its  pleas- 
ure, the  slavery  of  all ;  that  the  suspension  of  the  right  of  taxing 
the  colonies,  being  expressly  made  commensurate  with  the  continu- 
ance of  the  gifts,  these,  at  the  will  of  parliament,  might  become  per- 
petual ;  a  thing  that  would  aim  a  fatal  blow  at  public  liberty ;  that 
the  parliament  itself  was  in  the  established  practice  of  granting  their 
supplies  from  year  to  year  only ;  that  even  upon  the  supposition 
that  the  proffered  terms  had  been  as  fair  and  reasonable  as  they  were 
unjust  and  insidious,  the  din  of  arms  resounding  from  all  parts,  the 
armies,  the  fleets  that  infested  and  surrounded  America,  were  alone 
sufficient  to  render  them  odious  and  inadmissible ;  that  they  thought 
the  attempt  unnecessary  to  draw  from  their  hands  by  force  their  pro- 
portional contributions  to  the  common  defense,  since  they  had  al- 
ways contributed  freely ;  that  they  only  were  competent  judges  of 
the  measures  proper  to  be  taken  in  regard  to  this  point,  ar.d  that 
they  did  not  mean  the  people  of  America  should  be  burthened  to 
furnish  sinecures  for  the  idle  or  the  wicked,  under  color  of  providing 
for  a  civil  list ;  that  while  the  parliament  pursued  its  plan  of  civil 
government  within  the  limits  of  its  own  jurisdiction,  they  hoped  also 
to  pursue  theirs  without  molestation ;  that  the  proposition  was  al- 
together unsatisfactory,  because  it  imported  only  the  suspension, 
and  not  a  renunciation,  of  the  pretended  right  of  taxation,  and  be- 
cause it  did  not  propose  to  repeal  the  odious  acts  of  parliament ; 
that  the  minister  wished  to  have  it  believed  there  was  nothing  in 
dispute  but  the  mode  of  levying  taxes,  whereas,  in  truth,  their  ad- 
versaries still  claimed  the  right  of  demanding  arbitrarily,  and  of  tax 
ing  the  colonies  for  the  full  amount  of  their  demand,  if  not  com 
plied  with ;  that  the  English  government  even  claimed  a  right  to 
alter  their  charters  and  fundamental  laws . 


240  tut  AumiCAS  wak.  book  v 

'  But  when  the  world  reflects,'  they  added,  '  how  inadequate  to 
justice  are  these  vaunted  terras ;  when  it  attends  to  the  rapid  and 
bold  succession  of  injuries,  which,  during  a  course  of  eleven  years, 
have  been  aimed  at  these  colonies  ;  when  it  reviews  the  pacific  and 
respectful  expostulations,  which,  during  that  whole  time,  were  the 
sole  arms  we  opposed  to  them ;  when  it  observes  that,  our  com* 
plaints  were  either  not  heard  at  all,  or  were  answered  with  new 
and  accumulated  injuries  ;  when  it  recollects  that  the  minister  him- 
self, on  an  early  occasion,  declared,  that  '  he  would  never  treat 
With  America  till  he  had  brought  her  to  his  feet,'  and  that  an  avow- 
ed partisan  of  ministry  has  more  lately  denounced  against  us  the 
dreadful  sentence,  '  Delenda  est  Carthago,''  d^t  this  was  done  in 
presence  of  a  British  senate,  and  being  unreproved  by  them,  must 
be  taken  to  be  their  own  sentiment ;  when  it  considers  the  great  ar- 
maments with  which  they  have  invaded  us,  and  the  circumstances 
af  cruelty  with  which  they  have  commenced  and  prosecuted  hostili- 
ties ;  when  these  things,  we  say,  are  laid  together,  and  attentively 
considered,  can  the  world  be  deceived  into  an  opinion  that  we  are 
unreasonable  ?  or  can  it  hesitate  to  believe,  with  us,  that  nothing  but 
our  own  exertions  may  defeat  the  ministerial  sentence  of  death,  or 
abject  submission  ? ' 

Such  were  the  conclusions  of  the  congress,  relative  to  the  resolu- 
tion of  adjustment  of  lord  North ;  they  caused  them  to  be  published, 
and  distributed  in  all  places.  No  one  can  observe  the  acrimonious 
style,  and  the  new  pretensions  of  the  Americans,  without  perceiving 
how  little  they  were  inclined  to  concord.  Wishing,  however,  to 
remove  the  prejudice  resulting  to  their  cause,  from  the  opinion, 
which  began  to  be  general,  that  they  already  aimed  at  independence, 
they  resolved  to  clear  themselves  of  the  blame  of  not  having  deigned, 
from  the  commencement  of  the  controversy,  to  bring  forward  any 
conciliatory  proposition  ;  and  intending,  perhaps,  to  reserve  a  free 
access  with  the  conqueror,  in  case  of  disaster,  or  perhaps  also  to 
preclude  the  propositions  of  lord  North,  which  they  were  determined 
not  to  accept,  t&e  congress  had  it  in  contemplation  to  offer  the 
following  conditions  ;  the  colonies  should  not  only  continue  to  grant 
extraordinary  subsidies  in  time  of  war,  but,  besides,  if  allowed  a  free 
commerce,  they  were  to  pay  into  the  sinking  fund,  such  sum  annu- 
ally, for  the  space  of  an  hundred  years,  as  at  that  period  would,  if 
faithfully  appropriated,  suffice  to  extinguish  the  present  debt  of  Great 
Britain.  In  case  this  condition  was  not  accepted,  they  proposed  to 
stipulate  with  Great  Britain,  a  compact,  by  virtue  of  which,  that 
kkigctem  should  be  authorized,  for  the  same  term  of  an  hundred 
years,  to  make  such  laws  cs  it  might  judge  necessary,  to  regulate 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  241 

commerce,  and  direct  it  towards  the  general  utility  of  the  empire; 
but  in  such  case,  no  other  pecuniary  contribution  could  be  required 
of  them.  This  proposition,  as  is  seen,  implied  no  new  concession 
since,  on  the  contrary,  this  was  precisely  the  subject  in  controversy. 
Some  believed,  also,  that  they  would  have  proposed  that  the  par- 
liament should  impose  a  general  tax  upon  all  the  empire,  meaning, 
upon  England,  Scotland,  and  the  American  colonies,  of  which  tax 
each  of  these  countries  should  bear  its  proportion,  according  to  its 
faculties.  They  imagined  that  this  mode  of  imposition  would  render 
the  parliament  extremely  circumspect  upon  this  point,  since  it  could 
no  longer  charge  America,  without  charging  England  at  the  same 
time,  and  in  the  same  proportion.  But  the  action  of  Breed's  Hill, 
the  rigorous  siege  of  Boston,  the  ardor  of  the  people,  and  perhaps 
the  hope,  alieady  more  probable,  of  foreign  succors,  so  wrought, 
that  these  propositions  were  soon  consigned  to  oblivion,  and  the 
whole  mind  was  given  to  thoughts  of  war. 

Hitherto  the  congress  had  made  all  the  dispositions  which  related 
either  to  the  support  of  the  war,  to  the  negotiations  of  alliance  with 
the  neighboring  nations,  or  to  the  justification  of  their  cause  with  the 
inhabitants  of  Great  Britain  and  of  Ireland  ;  they  now  applied  them- 
selves to  the  business  of  establishing  the  bases  of  their  authority  ;  of 
ascertaining  how  far  its  limits  ought  to  extend ;  and  what  were  it* 
relations  with  the  authority  of  the  provincial  assemblies.  This  fixa- 
tion of  powers  was,  with  good  reason,  considered  as  an  operation  of 
the  first  necessity.  For,  until  then,  the  transactions  of  the  congress 
were  supported  rather  upon  the  opinion  of  the  people,  than  upon 
statutes  approved  by  them,  or  by  the  assemblies  of  their  representa- 
tives. They  were  obeyed,  because  such  was  the  general  inclination, 
but  not  because  the  constitutional  laws  required  it.  It  was  even 
because  it  was  intended  to  conduct  America  to  the  state  of  an  inde- 
pendent nation,  having  its  own  government,  and  a  supreme  magis- 
trate, that  it  was  desired  to  direct  things  gradually  towards  this 
object,  and  to  withdraw,  little  by  little,  the  management  of  affairs 
from  the  local  administrations,  in  order  to  concentrate  it  in  one  only 
and  common  point.  It  was  also  an  efficacious  means  of  providing 
that  no  province,  individually,  should  ever  think  of  detaching  itself 
from  the  Union,  as,  in  such  case,  it  would  become  not  only  unfaith- 
ful to  the  others,  but  also  rebellious  towards  the  general  government 
of  America.  Notwithstanding  considerations  of  such  moment,  this 
affair  could  not  be  managed  without  extreme  difficulty,  on  account 
of  the  reciprocal  jealousies  of  the  provincial  assemblies,  which  were 
not  likely  to  renounce,  but  with  the  utmost  repugnance,  a  part  of 
their  ancient  authority,  to  be  vested  in  a  new  and  unusual  adminia 
vou  I.  2 1 


24£  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  T 


tration.  If  the  impulsion  of  the  people  had  been  less  general,  it  the 
necessity  of  pursuing  the  career  in  which  they  were  already  so  far 
advanced,  had  been  less  imperious,  perhaps  the  total  plan  of  the  en- 
terprise would  have  been  marred  by  these  partial  ambitions.  But 
the  die  was  cast,  and  it  was  requisite  either  to  move  onward  farther 
than  would  have  been  wished,  or  to  return  back,  much  farther  than 
would  have  been  apprehended.  It  was  therefore  in  the  midst  of 
these  hopes,  and  of  this  necessity,  that  the  congress  drew  up  and 
published  the  articles  of  confederation  ;  thus  establishing  invariably 
their  authority,  no  longer  upon  the  momentary  impetus  of  popular 
feeling,  but  upon  laws  approved  and  sanctioned  by  the  general  will. 
In  the  first  place,  the  colonists  bound  themselves  and  their  pos- 
terity, for  the  common  defense  against  enemies,  for  the  protection  of 
their  liberty  and  property,  as  also  of  their  persons,  and  of  the  pros- 
perity of  America.  Each  colony  retained  its  jurisdiction  entire 
within  its  own  limits,  the  right  of  regulating  its  internal  administra- 
tion, and  an  independent  sovereignty  in  respect  to  all  its  domestic 
affairs.  But,  for  the  more  convenient  direction  of  public  transac- 
tions, each  colony  was  to  elect  deputies,  who  should  convene  in  con- 
gress at  the  time  and  place  which  should  be  appointed  by  the  pre- 
ceding congress.  In  ordinary  circumstances,  the  congress  should 
hold  their  session  successively  in  each  colony,  observing  a  regular 
rotation.  This  body  should  have  power  to  make  war  and  peace,  to 
contract  alliances,  to  adjust  controversies  between  the  different 
provinces,  and  to  establish  colonies  wherever  it  should  be  thought 
necessary.  The  congress  should  be  authorized  to  make  laws  of 
general  utility,  and  for  which  the  provincial  assemblies  should  not  be 
competent,  as,  iot  example,  all  those  concerning  the  forces  of  the 
Union,  and  the  affairs  relating  to  commerce  and  the  mint ;  the  con- 
gress should  appoint  all  the  officers,  civil  and  military,  of  the  Union, 
such  as  generals,  admirals,  ambassadors,  and  others  ;  the  charges  of 
the  war,  and  other  expenses  of  the  Union,  should  be  supported  by 
the  public  treasure,  which  should  be  replenished  by  each  colony,  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  male  inhabitants,  from  the  age  of  sixteen 
to  sixty  years ;  the  number  of  delegates  per  colony,  should,  in  like 
manner,  be  determined  by  that  of  the  male  citizens,  so  that  there 
should  be  one  representative  for  every  five  thousand  individu- 
als ;  the  deliberations  of  congress  should  be  enacted  with  half  the 
suffrages,  and  it  should  be  allowable  to  vote  by  proxy  ;  there  should 
bean  executive  council,  composed  of  twelve  persons,  elected  without 
congress,  four  of  whom  should  be  succeeded  every  year ;  the  coun- 
cil, during  the  recess  of  congress,  should  superintend  the  execution 
of  its  laws  ;  the  executive  decisions  being  always  to  be  taken  by  two 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  243 

thirds  of  the  votes;  the  same  council  should  be  charged  with  the 
direction  of  general  affairs,  both  internal  and  external ;  it  should 
receive  all  dispatches  coming  from  princes  and  foreign  governments ; 
should  prepare  matters  to  be  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the 
next  congress  ;  should  fill,  during  the  interval  of  its  sessions,  all  the 
offices  which  should  have  become  vacant ;  and  should,  besides,  have 
power  to  draw  money  from  the  public  treasury.  It  was  also  regulated , 
that  no  colony  should  make  war  upon  the  Indian  tribes,  without  the 
consent  of  congress ;  that,  consequently,  the  frontiers  and  territory 
of  every  Indian  nation  should  be  acknowledged  theirs  and  respected ; 
that  agents  should  be  established  on  the  part  of  congress  among  the 
Indian  nations,  in  suitable  places,  with  instructions  to  prevent  frauds 
and  impositions  in  the  traffic  with  them.  It  was  established  as  a 
principle,  that  the  Union  should  subsist  until  the  terms  of  arrange- 
ment proposed  to  the  king,  by  the  preceding  congress;  should  be 
accepted  by  England,  the  acts  prohibitory  of  American  commerce 
repealed,  an  indemnity  granted  for  the  shutting  of  the  port  of  Boston, 
for  the  burning  of  Charlestown,  and  for  the  expenses  of  the  war  ; 
finally,  until  the  British  troops  should  have  entirely  evacuated  the 
territory  of  America.  It  was  added,  that  when  the  British  govern- 
ment should  have  accomplished  the  foregoing  conditions,  the  colonies 
would  resume  their  ancient  relations  of  friendship  with  Great  Britain ; 
but  that  otherwise  the  confederation  should  be  perpetual.  Space 
was  left  to  accede  to  the  league  for  the  provinces  of  Quebec,  of 
St.  Johns,  of  Nova  Scotia,  of  the  two  Floridas,  and  the  Bermudas. 
Thus  the  congress  laid  the  foundations  of  American  greatness. 

Meanwhile,  the  colonies  hesitated  to  accept  the  articles  of  confed- 
eration. North  Carolina  absolutely  refused.  Things  were  not  yet 
arrived  at  the  point  of  maturity,  desirable  for  the  establishment  of  a 
perfect  union.  The  people  suffer  themselves  too  often  to  be  guided 
by  vain  fears,  or  by*  vain  hopes  ;  and,  at  this  epoch,  the  greater  part 
of  the  colonists  still  flattered  themselves  with  the  possibility  of  return- 
ing, some  day  or  other,  upon  honorable  terms,  to  their  ancient  footing 
with  Great  Britain.  It  was,  indeed,  quite  evident,  to  what  object 
the  congress  was  tending.  They  considered  reconciliation,  if  not 
is  absolutely  impossible,  at  least  as  extremely  improbable.  And, 
besides,  if  there  had  existed  any  hope  of  arrangement,  the  articles 
of  union  would  have  enfeebled  it  greatly,  not  to  say  totally  extin- 
guished ;  and  therefore,  perhaps,  the  congress  had  proposed  them. 
For,  omitting  the  offensive  declarations,  the  menaces,  and  the  laws 
contrary  alike  to  the  English  constitution  and  to  the  tenor  of  char- 
ters, this  new  pretension  of  indemnities  would  alone  have  sufficed 
to  interrupt  all  approach  to  reconciliation ;  for  it  could  not  be  pre- 


fi44  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  V. 


sumcd  that  the  British  government  would  stoop  to  such  ignominious 
conditions.  It  was  therefore  manifest5  that  while  the  two  parties 
protested  their  desire  to  meet  each  other,  they  were  both  exerting 
all  their  efforts  to  render  it  impossible.  It  was  no  less  evident,  that 
when  in  parliament  the  adversaries  of  the  ministers  proposed  con- 
cessions and  terms  of  arrangement,  it  was  with  reason  the  latter 
rejected  them,  saying,  that  all  these  conciliatory  measures  would  not 
only  be  useless,  but  even  detrimental,  because  they  would  encourage 
the  colonists  to  new  demands,  less  admissible  still.  If  the  ministers 
themselves  proposed,  afterwards,  and  carried  an  act  of  conciliation, 
it  was  only  a  pretext  to  divide,  and  not  to  re-unite.  They  were 
therefore  in  the  right,  when  they  resolved  to  continue  the  war,  at  all 
hazards ;  but  they  were  in  the  wrong,  not  to  carry  it  on  with  suffi- 
cient means. 

I  have  no  doubt,  but  in  reading  this  history,  it  will  be  observed 
with  extreme  surprise,  that  while  the  people  in  all  the  colonies  flew 
to  arms,  subverted  all  public  order,  and  exercised  every  species  of 
hostile  demonstrations  against  the  authority  of  the  king,  the  govern- 
ors, who  represented  him,  preserving  the  cairn  of  immobility,  took 
no  resolutions  proper  to  re-establish  obedience.  But  if  no  one  of 
these  governors  is  seen  acting  in  a  manner  conformable  to  the  impor- 
tance of  circumstances,  it  should  be  considered  that  none  of  them 
had  regular  troops  at  his  disposal,  to  constrain  the  inhabitants  to 
submission.  The  only  force  to  which  they  could  have  recourse,  to 
maintain  the  public  tranquillity,  and  carry  the  laws  into  execution, 
was  composed  of  the  militia  of  the  country,  themselves  a  part  of  the 
insurgent  people,  and  consequently  favorable  to  their  cause.  It  was 
not  in  America  as  in  Europe,  where  a  militia,  which  no  longer  makes 
part  of  the  people,  but  which  controls  tl.e;o,  and  with  arms  contin- 
ually in  hand,  is  always  ready  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  prince. 
In  the  English  colonies,  on  the  contrary,  the  militia  was  not  distinct 
from  the  people  themselves ;  and  if  this  support  was  wanting  to 
the  government,  it  found  itself,  of  necessity,  to  have  none.  The 
governors,  however,  did  what  was  in  their  power  to  defend  the  au- 
thority of  the  king,  each  according  to  his  character,  and  the  circum- 
itances  in  which  he  was  placed.  Their  efforts  had  memorable 
effects,  as  will  be  seen  by  what  follows ;  they  produced  the  absolute 
extinction  of  the  royal  government. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  the  misunderstanding  which  prevail- 
ed between  the  governor,  lord  Dunmore,  and  the  assembly,  and, 
generally,  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Virginia.  New  dis- 
gusts broke  out,  upon  the  arrival  of  the  news  from  England,  of  lord 
North's  resolution  of  accord.     It  may  be  said,  that  an  instrument 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  245 

invested  with  the  names  of  peace  and  concord,  was  the  occasion,  on 
the  contrary,  not  only  of  discoid,  but  of  open  war.  The  governor, 
having  convoked  the  assembly,  placed  this  act  before  their  eyes,  en- 
larging greatly  upon  the  goodness  of  parliament.  He  also  hinted, 
that  the  fruit  of  their  compliance  would  be  the  abrogation  of  the 
laws  complained  of.  But  soft  words  had  little  influence  over  the 
jealous  and  exasperated  minds  of  the  Virginians.  The  assembly, 
wishing  to  broach  the  quarrel,  instead  of  entering  into  the  discus- 
sion of  the  matter  proposed,  immediately  took  up  the  affair  of  the 
arsenal,  and  demanded  its  restitution ;  but  the  intervention  of  the 
governor  being  here  necessary,  they  sent  him  a  message,  importing 
that  he  would  be  pleased  to  permit  the  entrance  of  this  magazine. 
The  altercation  now  became  vehement ;  and  during  the  wordy  con- 
flict, the  people  forced  the  gates  of  the  arsenal,  and  bore  off  the 
arms.  The  state  in  which  they  found  them,  carried  their  fury  to 
extremity.  The  powder  was  spoiled,  the  muskets  without  locks,  the 
cannon  without  carriages ;  every  thing  had  been  plundered  or  de- 
stroyed, in  the  late  disturbances. 

The  governor,  on  seeing  the  revolt,  retired,  with  his  wife  and 
children,  on  board  a  ship  of  war*  anchored  near  York  town,  in  the 
river  of  this  name.  Previous  to  his  departure,  he  addressed  a  mes- 
sage to  the  assembly,  by  which  he  announced,  that  in  order  to  with- 
draw from  the  danger  to  which  himself  and  his  family  were  exposed 
on  the  part  of  a  furious  multitude,  he  had  thought  prudent  to  take 
refuge  in  a  place  of  security ;  he  invited  them  to  continue  their 
business,  while,  on  his  part,  he  should  continue  his  functions ;  and 
to  send  him  a  deputation  on  board  his  vessel,  whenever  they  should 
think  it  necessary  to  confer  with  him  upon  the  affairs  of  the  time.. 
The  assembly  answered,  that  they  did  not  believe  there  existed, 
among  the  Virginians,  any  individual  capable  of  perpetrating  the 
excesses  the  governor  apprehended  ;  they  expressed  their  regrets 
that  he  had  not  made  them  acquainted  with  his  fears,  before  aban- 
doning the  seat  of  government ;  assuring  him,  that  they  would  have 
taken  all  the  measures  he  might  himself  have  proposed,  for  his  own 
security  and  that  of  his  family.  Finally,  considering  the  little  facility 
afforded,  in  such  a  place,  for  the  transaction  of  affairs  with  the 
requisite  convenience  and  promptitude,  they  earnestly  request- 
ed him  to  return ;  to  yield  to  the  impatience  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  dispose  them,  by  this  proof  of  confidence,  to  order  and  tran- 
quillity. 

The  governor  replied  with  much  bitterness,  as  the  popular  move- 
ments had  agitated  his  mind  beyond  all  reason.     He  concluded  his 

TbeFoweymatxofwar. 


t46  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK   V 

letter,  however,  by  glancing  afresh  at  the  conciliatory  resolution,  and 
with  the  assurance  that  he  should  esteem  it  his  felicity  to  be  the 
instrument  of  concord  between  the  jarring  parts  of  the  British 
empire. 

This  bland  conclusion  was  not  sufficient  to  mitigate  the  irritation 
created  by  the  menacing  commencement  of  the  letter.  Accordingly, 
the  answer  of  the  assembly  was  more  acrimonious  still ;  as  to  the 
act  of  accord,  they  replied,  it  was  a  vain  and  insidious  measure, 
which  only  changed  the  mode  of  oppression,  without  tending  to 
relieve  it ;  that,  consequently,  they  would  not  accept  it. 

Such  a  temper  of  mind,  in  both  the  parties,  precluded  every 
glimpse  of  a  better  understanding.  The  assembly,  having  finally 
matured  the  bills  and  resolves  before  them,  invited  the  governor  to 
repair  to  Williamsburgh,  in  order  to  pass  them.  Lord  Dunmoro 
replied,  that  he  would  not  expose  his  person  in  the  midst  of  a  mad 
populace  ;  that  they  might  send  him  the  bills  for  examination  ;  that 
he  should  be  ready  to  receive  the  house,  at  his  present  residence,  for 
the  purpose  of  giving  his  assent  to  such  acts  as  he  should  approve 
of.  Here  ended  all  correspondence  between  the  governor  and  the 
colony  of  Virginia.  If  he  would  not  trust  himself  with  the  Virgin- 
ians, they  were  as  little  disposed  to  trust  themselves  with  him.  It 
might,  besides,  appear  strange  enough,  that,  in  the  midst  of  so  many 
suspicions,  the  chief  citizens  of  an  entire  province  should  go  to  im- 
mure themselves  on  board  a  ship  of  war,  completely  in  the  power 
of  a  person  they  looked  upon  as  their  enemy,  and  who  might  have 
retained  them  as  hostages  for  the  execution  of  his  ulterior  designs. 

The  assembly,  when  informed  of  the  sentiments  of  the  governor, 
declared  publicly,  that  they  suspected  the  existence  of  a  sinister  con- 
spiracy against  the  people  of  the  colony ;  they  consequently  warned 
the  inhabitants  to  stand  prepared  to  defend  their  property,  and  their 
rights,  still  more  precious  ;  they  renewed  their  protestations  of  fidel- 
ity towards  the  king,  of  affection  for  the  mother  country ;  and,  ad- 
journing themselves  to  the  month  of  October,  separated.  Thug 
ceased  to  exist,  about  the  middle  of  July,  the  royal  government  in 
Virginia,  after  having  lasted  during  more  than  two  hundred  years, 
with  the  tranquillity  and  happiness  of  all. 

But  arduous  toils,  and  numerous  dangers,  still  awaited  the 
province. 

The  inroads  of  an  enemy  so  superior  in  naval  force,  were  to  be 
feared  upon  the  coasts,  and  upon  the  borders  of  all  the  great  riveri 
which  bathe  it.  Nor  were  the  inhabitants  without  disquietude,  in 
regard  to  the  slaves,  who  were  extremely  numerous,  and  whom,  lord 
Dunmore  had  given  out,  he  should  instigate  to  revolt  against  their 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  247 

masters.  If  this  cruel  race,  and  cruelly  treated,  had  joined  th© 
loyalists  in  these  first  moments,  when  the  Virginian  government 
was  still  so  recent,  the  most  terrible  consequences  might  have  re- 
sulted, and  perhaps  the  total  extermination  of  the  province.  This 
consideration  decided  the  Virginians  to  form  a  convention,  in 
which  they  placed  great  confidence.  They  proceeded  immediately 
to  levy  troops,  provide  munitions,  and  raise  money ;  in  a  word,  to 
take  all  the  measures  they  believed  proper  to  secure  the  success  of 
their  cause. 

Lord  Dunmore,  finding  himself  thus  expelled  from  his  own 
government,  as  well  by  his  personal  obstinacy  as  by  the  force  of 
things,  would  not,  however,  being  versed  in  arms,  abandon  the  hope 
of  recovering  his  authority.  Independent  of  his  character,  (perti- 
nacious, and  capable  of  the  greatest  resolutions)  he  was  also  ani- 
mated by  a  desire  to  perform  some  brilliant  achievement  for  the  ser- 
vice of  his  king,  and  encouraged  by  the  idea  that  some  violent  move- 
ment would  inevitably  discover  itself  among  the  slaves.  He  like- 
wise believed,  that  the  number  of  the  loyalists  was  considerable; 
and  that  their  party  would  not  fail  to  put  themselves  in  motion,  when 
he  should  make  his  appearance  upon  the  coasts,  and  even  in  the 
heart  of  the  province,  with  a  formidable  squadron.  This  hope,  if 
not  absolutely  chimerical,  was  at  least  very  slightly  founded  ;  but  it 
is  an  error  common  to  all  times,  and  to  all  generals,  to  build  ex- 
travagantly upon  the  intestine  divisions  of  revolted  subjects.  All 
the  auxiliaries  that  joined  the  governor,  consisted  in  those  individ- 
uals, who,  having  incurred  the  suspicion  of  the  people,  could  no 
longer  reside  with  safety  in  the  province,  and  a  certain  number  of 
slaves,  of  a  profligate  stamp. 

WitU  this  troop,  and  with  the  frigates  upon  that  station,  he  flat- 
tered himself  he  should  be  able  to  make  some  impression  of  impor- 
tance in  the  adjacent  country.  He  omitted  no  exertion  to  increase 
the  strength  of  his  squadron,  and  the  number  of  his  men ;  and  es- 
pecially to  approach  nearer  to  the  land.  Having  accomplished  this 
purpose,  by  joining  to  his  frigates  a  great  number  of  light  vessels,  he 
began  to  move,  at  one  time  showing  himself  in  this  part,  at  another, 
in  that ;  but  of  himself  he  was  not  able  to  produce  any  conside- 
rable effect.  He  expected,  but  in  vain,  that  the  people  would  rise, 
and  take  arms  in  favor  of  the  king.  Reduced  to  his  own  forces,  he 
commenced  hostilities,  which  more  resembled  the  attacks  of  pirates,, 
than  a  fair  and  regular  war  It  was,  in  truth,  a  shocking  spectacle* 
to  see  the  governor  of  a  piovince  rushing  upon  all  points  to  lay  it 
waste,  and  to  wrest  by  violence  the  provisions  of  which  he  had  need ; 
while  the  people,  who  recently  had  obeyed  his  orders,  endeavored 


£48  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  V 


to  repulse  him.  But  the  Virginians  alledged,  that  their  conduct  was 
sufficiently  authorized  by  that  of  the  royal  troops,  who,  under  pre- 
text of  self-preservation,  meditated  the  destruction  of  the  whole 
province.  They  complained,  that  persons  obnoxious  to  the  gov- 
ernor were  seized,  and  confined  on  board  ships;  that  their  planta- 
tions were  ravaged,  their  houses  fired,  their  negroes  carried  off; 
devastations  that  were  never  executed  without  effusion  of  blood. 
The  Virginians  marched,  for  the  protection  of  the  rivers  and  coasts. 
a  few  corps  of  militia,  recently  taken  into  pay  by  the  provincial 
convention.  The  war  that  ensued  was  the  more  cruel,  as  it  was 
useless,  iu;d  could  have  no  other  effect  but  that  of  still  more  in- 
flaming and  exasperating  the  minds  on  both  sides. 

The  governor,  having  surprised  the  town  of  Hampton,  situated 
upon  the  bay  of  the  same  name,  devoted  it  to  the  flames.  His 
wish  had  been  to  take  up  his  quarters,  and  assemble  a  considerable 
force  at  that  point ;  but  the  Virginians  came  up  in  multitude,  and 
forced  him  to  re-embark. 

Lord  Dunmore  proclaimed  martial  law  ;  the  effect  of  which  would 
have  been  to  suspend  all  civil  authority  in  the  province.  He  exhorted 
the  loyalists  to  repair  to  the  royal  standard  ;  to  retain  in  their  hands 
the  contributions  due  to  the  crown,  as  well  as  other  taxes,  until  the 
re-establishment  of  peace.  Moreover,  he  declared  free  all  slaves  or 
servants,  black  or  white,  belonging  to  rebels,  provided  they  should 
take  arms  and  join  the  royal  troops. 

This  proclamation,  and  especially  the  clause  concerning  slaves, 
proved  that  lord  Dunmore  was  a  man  extremely  deficient  in  prudence 
and  moderation,  but  produced  none  of  the  effects  he  had  expected. 
In  the  colonies,  and  even  in  all  other  countries,  an  universal  cry 
arose  against  a  measure  which  tended  to  disturb  society  in  its  very 
foundations,  to  destroy  domestic  security,  to  engender  mortal  sus- 
picions, and  to  excite  a  race,  naturally  ferocious,  to  vengeance  and 
to  murder.  In  fact,  this  step  of  the  governor  was  not  merely  use- 
less,— it  was  pernicious  ;  it  irritated  the  minds  of  the  greater  number, 
and  gained  over  none. 

Meanwhile,  lord  Dunmore  again  came  on  shore,  and  occupied 
Norfolk,  an  important  city,  situated  upon  the  banks  of  Elizabeth 
river.  In  this  place  and  its  vicinity,  a  great  number  of  loyalists 
resided.  Some  hundreds  of  these,  and  of  the  negroes,  joined  the 
governor,  and  gave  him,  in  this  part,  the  superiority  over  the  ene- 
my. Some  of  the  provincial  milkia,  having  made  a  show  of  resist- 
ance, were  routed  without  difficulty.  He  had  already  conceived 
the  hope  of  reconquering  the  province,  and  of  replacing  it  under 
>  tfee,  autiwrity  of  the.  king. 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  249 

The  administration  of  the  state  of  Virginia  directed  all  their  at- 
tention upon  this  point,  where  they  perceived,  with  reason,  the  germ 
of  a  war  more  formidable ;  and  resolved  to  avert  the  evil,  by  a  prompt 
remedy.  They  dispatched,  therefore,  with  all  speed,  for  Norfolk*  a 
regiment  of  militia,  and  a  detachment  of  minute-men,  under  the 
command  of  colonel  Woodford.  The  governor,  apprised  of  this 
movement,  very  prudently  occupied  a  strong  position  upon  the  north 
bank  of  Elizabeth  river,  called  Great  Bridge,  a  few  miles  from  Nor- 
folk. This  point  was  situated  upon  the  direct  route  of  the  provin- 
cial troops.  Here  he  promptly  threw  up  works  on  the  Norfolk  side, 
and  furnished  them  with  a  numerous  artillery  The  intrenehments 
were  surrounded  on  every  part  with  water  and  marshes,  and  were 
only  accessible  by  a  long  dike.  As  to  the  forces  of  the  governor, 
they  were  little  formidable  ;  he  had  only  two  hundred  regulars,  and 
a  corps  of  Norfolk  volunteers  ;  the  residue  consisted  in  a  shapeless 
mass  of  varlets  of  every  color.  The  Virginians  took  post  over 
against  the  English,  in  a  small  village,  it  cannon  shot  distance. 
Before  thern  they  had  a  long  narrow  dike,  the  extremity  of  which 
they  also  fortified.  In  this  state,  the  two  parties  remained  for  sev- 
eral days,  without  making  any  movement.  Lioru  duihuuic,  nuvhig *u 
length  perceived  that  this  delay  was  prejudicial  to  him,  as  well  a* 
beneficial  to  the  Americans,  who  abounded  in  provisions,  and  re- 
ceived every  day  new  re-inforcements,  found  a  motive  in  his  per- 
gonal courage,  and  perhaps  in  his  contempt  for  the  enemy,  sufficient 
to  order  the  attack.  He  hoped  to  be  able  thus  to  open  himself  a 
passage  into  the  heart  of  the  country.  Accordingly,  the  9th  of  De- 
cember, before  day,  he  directed  captain  Fordyce  to  assault  the 
enemy,  at  the  head  of  a  company  of  grenadiers.. 

They  marched  boldly  towards  the  American  works,  captain  For- 
dyce leading  the  vanguard,  and  lieutenant  Bathurst  the  forlorn  hope. 
Captain  Leslie  followed,  with  a  detachment  of  three  hundred  black* 
and  whites,  and  two  hundred  soldiers  of  the  lirfe.  All  the  American 
camp  instantly  flew  to  arms,  and  prepared  to  defend  themselves. 
The  action  continued  for  a  good  space  of  time,  with  incredible  ob- 
stinacy. At  length,  captain  Fordyce  having  been  killed,  at  a  few 
paces  from  the  intrenehments,  after  exhibiting  prodigies  of  valor,  and 
a  great  part  of  his  troop  being  either  wounded  or  slain,  the  British 
fell  back  upon  the  bridge.  The  artillery  of  the  redoubt  prevented 
the  Americans  from  pursuing.  The  negroes  behaved  very  shabbily, 
and  saved  themselves  by  flight.  The  Americans  treated  tne  Eng- 
lish fallen  into  their  power  with  humanity,  but  the  loyalists  with 
rigor.  This  feat,  on  the  part  of  lord  Dunmore,  savored  more  of  the 
rash  general,  than  the  soldier  «f  courage. 


250  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V 

Experience  having  convinced  the  governor  that  he  could  not  hope 
to  make  progress  in  this  part,  he  abandoned  Great  Bridge,  and  re- 
tired to  Norfolk,  leaving  a  i'ew  pieces  of  cannon  in  the  power  of  the 
enemy.  Finally,  not  thinking  himself  secure  in  this  city  and  the 
adjacent  country,  he  took  the  resolution  to  repair  to  his  ships  again. 
the  number  of  which  was  increased  by  the  junction  of  all  those  that 
were  found  in  the  port  of  Norfolk.  He  could  not,  in  fact,  have  too 
many;  for  many  of  the  loyalists,  forced  to  quit  their  country,  sought 
refuge  on  board  the  fleet,  bringing  with  them  their  furniture  and 
most  valuable  effects.  The  provincials  occupied  Norfolk,  which 
they  found  almost  deserted;  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants 
having  departed  in  the  squadron  of  the  governor. 

While  these  events  were  passing  upon  the  coasts  of  Virginia,  a 
project  of  great  importance  was  planned ;  this  was  to  raise  in  arms 
the  inhabitants  of  the  parts  situated  in  the  west  of  the  colonies,  but 
particularly  of  Virginia  and  of  the  two  Carolinas,  which  were  known 
to  be  well  affected  towa  ds  the  royal  cause.  It  was  also  hoped  that 
the  Indians  would  take  the  field,»and  not  only  harass  the  rear  of  the 
provincials,  but  even  that,  increasing  in  number  and  force,  they  would 
4re  nbk;  tyj  uu^r^thc  provinces,  and  coalesce  with  lord  Dunmore 
upon  the  coasts.  A  certain  John  Connelly,  an  enterprising,  audacious 
man,  born  in  the  county  of  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  was  consid- 
ered a  fit  instrument  for  the  execution  of  this  project.  Having  con- 
ferred with  lord  Dunmore,  he  received  from  him  the  most  brilliant 
promises,  and  the  most  ample  authority,  to  enable  him  to  accomplish 
the  objects  of  the  mission  which  was  confided  to  him.  In  pursuance 
whereof,  he  repaired  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  in  order  to  sound  the 
dispositions  of  the  Indians,  and  of  the  loyalists  who  inhabited  this 
part  of  the  frontiers.  Having  succeeded  beyond  his  hopes,  he 
returned  to  make  report  to  the  governor.  It  was  arranged,  that  the 
garrisons  of  the  vicinity,  and  principally  those  of  Detroit  and  fort 
Gage,  in  the  country  of  the  Illinois,  should  lend  him  assistance ;  and 
it  was  expected,  also,  that  the  officers  of  the  garrisons  of  Canada 
would  second  him.  It  was  understood,  that  whenever  his  troops 
should  have  made  their  preparations,  they  were  to  assemble  at  Pitts- 
burgh, and  thence,  passing  the  Alleganies,  scour  Virginia,  and  effect 
their  junction  with  lord  Dunmore  at  the  city  of  Alexandria,  situated 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Potomac.  Fortune  had  shown  herself  propi- 
tious to  these  first  essays.  Connelly  had  passed  several  times  without 
acci  dent  from  one  place  to  another,  and  kept  his  correspondence  with 
the  loyalists  and  Indians  a  profound  secret.  On  his  way  to  Detroit, 
ne  had  already  reached  the  extreme  frontier  of  Maryland,  near  the 
town  of  Tamar,  rejoicing  vt  thin  himself  at  having  escaped  so  many 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAIt.  251 

perils,  when  he  was  detected,  and  arrested.  The  papers  of*  which 
he  was  the  bearer  were  published  by  order  of  congress.  Thus  this 
mysterious  plot,  which  lord  Dunmore,  for  want  of  open  arms,  had 
been  reduced  to  concert,  proved  like  several  others  completely  abor- 
tive ;  its  sole  results  were  greater  animosity  on  the  part  of  the  colo- 
nists, and  the  annihilation  of  his  own  influence. 

Meanwhile,  Norfolk  was  menaced  with  a  disastrous  event.  Al- 
though the  greater  part  of  the  loyalists  of  this  city  and  its  environs, 
had  sought  refuge  in  the  governor's  fleet,  there  had,  nevertheless, 
remained  a  considerable  number  of  them  ;  either  on  account  of  their 
reluctance  to  leave  their  properties,  or  their  dread  of  the  sea  and  of 
famine,  or  perhaps  because  they  hoped  to  find  more  lenity  on  the 
part  of  their  fellow  citizens,  who  made  profession  of  liberty,  than 
they  had  shown  towards  them,  when  they  had  been  superior  in  this 
country. 

But  it  is  certain  that  the  patriots,  on  acquiring  the  ascendancy, 
made  them  feel  it  cruelly,  and  overwhelmed  them  with  all  those  vex- 
ations of  which  there  are  so  many  examples  in  civil  wars,  between 
men  of  different  parties.  The  governor,  transported  with  rago.  and 
touched  by  the  piteous  cries  of  the  loyalists,  panted  to  avenge  them. 
This  reciprocal  hatred  was  daily  exasperated  by  the  rencounters 
which  took  place  very  frequently  between  the  two  parties  ;  the  pro- 
vincials watching  at  all  points  of  the  shore  to  prevent  the  royal 
troops  from  landing,  in  order  to  forage  in  die  country,  and  the  lat- 
ter, on  the  contrary,  eagerly  spying  every  means  to  plunder  provis- 
ions upon  the  American  territory.  The  multitude  of  mouths  to  be 
fed,  kept  them  continually  in  a  famishing  state.  A  ship  of  war  ar- 
rived, in  the  meantime,  in  the  bay  of  Norfolk.  Lord  Dunmore  sent 
a  flag  on  shore  to  apprise  the  inhabitants,  that  they  must  furnish 
provisions,  and  cease  firing,  otherwise  he  should  bombard  the  town. 
The  provincials  answered  only  by  a  refusal.  The  governor  then 
resolved  to  drive  them  out  of  the  city  with  artillery,  and  to  burn  the 
houses  situated  upon  the  river.  He  sent  in  the  morning  to  give  no- 
tice of  his  design,  in  order  that  the  women,  children,  and  all  except 
combatants  might  retreat  to  a  place  of  safety.  The  first  of  January, 
1 776,  the  frigate  Liverpool,  two  corvettes.,  and  the  governor's  armed 
sloop,  opened  a  terrible  fire  upon  the  city,  and  at  the  same  time  a 
detachment  of  marines  landed  and  set  fire  to  the  houses.  The 
flames  spread  with  rapidity,  the  conflagration  became  general,  all 
was  consumed.  Finally,  the  provincials  themselves  fired  all  the  ad- 
jacent country,  that  nothing  might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
and  to  deprive  the  royal  troops  of  this  position 

Such  are  the  effects  of  civil  fury  ;  such  the  results  of  human  cJis 


£52  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  V. 


cords.  But  man  is  too  often  ambitious  or  deceived ;  and  if  all  ages 
are  fertile  in  the  authors  of  tumults  and  wars,  these  artisans  of  mis- 
chief are  no  less  fertile  in  expedients  to  clothe  their  projects  with 
plausible  pretexts  ;  and  thus  the  unfortunate  people,  victims  of  every 
calamity,  are  frequently  ignorant  of  the  real  origin  of  the  woes  that 
overwhelm  them.  In  this  manner  was  destroyed  one  of  the  most 
opulent  and  nourishing  cities  of  Virginia. 

Having  described  the  state  of  the  province  of  Virginia,  after  the 
royal  government  had  ceased,  the  order  of  history  requires  that  we 
should  relate  what  took  place  at  this  epoch  in  the  other  province;;. 
We  have  already  mentioned  the  ardor  manifested  by  the  inhabitants 
of  South  Carolina,  on  their  receiving  intelligence  of  the  affair  of  Lex- 
ington, that  a  provincial  convention  was  formed,  that  its  members 
entered  into  a  confederation,  and  organized  corps  of  infantry  and 
cavahy  lov  the  defense  of  the  colony. 

In  the  m>!.n  of  this  general  movement,  governor  Campbell  arrived 
in  the  province,  who,  notwithstanding  the  public  agitation,  was  re- 
ceived wich  the  attentions  due  to  his  rank.  He  conceived  the  idea 
of  employing  the  militia,  as  a  counterpoise  to  the  regiments  on  pay, 
which  had  been  levied  by  the  convention  or  congress  of  the  prov- 
ince, and  to  oppose  against  the  convention  itself,  the  provincial  as- 
sembly. He  hoped  by  this  management  to  divide  the  patriots,  and 
overturn  their  projects.  Accordingly,  of  his  own  authority,  he  is- 
sued commissions  to  the  officers  of  the  militia,  and  convoked  the  as- 
sembly according  to  ancient  forms.  But  in  both  these  measures  he 
failed  of  success ;  the  militia  continued  firm  in  the  cause  of  the 
people,  and  the  assembly  refused  all  his  propositions  so  rigidly,  that 
he  was  necessitated  to  dissolve  it.  He  appeared  disposed  to  remain 
peaceable  for  some  time  ;  but  it  was  known  that  he  maintained  a 
secret  intelligence  with  the  loyalists,  who  were  very  numerous,  and 
principally  upon  the  frontiers,  towards  the  mountains  and  lakes. 
To  unmask  him,  the  patriots  resorted  to  the  agency  of  a  certain 
Adam  Macdonald,  captain  in  a  provincial  regiment,  a  man  entirely 
devoted  to  their  interests.  He  presented  himself  to  the  governor 
under  the  name  of  Dick  Williams,  and  in  the  character  of  an  emis- 
sary of  the  loyalists,  commissioned  to  protest  their  fidelity,  and  re- 
ceive his  orders. 

The  governor,  delighted  at  this  overture,  answered  with  unrestrict- 
ed confidence.  Macdonald  came  to  make  full  report  before  the 
general  council  ;  the  agitation  was  vehement.  The  council  deputed 
to  the  governor  some  of  its  members,  and  with  them  Macdonald  him- 
self, to  request  that  he  would  show  them  the  dispatches  he  had  re- 
ceived from  England.     Campbell  firmly  refused.     A  motion  wa* 


BOOK  V.      •  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  253 

made  to  arrest  him,  b?it  it  was  not  adopted.  The  governor  became 
intimidated,  and  retired  on  board  a  corvette  at  anchor  in  the  port. 
He  took  with  him  the  seal  of  the  province.  The  council  sent  a  mes- 
sage, entreating  him  to  return ;  he  would  not.  Thus  ceased  the 
royal  government  in  South  Carolina  ;  all  public  authority  was  trans- 
ferred from  the  ancient  administrations  to  the  provincial  convention, 
the  committee  of  safety,  and  other  popular  establishments,  to  whose 
nower  the  people  fixed  no  other  limits,  except  that  they  should  pro- 
tect the  republic  from  all  detriment. 

But  in  the  meantime,  governor  Campbell  was  not  inactive.  He 
knew  the  royalists  were  numerous  in  certain  parts  of  the  province, 
and  he  hoped  that  by  exciting  them,  and  erecting  a  standard,  round 
which  they  could  rally,  he  should  be  able  to  profit  essentially  by 
their  succors.  In  the  interior  of  the  country,  there  existed  a  set  of 
men  called  regulators.  They  had  arrogated,  in  1770,  the  right  of 
executing  the  laws  against  malefactors ;  and  they  exercised  their 
functions  so  openly,  that  of  their  own  authority  they  inflicted  corpo- 
ral punishments  upon  such  as  incurred  their  animadversion.  Lord 
Montague  was  sent  to  repress  so  odious  an  enormity,  and  his  severity 
effectually  re-established  the  authority  of  the  laws  among  this  un- 
ruly generation.  But  the  regulators  had  not  forgotten  the  chastise- 
ments their  unlawful  combination  had  drawn  upon  them,  nor  would 
they  ever  consent  to  adhere  to  the  congress  and  other  popular  ad- 
ministrations, which  they  deemed  equally  as  irregular  and  illegal. 
In  the  same  places  were  found  many  Dutch  and  Irish,  who  held 
their  lands  from  the  bounty  and  liberality  of  the  king.  Either  out 
of  gratitude,  or  the  fear  of  losing  their  estates,  if  they  should  join 
the  patriots,  they  stood  firm  in  their  loyalty,  and  were  strenuously 
opposed  to  the  new  government.  Their  number  was  increased  by 
certain  other  Irish,  who  had  retired  from  the  disturbances  in  the 
northern  provinces,  into  this. 

Governor  Campbell  had  it  in  mind,  to  employ  these  individuals 
for  the  accomplishment  of  his  designs.  He  circulated  among  them 
that  the  American  colonies  were  altogether  too  feeble  to  resist  the 
power  of  Great  Britain ;  that  the  whole  question  turned  upon  a 
trivial  duty  on  tea,  which  they  were  not  accustomed  to  use ;  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  coast  opposed  this  impost,  in  order  to  have  tea  at 
a  low  price,  without  regarding  that  their  obstinacy  deprived  the  in- 
habitants of  the  upper  country  of  a  multitude  of  articles  the  most 
necessary  to  life ;  that  the  single  expense  of  maintaining  the  provin- 
cial regiments,  greatly  exceeded  the  amount  of  all  the  taxes  imposed 
by  the  parliament.  The  ill  humor  of  these  foreigners  was  still  in- 
creased by  the  violences  of  the  patriots,  who  insisted,  whether  willing 

22 


254  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V. 

or  not,  that  they  should  accede  to  the  confederation.  And  thus  a 
great  number  that  would  have  remained  neutral,  were  constrained 
to  throw  themselves  into  the  opposite  party.  In  no  part  of  the  prov- 
ince were  the  lo)alists  so  numerous,  as  in  the  space  comprehended 
between  the  Broad  and  Saluda  rivers.  They  refused  to  execute  the 
resolutions  of  congress,  to  subscribe  the  league,  and  to  make  levies 
of  soldiers.  The  patriots,  desiring  to  proceed  peaceably,  sent  into 
those  places  two  men  of  the  greatest  authority,  William  Henry  Dray- 
ton and  William  Tennent.  All  their  efforts  and  arguments,  to  dissi- 
pate the  suspicions  which  had  arisen  among  these  people,  produced 
little  effect,  if  any.  The  rivalship  between  the  two  parties  became 
every  day  more  rancorous.  At  length,  they  flew  to  arms  ;  and  they 
were  soon  encamped,  the  one  in  front  of  the  other.  The  wiser  citi- 
zens interposed,  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood  ;  and,  after  some 
days  of  negotiation,  a  compact  was  concluded,  by  which  the  loyal- 
ists pledged  themselves  to  remain  neuter.  But  these  hopes  of  tran- 
quillity were  soon  destroyed,  by  a  certain  Robert  Cunningham,  a  tur- 
bulent spirit,  and  one  of  the  most  influential  leaders  of  the  loyalists  ; 
he  industriously  scattered  the  elements  of  discord.  From  all  parts 
they  rushed  to  arms  anew.  The  congress,  wishing  to  smother  these 
first  sparks,  ordered  major  Williamson,  commanding  the  militia,  to 
march  against  the  seditious  ;  but  the  latter  were  superior  in  number. 
The  moment  was  critical ;  the  Carolinian'  congress,  having  in  front 
a  British  fleet  and  army,  and  a  party  of  disaffected  citizens  in  the 
rear,  could  have  no  hope  of  victory.  Nevertheless,  to  disconcert  the 
plan  of  their  adversaries,  they  marched  towards  the  suspected  places 
detachments  of  militia  and  of  troops,  under  the  command  of  colo- 
nels Richardson  and  Thompson ;  who  were  joined  by  colonels 
Rutherford  and  Polk,  at  the  head  of  the  militia  of  North  Carolina. 
The  loyalists,  scattered,  without  a  rallying  point,  and  without  leaders 
of  reputation,  transacting  every  thing  with  fear  and  hesitation,  were 
forced  to  receive  the  terms  of  their  conquerors. 

This  first  expedition  kept  them  quiet  for  a  long  time  ;  they  made 
no  further  movement  until  the  English  arms  acquired  the  superior- 
ity in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  latter  province  being  totally  decided  for 
war,  all  their  attention  was  given  to  making  the  preparations  that 
might  enable  them  to  carry  it  on  with  success.  They  resolved,  in 
the  first  place,  to  provide  themselves  with  powder,  of  which  they 
were  almost  entirely  destitute.  They  knew  that  an  English  vessel, 
laden  with  a  great  quantity  of  it,  was  then  at  anchor  upon  the  bank, 
called  the  bar  of  St.  Augustine,  upon  the  coast  of  East  Florida. 
Some  fearless  patriots,  accustomed  to  the  sea,  made  for  the  ship  with 


BOOK  V  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  255 

extreme  celerity,  boarded  her,  and  became  possessed  of  fifteen  thou- 
sand pounds  of  powder ;  which,  with  equal  good  fortune,  they  trans- 
ported safe  into  Charleston.  This  acquisition  was  of  singular  utility 
in  their  great  need.  They  supplied,  from  it,  the  militia  of  Massa- 
chusetts, as  well  as  the  army  which  soon  after  undertook  the  expe- 
dition of  Canada. 

But  there  was  still  in  the  power  of  the  king,  fort  Johnson,  erected 
upon  James'  Island,  which  is  situated  in  front  of  Charleston ;  this 
fortress,  therefore,  commanded  the  city.  Colonel  Motte  having  land- 
ed upon  the  island  in  the  night  with  a  strong  detachment  of  new 
levies,  occupied  the  fort  without  obstacle  ;  the  garrison,  as  too  feeble 
to  resist,  had  retired  on  board  the  ships  of  war. 

The  chiefs  of  the  people  prohibited  all  persons  whatsoever  from 
supplying  water  or  provision  to  the  ships  of  the  king,  otherwise  than 
from  day  to  day.  The  English  blockaded  the  port,  and  made  a 
great  number  of  prizes,  to  the  infinite  prejudice  of  the  city.  This 
induced  colonel  Moultrie  to  occupy  Point  Huddrel,  with  a  detach- 
ment of  provincial  troops.  He  planted  there  a  battery  of  heavy 
cannon,  which  constrained  the  English  to  retire  from  this  position 
and  gain  the  open  sea.  Thus  the  city  was  liberated,  for  the  pres- 
ent, from  the  blockade  of  the  British  squadron.  But  to  prevent  its 
renewal,  it  was  resolved  to  erect  fortifications  upon  Point  Huddrel, 
which  defends  the  entranc;  '.)  Charleston,  by  the  channel  of  Hog 
Island ;  and  to  strengthen  the  vork  of  fort  Johnson,  which  secures 
the  port  on  the  side  of  Ja  •les'  Island.  A  new  fort  was  also  con- 
structed in  this  island,  west  of  fort  Johnson ;  then  another  upon 
Sullivan's  Island,  which  received  the  name  of  Moultrie. 

The  provincial  militia  exercised,  and  the  regiments  upon  pay 
increased  their  numbers  every  day.  In  all  parts  .of  the  province 
preparations  were  made  to  repulse  the  attacks  of  the  enemy. 

However  sincere  was  the  zeal  of  the  inhabitants  to  defend  theii 
country,  it  was  stimulated,  also,  by  the  resolutions  of  the  general 
congress.  They  had  resolved,  that  if  Charleston  was  attacked  by  the 
English,  three  regiments  of  infantry  should  be  maintained  in  the 
province  at  the  expense  of  the  Union  ;  that  if  the  convention  or 
committee  of  safety  should  judge  it  necessary  to  seize  or  destroy 
any  vessel  whatsoever,  it  might  do  so,  and  rely  upon  the  approbation 
of  congress.  They  recommended  also  the  erection  of  forts  and 
batteries,  in  such  places  as  should  be  thought  most  suitable. 

Some  agitation  also  began  to  manifest  itself  about  this  time  in 
North  Carolina,  a  province  in  which  the  loyalists  were  perhaps  more 
numerous  than  in  any  other,  with  the  exception,  however,  of  New 
York.     The  governor,  Martin,  was  an  active  man,  who  studied  con- 


2o(S  THE    AMERICA*    Wtfl.  .  BOCK  V 

tinually  to  devise  new  expedients  to  increase  the  party  of  the  king. 
The  patriots  were  especially  solicitous  with  respect  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  upper  countries  of  the  colony,  all  Scotch  and  Highland  emi- 
grants, with  whom  :t  was  ascertained  that  the  governor  held  con- 
tinual correspondence.  The  congress  had  not  neglected  to  take  all 
proper  measures  to  disconcert  these  projects.  They  had  exhorted 
the  partisans  of  liberty  to  form  themselves  into  corps  of  militia,  which, 
in  case  the  provincial  convention  should  see  fit  to  order  levies,  should 
be  considered  as  making  part  of  the  general  army,  and  received  into 
the  pay  of  the  Union. 

The  desires  of  the  congress  were  accomplished,  if  not  with  unani- 
mous consent,  at  least  with  all  requisite  promptitude.  A  provincial 
convention  was  formed,  which  assumed  the  authority  of  the  ordinary 
assembly  of  representatives.  The  committees  of  safety,  and  other 
popular  institutions,  were  created  as  usual.  The  governor  took 
umbrage  at  these  measures,  although  he  was  not  intimidated  by 
them ;  and,  in  order  to  be  able  to  sustain  a  first  attack,  and  to  give 
time,  in  case  of  emergency,  for  the  loyalists  of  the  upper  parts  to 
come  to  his  assistance,  he  fortified,  and  furnished  with  artillery,  his 
residence  at  Newbern.  The  people  rose  and  seized  six  pieces  of 
these  cannon ;  the  governor  then  fled  precipitately  for  refuge  to  fort 
Johnson,  upon  Cape  Fear  river.  The  provincials,  fearing  he  might 
fortify  himself,  and  rally  his  forces  at  tins  point,  in  order  to  keep  an 
open  communication  for  the  troops  which  should  be  sent  against  the 
colony,  resolved  to  dislodge  him.  It  also  appears  that  they  were 
apprehensive,  lest  the  governor  should  proclaim  the  liberty  of  the 
negroes,  in  order  to  employ  them  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  royal 
authority.  Time  was  precious.  They  assembled  their  forces  at 
Wilmington,  an  important  city  of  the  province,  and  gave  the  com- 
mand  of  the  expedition  to  colonel  Ashe,  who  had  passed  from  the 
service  of  the  king,  into  that  of  the  people.  They  marched  imme- 
diately to  fort  Johnson ;  but  the  governor,  not  choosing  to  await  so 
formidable  an  attack,  had  retired  on  board  a  ship  of  war.  The  fol- 
lowing night,  colonel  Ashe  entered  the  fort  and  reduced  it  to  ashes. 
He  afterwards  ravaged  the  country,  that  it  might  furnish  nothing  to 
his  adversary.  The  governor  was  declared  an  enemy  to  America, 
and  accused  of  a  design  to  raise  the  blacks  against  their  masters. 
This  imputation  was  not  without  foundation.  He  answered  with  a 
writing  of  excessive  length,  which  he  caused  to  be  circulated  in  the 
province.  But  the  provincial  congress  pronounced  this  proclama- 
tion an  infamous  libel,  and  caused  it  to  be  publicly  burnt  by  the 
hand  of  the  executioner. 

They  drew  up,  about  the  same  time,  a  long  address  to  the  people 


Book  V.  Thi   American  war.  257 

of  Great  Britain,  full  of  the  usual  protestations.  All  these  events 
singularly  agitated  the  people  ;  but  a  new  incident  soon  carried  their 
fury  to  extremity.  In  the  garden  and  cellars  of  the  governor,  it  was 
discovered  that  he  had  secreted  arms,  powder,  balls,  and  other  mu- 
nitions. The  provincial  congress  decreed  a  levy  of  one  thousand 
regular  troops,  and  another  of  three  thousand  minute-men.  They 
created  bills  of  credit  for  their  support.  The  general  congress, 
wishing  to  give  more  stability  to  their  authority,  and  knowing  of  what 
importance  it  was  to  propitiate  the  regulators  and  mountaineers  that 
inhabited  the  upper  countries,  sent  them  two  ministers  of  the  gospel, 
to  expound  the  nature  of  the  present  controversy  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  colonies.  The  chiefs  of  the  people  neglected  no 
means  proper  to  forward  their  cause.  Arms  and  money  were  pro- 
vided, soldiers  were  exercised,  the  militia  were  organized,  the  torpid 
or  lukewarm  were  stimulated  and  encouraged.  The  popular  leaders 
in  this  province,  surrounded  by  enemies,  manifested  an  activity 
always  increasing  with  the  obstacles  they  had  to  surmount. 

In  Pennsylvania,  affairs  were  transacted  with  greater  moderation  ; 
either  because  the  character  of  the  inhabitants  was  more  pacific,  or 
that  the  governor  was  endowed  with  greater  prudence.  However, 
the  provincial  assembly,  which  continued  to  sit  in  Philadelphia,  and 
all  the  inhabitants  generally,  appeared  not  to  want  activity,  in  their 
preparations  for  defense  ;  the  militia  were  exercised  with  great  dili- 
gence and  success.  It  was  perceived  that  the  breadth  and  depth  of 
the  Delaware,  which  bathes  the  walls  of  Philadelphia,  exposed  the 
city  to  imminent  danger.  The  English  ships  might  come  thus  far  up 
the  river,  and  cause  infinite  mischief  not  only  to  the  city  and  prov- 
ince, but  even  to  the  entire  confederation.  It  was  therefore  resolv- 
ed to  obstruct  the  passage,  by  sinking  in  the  channel  a  construction 
of  heavy  timber,  called  a  chevaux-de-frise.  It  consisted  in  two 
immense  beams,  laid  across  the  bed  of  the  river,  parallel-wise,  and 
at  a  suitable  distance  apart ;  they  were  locked  with  traverse  timbers  ; 
and  upon  their  upper  surface  rose,  with  a  certain  inclination  towards 
the  current  of  water,  two  other  heavy  beams,  armed  on  the  top  with 
tusks  of  iron,  to  pierce  the  vessels  that  should  attempt  to  ascend. 
All  these  frames,  ponderous  of  themselves,  and  charged  besides 
with  enormous  stones,  could  not  be  easily  broken,  subverted,  or  dis- 
placed. Ingeniously  contrived,  as  well  as  skilfully  executed,  they 
were  of  no  little  utility,  in  the  course  of  the  war.  The  Pennsylva- 
nians  were  also  very  diligent  in  providing  themselves  with  arms  and 
ammunition.  The  provincial  assembly  had  appointed  a  committee 
of  superintendence,  to  see  that  the  arms  were  made  with  a  desirable 
promptitude,  and  the  requisite  perfection.  The  gunsmiths,  and 
voi«  i.  22* 


258  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V 

other  armorers,  were  continually  watched  and  stimulated.  Tho 
assembly  also  decided,  that  several  battalions  should  be  levied  and 
completely  equipped.  A  great  quantity  of  powder  was  manufactured 
in  the  environs  of  Philadelphia ;  a  single  mill  supplied  five  hundred 
pounds  a  week.  Every  thing,  in  brief,  tended  towards  war.  The 
governor  was  unable  to  resist  an  inclination  so  universal ;  he  had  no 
royal  troops  at  his  disposal. 

The  province,  and  particularly  the  city  of  New  York,  found 
themselves  in  a  painful  situation.  They  were  exposed,  on  all  parts, 
to  the  insults  of  the  British  fleet ;  the  city  had  even  still  a  garrison, 
though  feeble,  of  royal  troops.  New  re-inforcements  were  expected 
from  England ;  and  it  was  known  that  all  the  corps  that  arrived  in 
America,  landed  at  New  York,  as  their  destined  place  of  arms 
The  delegates  of  the  province  were  therefore  instructed  to  move 
the  congress  to  prescribe  the  course  to  be  pursued,  in  case  of  ths 
arrival  of  the  troops  that  were  already  embarked  from  Ireland  for 
America.  The  congress  answered,  they  should  stand  upon  the 
defensive,  allow  the  English  to  land,  and  permit  them  to  occupy  the 
barracks,  provided  they  snould  behave  themselves  peaceably ;  not, 
however,  to  suffer  that  they  should  erect  fortifications,  to  interrupt 
the  communication  between  the  city  and  country  ;  if  they  should 
employ  force,  to  resist  them  with  force ;  to  transport  the  munitions 
of  war  into  the  interior  of  the  province ;  to  designate  places  of 
refuge  for  the  women  and  children  ;  finally,  the  congress  exhorted 
all  the  inhabitants  to  arm,  and  hold  themselves  in  preparation  for 
<^very  event. 

But  it  was  not  long  before  they  were  relieved  from  these  anxious 
apprehensions.  The  royal  troops  arrived  ;  but,  instead  of  landing 
at  New  York,  they  went  on  shore  at  Sandy  Hook,  whence,  by  the 
orders  of  general  Gage,  they  re-embarked  for  Boston.  The  battle 
of  Breed's  Hill  had  enfeebled  the  garrison  of  that  city,  and  new 
soldiers  were  needed  to  fill  up  the  companies.  At  length,  the 
detachment  itself,  which  for  so  long  a  time  had  been  stationed  at 
New  York,  retired  on  board  a  ship  of  war  which  was  anchored  in 
the  port.  The  city,  thus  delivered  entirely  from  the  presence  of 
the  royal  troops,  was  replaced  absolutely  at  its  own  discretion. 

At  this  epoch,  governor  Tryon  arrived  from  London  at  New  York. 
He  was  a  man  of  an  active  genius,  an  ardent  character,  and  possess- 
ed cf  great  influence  in  the  province.  He  was  received  with  mark- 
ed respect.  His  continual  efforts  in  favor  of  the  royal  cause,  were 
generally  crowned  with  success.  Tranquillity,  for  a  certain  time 
remained  undisturbed.  Then  followed  a  quarrel,  in  which  a  royal 
ship  fired  upon  the  city  with  balls  and  grape-shot,  because  the  inha> 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  $59 

itants  had  seen  fit  to  transport  artillery  from  one  place  to  another. 
A  great  number  took  refuge  in  the  country.  The  governor  demand- 
ed a  conference  with  the  convention,  the  committee  of  safety,  and 
the  officers  of  the  militia.  It  was  granted.  He  expressed  the  deep- 
est concern  at  the  present  discord ;  he  begged  they  would  use  pru- 
dently the  power  which  they  had  entire ;  he  observed,  that  violent 
measures  would  only  widen  the  breach,  and  hazard  the  destruction 
of  the  city.  This  example  shows  clearly  to  what  terms  was  reduced, 
and  upon  how  frail  a  basis  reposed,  the  royal  authority  at  that  time  in 
America ;  since  even  in  the  province  of  New  York,  that  of  all  which 
numbered  the  most  loyalists,  the  governor  was  driven  to  such  ex- 
tremity, that,  instead  of  commanding,  he  was  constrained  to  pray. 
Hence  also  it  is  manifest,  that  Tryon  had  been  sent,  not  to  govern  a 
province  that  would  no  longer  obey  him,  but  to  intrigue  clandes- 
tinely, to  sow  division,  to  corrupt  the  good,  and  dispense  to  the 
wicked  their  hire. 

How  opposite  such  conduct  was  to  the  dignity  of  a  powerful 
nation,  and  how  proper  to  render  it  contemptible  in  the  estimation 
of  the  universe,  every  one  can  imagine  for  himself.  It  would  have 
been  a  much  more  seemly  resolution,  if  the  governor,  upon  ascer- 
taining the  situation  of  affairs,  should  have  withdrawn  from  the  prov- 
ince, and  left  it  altogether  in  the  power  of  the  patriots;  for  to 
govern  without  commanding,  and  to  command  without  being  obeyed, 
was  a  degradation  of  his  rank,  and  of  the  royal  authority  itself. 

The  general  congress  had  become  greatly  alarmed  at  the  artifices 
of  governor  Tryon.  They  feared  he  would  at  length  succeed  in 
exciting  such  malignant  humors,  as  might  issue  in  fatal  results.  They 
thought  it  expedient  to  prevent  the  evil ;  and  accordingly  recom- 
mended, that,  in  all  the  colonies,  every  person,  of  whatever  name  or 
condition,  whose  opinions  afforded  motives  of  suspicion,  should  be 
arrested,  and  detained  under  a  sufficient  guard ;  this  was  the  law  of 
suspected  persons.  The  deputies  of  New  York  sent  copies  of  it 
into  their  province.  At  this  news  governor  Tryon,  having  doubts  of 
some  strange  resolution,  promptly  took  refuge  on  board  an  English 
vessel  moored  in  the  port ;  he  carried  off  the  seal  of  the  province. 
But,  towards  the  close  of  the  year,  with  the  approbation  of  the  king, 
he  addressed  a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  York,  to 
apprise  them  of  the  dispositions  of  the  prince,  and  the  earnest  desire 
he  entertained  that  some  honorable  way  of  reconciliation  between  the 
two  parties  might  be  devised.  Thus  vanished  even  the  shadow  of 
royal  authority  in  this  colony,  after  its  action  had  in  reality  ceased 
long  since.  Such  was  the  success  of  the  hopes  the  ministers  had 
placed  in  the  maneuvers  and  intrigues  of  governor  Tryon,  whom 


§60  ¥1*2    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

they  had  considered  as  the  most  proper  instrument  to  act  upon  a 
province  of  such  principal  importance. 

It  had  recently  been  divided  by  the  provincial  convention  into  a 
certain  number  of  districts,  each  destined  to  furnish  a  company.  The 
organization  of  these  companies  was  the  object  of  a  special  regula- 
tion. But  this  appearance  of  ardor  was  in  many  far  from  being  sin- 
cere. Even  members  of  the  provincial  congress  presumed  to  say* 
openly,  that  they  Would  not  receive  the  bills  of  credit ;  and  that; 
when  the  English  troops  should  have  arrived,  they  would  join  the 
royal  standard.  The  provincial  soldiers  themselves  were  emulous 
in  deserting.  So  efficacious  had  been  the  whispers  of  Tryon  ;  Or, 
perhaps,  so  great  were  the  avarice,  the  fear,  or  the  loyalty,  of  the  in- 
habitants. Admitting  only  the  latter  reason,  it  would  be  impossible 
for  the  colonists  of  New  York  to  clear  themselves  of  the  reproach 
of  hypocrisy  and  of  cowardice,  for  not  having  dared  openly  to  fol- 
low the  royal  banners,  and  for  having,  on  the  contrary,  pretended  a 
flaming  zeal  for  the  cause  which  the  greater  part  of  the  Americans 
had  espoused.  But  simulation  and  perfidy  are  never  more  frequent 
than  in  the  political  revolutions  of  empires.  Those  who  lately  served 
kings,  afterwards  serve  republics ;  and  ardent  republicans  become  all 
at  once  royalists,  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  ambition  or  their 
avarice.  Such  is  the  miserable  condition  of  human  nature,  that  it 
is  never  consistent  with  itself;  and  when  a  man  abandons  one  party 
to  coalesce  with  another,  he  is  often  more  actuated  by  a  culpable 
motive  than  a  virtuous  conviction. 

Maryland  followed  the  example  of  the  other  provinces.  The 
authority  of  the  ordinary  assembly  was  here  also  transferred  to  a 
convention  which  assembled  in  the  city  of  Annapolis.  It  proposed 
the  articles  of  a  league,  to  be  composed  of  its  own  members,  and  all 
the  freemen  of  the  province.  They  pledged  their  faith  reciprocally, 
and  all  towards  America,  to  persist,  according  to  their  power,  in 
opposition,  whether  with  arms  or  with  commercial  restrictions.  They 
decreed,  that  forty  companies  of  minute-men  should  be  levied  ;  and 
that  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  freemen,  from  sixteen  to  fifty 
years,  except  only  the  ministers  of  religion,  and  physicians  exercising 
their  profession,  individuals  in  the  service  of  the  governor,  minute- 
men,  artillery-men,  and  those  prevented  by  their  religious  opinions 
from  bearing  arms,  should  attach  themselves  to  some  one  com- 
pany of  militia.  Hence  it  appears  how  calm,  how  remote  from  all 
blind  transport,  was  this  people  ;  since,  in  such  a  crisis,  individuals, 
reputed  most  essential  to  the  general  utility,  were  exempted  from 
military  service  ;  and  since  religious  opinions  were  also  perfectly  re- 
spected.    The  regular  organization  of  the  militia  ascertained  the  pay 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  261 

of  the  officers  and  that  of  the  soldiers.  A  committee  of  safety  was 
invested  with  the  direction  of  affairs  relating  to  the  militia  and  min- 
ute-men ;  and  even  with  the  power  of  taking,  during  the  recess  of 
the  convention,  the  measures  deemed  necessary  for  the  good  of  the 
province.  Subaltern  committees  were  established,  for  local  super- 
intendence upon  every  point,  and  for  the  reciprocal  transmission  of 
useful  intelligence.  Finally,  the  convention  created  two  hundred 
and  sixty-six  thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty-six  dollars,  in  bills  of 
credit,  in  order  to  defray  the  charges  of  the  militia.  Meanwhile,  the 
people  had  already  forced  the  gates  of  the  provincial  arsenal,  and 
seized  the  arms  and  ammunition,  which  were  found  there  in  consid- 
erable quantity. 

In  New  Jersey,  the  royal  authority  still  subsisted  in  its  ancient 
forms ;  but  it  was  without  power,  since  it  was  without  arms.  Accord- 
ingly, the  real  directing  authority  was  that  of  the  people ;  which  had, 
for  its  support,  both  arms  and  the  general  opinion.  The  militia 
organized  and  exercised  themselves,  according  to  the  regulations 
published  by  the  provincial  congress.  The  people  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  public  chest ;  a  sum  of  twenty  to  thirty  thousand 
pounds  sterling  it  contained,  was  appropriated  to  pay  the  militia. 
Besides  the  provincial  militia,  the  general  congress  invited  the  con- 
vention of  New  Jersey  to  levy,  without  delay,  two  battalions,  at  the 
expense  of  the  public  treasure ;  the  officers  were  to  have  the  same 
pay  as  those  of  the  confederate  army,  and  the  soldiers  to  be  engaged 
but  for  one  year.  In  ihe  meantime,  governor  Franklin  convoked  the 
provincial  assembly.  In  the  speech  he  addressed  them,  he  express- 
ed his  g^ief  at  the  present  troubles ;  and  announced,  that  the  com- 
manders of  the  British  fleets  upon  all  the  American  coasts  had  or- 
ders to  act  offensively  against  every  port  or  place  whatsoever,  in 
which  the  officers  of  the  king  should  be  insulted,  or  in  which  troops 
should  be  levied,  forts  erected,  or  the  public  magazines  plundered. 
He  spoke  also  of  the  desire  of  independence  ;  and  added,  that,  as  to 
the  safety  of  his  own  person,  he  would  refer  it  to  their  good  faith. 
The  assembly,  in  their  answer,  expressly  denied  any  thought  of  in- 
dependence ;  they  assured  the  governor,  that  he  might  be  tranquil 
with  respect  to  his  safety ;  and,  finally,  that  as  to  the  disturbances, 
they  deplored  them  sincerely,  but  could  do  nothing  to  remedy  them, 
since  their  cause  was  in  the  acts  of  parliament. 

The  two  provinces  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  were  in- 
habited by  men  naturally  the  zealots  of  liberty ;  and,  not  having  the 
restraint  of  a  royal  governor,  as  by  their  charters  they  had  the  priv- 
ilege of  electing  their  own,  they  had  long  since  provided  themselves 
with  men,  arms,  and  munitions.     These  measures  of  safety  were  the 


262  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    ? 

more  essential,  as  the  vicinity  of  the  English  troops  of  Boston  farm- 
ed their  suspicions ;  and  they  saw  enemy  vessels  con*ixiually  upon 
the  coasts,  employed  in  carrying  off  provisions  not  only  for  their 
own  use,  but  also  for  that  of  the  garrison  besieged  in  that  city.  Be- 
sides this,  captain  Wallace,  command;;ig  a  ship  of  the  king,  with 
some  other  armed  vessels,  greatly  harassed  their  commerce,  captur- 
ing daily  merchant  vessels  belonging  to  one  or  other  of  these  prov- 
inces. At  length,  he  made  a  furious  attack  upon  the  town  oi 
Bristol.  The  houses,  the  stores,  the  churches,  suffered  excessively 
from  the  fire  of  his  artillery ;  which  continued  till  the  inhabitants,  at 
evening,  consented  to  supply  with  fresh  meat  this  man  without  pity. 
But  these  hostilities  committed  by  the  vessels  of  the  king  against  a 
defenseless  town,  did  but  increase  the  already  too  violent  disgusts 
of  the  Americans,  who  complained  of  them  with  much  asperity,  in 
a  multitude  of  writings,  both  public  and  private. 

But  Wallace  was  not  of  a  character  to  allow  himself  lightly  to  be 
diverted  from  his  resolutions ;  and  perhaps  he  was  also  spurred  on 
by  necessity.  The  blame  should  not  be  mputed  to  him,  but  to  those 
ministers  who  by  their  rigorous  counsels  had  provoked  the  war,  with- 
out having  prepared  the  requisite  means  to  sustain  it ;  consequently, 
as  it  was  impossible  to  fight  in  the  open  field,  to  conquer,  it  became 
necessary  to  pillage,  in  order  to  live.  Captain  Wallace,  therefore, 
employed  himself  with  great  activity,  in  ravaging,  by  his  piracies, 
the  coasts  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island.  The  army  of  Massa- 
chusetts sent  to  the  succor  of  the  Rhode  Islanders  a  detachment  of 
soldiers,  under  the  command  of  general  Lee.  This  man,  of  a  violent 
character,  and  little  accustomed  to  respect  the  laws  and  public  order, 
when  it  was  in  question  to  favor  the  American  revolution,  immediate- 
ly compelled  the  people  he  came  to  defend,  to  bind  themselves,  by 
the  most  terrible  oaths,  to  break  off  all  communication  with  the  in- 
struments of  ministerial  tyranny,  vulgarly  called,  said  the  words  of 
the  oath,  the  troops  and  fleets  of  the  king ;  not  to  lend  them  any 
assistance  whatever ;  to  denounce  traitors  before  the  public  authori- 
ties ;  and  to  take  arms  for  the  defense  of  American  liberty,  as  often 
as  it  should  be  required  of  them  by  the  general  congress,  or  the 
provincial  magistrates.  The  congress  disapproved  this  conduct  of 
general  Lee  ;  at  which  he  gave  himself  little  concern.  He  declared 
it  pusillanimous  to  respect  the  civil  laws,  in  the  midst  of  arms  ;  and, 
in  times  of  revolution,  he  considered  all  means  legitimate,  by  which 
he  might  attain  his  ends  ;  a  manner  of  acting,  which,  if  it  conducts 
one  revolution  to  its  object,  leaves,  and  even  prepares,  as  experience 
demonstrates,  all  the  elements  of  another  to  follow  it. 

The  assembly  of  Rhode  Island  decreed,  that  those  of  the  inhab 


WOOlS.  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  &>9 

Hants  of  the  colony  who  should  hold  intelligence  with  the  British 
ministers  or  with  their  agents,  or  should  supply  the  armies  or  fleets 
with  arms  or  military  or  naval  stores,  or  should  serve  a3  pilots  to  the 
English  ships,  should  incur  the  pairi  of  death,  and  the  cohiiscatiort 
of  their  lands  and  effects.  They  pronounced  the  confiscation  of  the 
estates  of  some  individuals,  whom  they  declared  enemies  to  the 
liberties  of  America.  They  emitted  the  sum  of  twenty  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  in  bills  of  credit.  These  measures,  and  the  pres- 
ence of  general  Lee,  secured  the  tranquillity  of  Rhode  Island. 

Governor  WentWorth  still  continued  in  New  Hampshire ;  but, 
little  by  little,  the  patriots  acquired  the  superiority,  and  his  authority 
declined  in  proportion .  Fearing,  at  length,  some  vexatious  accident, 
he  withdrew  into  the  castle  denominated  William  and  Mary. 

The  popular  administrations  had  also  .succeeded  the  ancient  au- 
thorities, in  Georgia.  The  partisans  of  the  king  were,  however,  the 
prevailing  number ;  and  the  general  congress  had  sent  thither,  by 
way  of  precaution,  a  battalion  armed  at  the  expense  of  the  Union. 
But,  before  it  had  reached  its  destination,  a  very  sanguinary  action 
had  happened  in  the  city  of  Savannah,  between  the  patriots,  who 
occupied  the  fort,  and  the  royal  troops,  who  assaulted  and  retook  it. 
The  capitulation  was  observed,  and  the  vanquished  had  not  to  com- 
plain of  any  cruelty.  The  patriots  were,  however,  predominant  in 
the  rest  of  the  province;  and  gallantly  prepared  themselves  to  re- 
capture, by  storm,  the  citadel  of  Savannah.  They  were  better 
armed,  and  more  united,  than  their  enemies,  who  were  unprovided 
with  munitions,  and  found  themselves  dispersed  in  different  places. 

Thus  ceased ,  as  we  have  related,  the  royal  authority  in  the  differ- 
ent provinces.  It  was  replaced,  progressively,  by  that  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  that  is,  by  the  congresses  or  conventions  extraordinary,  that 
were  formed  in  each  colony.  But  this  was  deemed  insufficient,  by 
those  who  directed  the  affairs  of  America.  Their  real  object  being 
independence,  and  the  present  state  of  things,  as  irregular  and  pre- 
carious by  its  very  nature,  leaving  a  way  open  of  arrangement  with 
England,  and  of  return  to  the  ancient  connection  and  dependence, 
they  desired  that  such  a  system  should  be  established  in  each  prov- 
ince as  should  have  the  appearance  of  a  permanent  constitution, 
in  order  to  satisfy  the  world  that  the  Americans  were  capable  of 
governing  themselves  by  their  own  laws.  But  the  chiefs  of  the  pop- 
ular party  had  many  difficulties  to  surmount  in  the  execution  of 
this  design,  notwithstanding  the  ardor  whicii  manifested  itself  in  all 
parts  to  second  their  operations.  The  greater  number  approved 
resistance,  but  were  opposed  to  independence,  or  at  least  shuddered 
at  the  idea  of  openly  asserting  it      For  this  reason,  those  who  had 


264  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V, 

the  supreme  direction  of  affairs,  fearful  of  injuring  their  cause  by 
too  much  precipitation,  resolved  to  proceed  with  extreme  circum- 
spection ;  and  marched  up  to  their  object,  always  protesting  that 
their  efforts  were  aimed  in  quite  another  direction. 

It  was  highly  important  to  commence  the  execution  of  this  plan, 
with  the  provinces  which  discovered  the  greatest  aversion  towards 
England.  It  was  hoped,  that  when  it  should  be  accomplished  in 
one  or  more,  the  others  would  soon  imitate  the  example.  No  prov- 
ince appeared  more  suitable  to  give  it  than  that  of  Massachusetts. 
The  provincial  congress  of  this  colony  issued  circulars,  for  the  elec- 
tion of  representatives,  authorized  to  constitute  the  form  of  govern- 
ment. Two  hundred  delegates  assembled  at  V."i  icrtown,  and  adopt- 
ing the  ancient  forms  of  the  British  constitution,  resolved  themselves 
into  an  ordinary  assembly,  or  house  of  representatives,  and  assumed 
all  the  authority  attributed  by  the  ancient  statutes  to  these  assemblies. 
They  afterwards  established  a  permanent  council,  to  assist  the  gov- 
ernor in  his  deliberations.  Thus  the  royal  authority  was  converted 
at  first  into  tumultuary  popular  authority,  and  at  length  into  regular 
popular  authority.  All  these  operations  were  performed,  as  they 
said,  not  with  any  view  to  independence,  but  in  order  to  induce  the 
English  to  consent  to  a  just  and  honorable  arrangement.  One  of 
the  first  acts  of  this  house  was  to  raise  the  sum  of  thirty  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  by  means  of  a  tax  ;  which  excited  a  dudgeon  the 
more  intense,  as  the  people  had  persuaded  themselves  that  since 
they  were  in  insurrection  to  avoid  paying  taxes  to  England,  they 
ought  at  least  to  be  excused  from  paying  any  to  their  own  govern- 
ment. But  the  other  colonies  discovered  great  backwardness  to 
follow  the  route  marked  out  by  Massachusetts ;  either  because  its 
views  appeared  too  manifestly  aimed  at  independence,  or  that,  be- 
ing placed  in  peculiar  circumstances,  the  other  colonies,  differently 
situated,  did  not  think  proper  to  tread  in  its  steps.  But  the  Amer- 
ican chiefs,  far  from  being  discouraged,  resolved  to  employ  the 
authority  of  the  general  congress.  They  procured  from  New 
Hampshire  new  instructions  to  the  delegates  of  that  province,  re- 
quiring them  to  take  the  sense  of  congress  respecting  the  mode  of 
administering  justice,  and  the  internal  government  of  the  colony. 
This  discussion  excited  violent  debates ;  many  members  perceived 
the  scope  of  it  but  too  distinctly.  The  patriots,  however,  aided  by 
circumstances,  and  their  own  intrepidity,  at  length  prevailed.  It 
was  decided,  that  the  provincial  convention  of  New  Hampshire 
should  be  invited  to  convene  representatives  of  the  people,  from  all 
the  towns,  that  they  might  take  such  measures,  and  pass  such  laws, 
as  they  should  judge  best  calculated  to  secure  peace  and  order  in 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  26§ 

the  province,  during  the  present  contest.  But  the  provincial  con- 
vention, either  from  impatience,  or  in  order  to  inspire  greater  interest, 
by  a  demonstration  of  glowing  zeal,  had  anticipated  the  resolution, 
and  the  circulars  for  the  election  of  representatives  were  already 
expedited.  They  assembled  at  Exeter,  took  the  name  and  char- 
acter of  the  house  of  representatives,  and  established  the  usual 
council. 

The  example  of  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  appeared 
still  not  sufficient  to  decide  the  other  provinces  to  take  the  same 
resolutions.  The  inhabitants  of  the  other  colonies  were  not  exempt 
from  jealousy  towards  those  of  New  England.  It  was  therefore  de- 
sirable that  the  plan  proposed  should  be  executed  in  some  one  of 
the  central  provinces.  For  this  purpose  Virginia  was  the  best 
adapted,  as  well  on  account  of  its  extent  and  power,  as  by  reason 
of  the  political  shocks  it  had  recently  experienced,  since  lord  Dun- 
more,  by  the  proclamation  of  martial  law,  had  caused  the  entire 
cessation,  in  that  province,  of  all  civil  authority  on  the  part  of  Eng- 
land. Tne  general  congress,  therefore,  made,  with  respect  to  Vir- 
ginia, the  same  resolutions  as  in  the  case  of  New  Hampshire. 

Among  the  members  to  whom  this  business  was  referred,  Samuel 
Adams  merits  to  be  remarked,  who  labored  in  it  with  distinguished 
ardor,  and  appeared  to  esteem  its  success  a  personal  triumph. 

At  this  epoch,  it  was  learned  by  the  news  from  England,  that  the 
government  had  disdained  to  make  answer  to  the  petitions  of  con- 
gress, addressed  to  the  king,  and  transmitted  by  Penn,  the  late 
governor  of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  understood  further,  that  none  of 
the  ministers  had  condescended  to  ask  him  any  questions  relative  to 
the  affairs  of  America.  This  was  an  unequivocal  proof  of  their  ob- 
stinacy, and  irrevocable  resolutions.  The  animosity  of  the  colonists 
became,  in  consequence,  more  violent,  and  the  enterprise  of  the 
authors  of  independence  infinitely  more  easy.  They  declared,  in 
all  places,  that  nothing  could  be  hoped  for  any  longer  from  the. 
English  government ;  and  that  the  only  way  of  safety  which  re- 
mained, was  to  display  formidable  forces,  to  shake  off  an  odio»ia 
yoke,  and  learn  to  walk  without  leadingstrings. 

This  discourse  had  no  success  with  the  general  assembly  of  Phila- 
delphia, who,  though  inferior  to  none  in  theii  zeal  for  resisting  the 
extraordinary  laws  of  parliament,  would  hear  no  mention  of  inde- 
pendence. They  manifested  their  discontent,  by  enjoining  it  upon 
their  deputies  to  the  general  congress,  to  oppose  every  proposition 
that  should  tend  towards  a  separation  from  the  parent  state,  or  any 
change  in  the  form  of  government.  In  the  midst  of  such  conflict- 
ing efforts,  America  moved  onward  to  independence. 
rOL.  i.  23 


266*  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   tf.- 

But  it  is  time  to  return  to  the  war  that  was  carried  on  under  the 
Walls  of  Boston.  The  Americans  had  to  contend  with  two  capital 
difficulties  ;  the  one  was  the  want  of  powder,  which  still  continued* 
notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  used  to  procure  a  sufficient  supply  \ 
the  other  was  the  approaching  expiration  of  the  term  for  which  the 
soldiers  were  enlisted.  Either  persuaded  that  the  war  would  be  of 
short  duration,  or  jealous  of  standing  armies,  the  colonists  had  en- 
gag  2d  their  troops  but  for  one  year.  They  were  therefore  in  dan^ 
ger  jf  seeing  the  whole  army  disbanded,  at  the  conclusion  of  flifc 
present  year,  and  the  siege  thus  raised  in  a  day.  To  remedy,  in  the 
first  place,  the  scarcity  of  powder,  as  their  country  could  not  furnish 
it  in  sufficient  quantity,  they  determined  to  exert  all  their  efforts  to 
procure  it  from  foreigners.  Several  fast-sailing  vessels  were  sent  to 
the  coast  of  Guinea,  whence  they  brought  home  immense  quantities, 
having  purchased  it  of  the  European  ships  employed  in  that  trade. 
The  Philadelphians,  knowing  the  favorable  dispositions  of  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  Bermudas,  and  their  great  want  of  provisions,  dispatched 
thither  a  large  brig,  and  the  Carolinians  a  corvette,  which  brought 
away  about  one  hundred  and  ten  casks  of  powder.  The  assembly  of 
Massachusetts  prohibited  the  consumption  of  it  in  firing  at  game,  or 
in  rejoicings.  Then  only  began  to  be  less  felt  the  defect  of  this  first 
instrument  of  war.  It  remained  to  obviate  the  inconveniences  of 
the  expiration  of  the  soldiers'  term  of  service ;  the  congress  sent  a 
deputation  to  the  camp,  in  order  to  concert  with  general  Washington 
the  most  efficacious  means  to  prevent  the  dissolution  of  the  army. 
The  deputies  were  all  men  of  distinguished  sagacity ;  and,  among 
the  most  conspicuous  for  authority  and  reputation,  was  doctor  Ben- 
jamin Franklin.  They  managed  this  negotiation  with  such  address, 
that  almost  all  the  troops  consented,  but  not  without  extreme  diffi- 
culty, to  continue  in  the  pay  of  the  Union. 

The  congress  ordained,  besides,  that  the  besieging  army  should 
amount  to  the  number  of  more  than  twenty  thousand  men ;  and  that 
each  colony  should  levy  battalions,  at  the  expense  of  the  continent. 

About  this  time,  Dr.  Church,  first  physician  of  the  army,  was  de- 
clared traitor.  He  kept  up  a  secret  correspondence  within  Boston. 
Being  detected,  he  was  brought  before  the  house  of  representatives, 
whereof  he  was  a  member.  He  did  not  deny,  but  said  he  had  only 
acted  for  the  good  of  the  country.  Unable  to  prove  it,  he  was  ex- 
pelled the  assembly.  Some  persons  pretended  that  this  whole  affair 
was  but  an  artifice.  The  congress  decreed  that  the  accused  should 
be  confined  in  the  prisons  of  Connecticut. 

General  Gage  returned  to  England,  having  be3n  recalled  by  the 
king.     His  conduct  had  not  answered  the  expectation  of  the  govern 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  267 

ment ;  he  had  employed  the  ways  of  mildness,  when  he  should  have 
displayed  force ;  and  violence,  when  persuasion  would  have  sufficed. 
He  arrived  in  America,  accompanied  with  general  affection  ;  he  left 
it  abhorred  ;  perhaps  less  through  his  own  fault  than  that  of  the 
ministers,  who,  in  place  of  rigorous  decrees,  should  have  sent  pow- 
erful armies ;  or,  instead  of  armies,  conciliatory  conditions,  conso- 
nant with  the  opinions  of  the  Americans.  But  men  commonly  know 
neither  how  to  exert  all  their  force,  nor  to  surmount  the  shame  of 
descending  to  an  accommodation  ;  hence  delays,  hesitations  and  half 
measures  so  often  prove  the  ruin  of  enterprises.  William  Howe,  a 
commander  much  esteemed  for  his  talents,  and  distinguished  for  his 
birth,  succeeded  general  Gage. 

Washington  found  himself,  at  that  time,  surrounded  with  many 
and  serious  difficulties  ;  they  proceeded  from  the  organization  of  his 
army;  and  increased,  every  day,  in  proportion  as  the  first  ardor  of 
his  troops  abated.  Every  hour  it  became  more  evident,  that  the  suc- 
cess of  wars  resides  not  in  popular  impulses,  but  in  good  arms,  dis- 
cipline, and  obedience  ;  things  the  American  camp  was  far  from  of- 
fering :  and  especially  the  last  two.  One  principal  vice  was  this; 
the  greater  part  of  these  troops  not  having  been  raised  by  authority 
of  congress,  but  by  that  of  the  provincial  assemblies,  their  organiza- 
tion, instead  of  being  uniform,  presented  an  excessive  variety  in  the 
formation,  equipment,  rank,  pay,  discipline,  and,  generally,  in  all 
that  relates  to  military  service.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  how  much  it 
must  have  suffered  from  such  a  disparity.  Washington  had  placed 
great  dependence  upon  the  troops  of  Massachusetts,  not  only  as  they 
were  the  most  numerous,  but  also  as  he  believed  them  animated  with 
that  zeal  which  distinguished  their  province,  and  therefore  qualified 
to  undertake  and  support  whatever  might  contribute  to  the  success 
of  the  war.  The  general  was  much  deceived  in  his  expectation 
The  soldiers  of  Massachusetts,  guided  by  the  enthusiasm  of  liberty, 
had  themselves  elected  their  own  officers, — a  thing  incompatible  with 
discipline ;  these  officers  not  being  respected,  they  exacted  obedience 
in  vain.  It  must  be  admitted,  moreover,  that  some  of  them  de- 
graded themselves  by  a  rapacity  which  fell  indiscriminately  upon  pri- 
vate as  well  as  public  property.  They  clamored  liberty,  in  order  to 
be  able,  without  restraint,  to  satiate  their  incredible  avarice.  The 
state  of  affliction  in  whi  h  their  country  was  plunged,  far  from  touch- 
ing them  with  compassion  or  concern,  seemed  rather  to  increase  in 
them  their  infamous  propensity  for  pillage.  This  disastrous  scourge 
has  at  all  times  been  one  of  the  first  results  of  political  revolutions. 
The  most  depraved,  the  most  profligate  men,  while  they  profess  the  : 
most  ardent  love  for  the  public  good,  are  even  those  who,  under  this 


268  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V 

veil,  abandon  themselves  without  shame  to  the  thirst  of  rapine  that 
consumes  them.  In  this  disorder,  the  voice  of  good  citizens  is  not 
heard,  because  the  wicked  are  the  loudest  in  their  protestations  of  the 
same  zeal ;  and  the  wicked  cannot  be  repressed,  because  their  services 
are  wanted.  Another  vice  of  the  American  army  was  that  each  col- 
ony, and  not  the  general  congress,  paid,  clothed,  and  victualed  its 
own  troops ;  which  resulted  in  a  confusion  extremely  prejudicial  to 
good  order  and  discipline.  As  yet  it  had  not  been  thought  of,  or  per- 
haps, in  the  midst  of  so  many  different  interests,  it  had  not  been  pos- 
sible to  create  a  commissary  or  intendant-general.  having  charge  of 
all  these  details  of  administration.  The  disorder  was  greater  still. 
Some  American  generals,  dissatisfied  with  the  promotions  made  by 
congress,  had  retired  disdainfully  to  their  homes.  Maladies,  also, 
had  found  their  way  into  the  camp,  and  especially  the  dysentery,  a 
pest  so  fatal  to  armies.  The  close  of  autum?  already  had  rendered 
the  cold  very  sensible ;  the  soldiers  suffered  severely,  from  want  of 
barracks.  The  congress,  however,  had  not  neglected  this  point ;  but 
the  contractors,  after  having  received  the  necessary  funds,  furnished 
nothing ;  and,  according  to  their  customs,  exclaimed  every  where 
that  they  were  not  paid.  Thus  all  the  wrongs  appeared  to  rebound 
upon  the  government ;  so  industrious  is  this  race  of  men  in  creating 
confusion,  in  order  to  veil  their  juggling  operations !  Nevertheless, 
Washington,  by  his  prudence  and  by  his  authority,  provided  for  all 
wants.  If  he  acquired  an  imperishable  glory,  in  having  conductc  3 
the  present  war  to  a  happy  conclusion,  praises  not  inferior  are  as- 
suredly due  him  for  having  kept  together  an  army  composed  of  so 
many  different  elements,  and  beset  by  so  many  afflicting  wants. 
The  latter  success  is  not  less  honorable,  and  perhaps  of  more  difficult, 
attainment,  than  victory  itself. 

The  Americans,  to  whom  the  spectacle  of  an  army  was  entirely 
new,  came  from  all  the  environs,  and  even  from  remote  parts,  to  be- 
hold it.  Men  and  women  arrived  in  throngs  at  the  camp  of  Boston, 
and  demonstrated  a  lively  satisfaction  at  the  martial  air  of  their  fel- 
low citizens.  The  soldiers  felt  their  courage  revive,  and  the  inhabit- 
ants their  hopes.  The  Indians  themselves  were  attracted.  Distrustful 
and  incredulous  by  nature,  they  wished  to  ascertain  with  their  own 
eyes  the  truth  of  what  they  had  heard  related.  They  were  received 
with  particular  civility.  In  order  to  amuse  the  Americans,  or  to 
create  a  high  opinion  of  their  strength  and  address,  they  gave  fre- 
quent representations  of  feasts  and  combats,  after  their  mode.  The 
mutual  expressions  of  benevolence,  the  familiarity  that  ensued,  and 
the  presence  of  the  numerous  battalions  of  the  Americans,  which 
Md  the  British  troops  locked  up  within  the  walls  of  a  city,  maoVj 


BOOK    ▼.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

fluch  an  impression  upon  the  Indians,  that,  notwithstanding  all  the 
seductions  and  all  the  importunities  Of  the  English,  they  generally 
testified  a  great  repugnance  to  follow  their  banners.  The  colonists 
observed  these  sentiments  with  no  little  satisfaction. 

Although  no  action  of  moment  was  engaged  about  Boston,  yet 
warm  skirmishes  happened  frequently,  in  which  the  Americans 
acquired  new  intrepidity  and  love  of  glory.  Washington  ardently 
desired  that  his  troops  should  often  encounter  the  enemy,  in  these 
miniature  battles,  that  their  energy  might  not  languish  from  inaction, 
and  that  they  might  become  familiar  with  the  din  of  arms,  and  the 
face  of  the  enemy. 

Meanwhile,  the  distress  in  which  the  garrison  of  Boston  found 
itself,  increased  from  day  to  day.  The  supplies  procured  by  the 
English  vessels,  in  their  excursions  upon  the  neighboring  coasts,  were 
altogether  inadequate  to  the  exigencies  of  a  necessity  so  extreme. 
The  inhabitants  had  removed  their  grain  and  cattle  to  inland  places ; 
and  what  remained  they  resolutely  defended  with  arms.  Nor  could 
the  English  have  much  hope  of  drawing  provisions  from  the  adjacent 
islands,  or  from  other  parts  of  the  American  continent,  still  subject 
to  the  king,  since  they  were  themselves  in  want.  This  scarcity  was 
produced  by  a  decree  of  congress,  which  prohibited  all  exportation 
of  provisions  or  merchandise  from  the  colonies  towards  Canada, 
Nova  Scotia,  the  island  of  St.  John,  Newfoundland,  and  the  two 
Floridas,  as  well  as  to  the  places  where  the  English  carried  on  their 
fisheries.  It  often  happened,  that  the  parties  landed  by  the  latter,  to 
forage  upon  the  coasts  of  Marsachusetts,  were  attacked  and  repulsed 
by  the  provincials.  The  English  marine  had  orders  to  treat  as 
enemies  the  places  that  should  resist  the  authority  of  the  king.  Not 
content  with  resisting,  the  inhabitants  of  Falmouth,  a  flourishing 
maritime  town  of  Massachusetts,  had  molested  a  ship  laden  with 
the  effects  of  some  loyalists.  The  English  bombarded  it,  and  also 
landed  a  detachment  which  reduced  it  to  ashes. 

The  destruction  of  Falmouth  provoked  a  very  energetic  resolution 
on  the  par*  of  the  assembly  of  Massachusetts.  A  short  time  before, 
they  had  ordained  the  armament  of  several  ships,  for  the  protection 
of  the  coasts.  Then,  exercising  sovereign  power,  they  decreed  that 
letters  of  mark  and  reprisal  should  be  granted  ;  and  that  courts  of 
admiralty  should  be  created,  to  judge  of  the  validity  of  prizes. 
They  declared,  moreover,  that  their  intention  was  merely  to  defend 
their  coasts ;  and  that  no  vessels  were  to  be  seized,  but  such  only 
as  should  be  laden  with  provisions  for  the  soldiers  who  made  war 
against  the  Americans. 

Not  long  after,  the  general  congress  itself,  perceiving  the  neces- 

23+ 


270  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  V, 

gity  of  intercepting  the  English  navigation,  and  of  protecting  tho 
coasts  of  the  continent,  and  also  observing  the  success  of  the  cruis- 
ers of  Massachusetts,  decreed  that  a  fleet  of  five  ships  of  thirty-two 
guns,  five  others  of  twenty-eight,  and  three  of  twenty-four,  should 
be  constructed  and  armed ;  one  in  New  Hampshire,  two  in  Massa- 
chusetts, one  in  Connecticut,  two  in  Rhode  Island,  two  in  New 
York,  four  in  Pennsylvania,  and  one  in  Maryland.  The  command 
of  this  squadron  was  given  to  commodore  Hopkins. 

The  congress  appeared  to  hesitate  as  to  granting  letters  of  mark 
and  reprisal.  They  decided,  however,  for  a  measure,  which,  though 
in  name  less  hostile,  yet  in  reality  produced  the  same  efTects.  They 
authorized  their  ships  to  capture  all  those  which  should  attempt  to 
lend  assistance  to  the  enemy,  in  any  mode  whatsoever.  They  also 
created  courts  of  admiralty. 

Thus,  little  by  little,  they  drew  into  their  hands  the  entire  sove- 
reign authority.  The  Americans  made  incredible  dispatch  in  equip- 
ping their  ships  ;  they  soon  swarmed  in  the  neighboring  seas,  and 
took  from  the  English  an  immense  number  of  prizes,  who,  little  sus- 
pecting so  bold  a  sally,  saw  themselves,  with  confusion,  surprised 
upon  an  element,  of  which,  until  then,  they  had  with  reason  consid- 
ered themselves  the  absolute  masters.  The  activity  of  this  new 
marine  was  no  less  beneficial  to  the  Americans,  than  fatal  to  their 
enemies.  The  British  government,  informed  of  the  distress  to 
which  the  garrison  of  Boston  was  reduced,  had  embarked,  at  a  pro- 
digious expense,  an  immense  quantity  of  oxen,  and  all  sorts  of  live 
cattle,  of  salt  meat  and  of  vegetables,  to  victual  a  place  of  such  im- 
portance with  all  expedition. 

Contrary  winds,  in  the  first  place,  retarded  the  transports  at  sea, 
beyond  the  expected  term:;  the  cattle  died,  the  vegetables  perished. 
The  residue  at  length  arriving  upon  the  coast  of  America,  became 
almost  entirely  the  prey  of  the  American  ships,  and  that  often  under 
the  very  eyes  of  the  British  commanders,  who,  either  becalmed  or 
opposed  by  the  winds,  were  unable  to  succor  them.  At  Boston, 
wood  was  totally  wanting ;  the  government,  in  order  to  remedy  this 
deficiency,  had  embarked  in  this  convoy  a  large  quantity  of  coal. 
The  greater  part  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Americans ;  thus,  the 
garrison,  and  even  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  in  the  midst  of  the 
most  rigorous  season,  found  themselves  absolutely  destitute  of  fuel 
:Vor  did  fortune  show  herself  only  propitious  to  the  Americans  in 
their  efforts  to  intercept  the  means  of  subsistence,  which  had  been 
sent  from  England  for  the  garrison ;  she  delivered  also  into  their 
hands  the  arms  and  munitions  of  war,  of  which  they  were  themselves 
in  the  most  urgent  need. 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  5HJ 

Pressed  by  a  necessity  continually  increasing,  general  Howe  nad 
already  sent  out  of  Boston,  and  caused  to  be  transported  to  the 
neighboring  shores,  more  than  seven  hundred  useless  mouths.  It 
was  said  at  the  time,  that  among  those  individuals  were  found  several 
diseased  with  the  smallpox.  If  the  fact  be  true,  at  least  it  cannot 
be  thought  to  have  been  the  result  of  an  odious  design  to  infect  the 
American  camp  ;  the  mind  of  general  Howe  being  certainly  alto- 
gether incapable  of  such  an  atrocity.  It  is  true,  however,  that  many 
Americans  both  credited  and  published  it.  The  assembly  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, either  believing  these  rumors,  or  wishing  them  believed, 
decreed  all  the  precautions  usual  in  similar  cases.  Meanwhile,  in 
order  to  procure  fuel,  general  Howe  was  constrained  to  demolish 
several  houses  in  Boston ;  for  the  light  vessels  of  the  Americans 
cruised  so  actively  along  the  coasts,  that  all  hope  of  procuring 
either  wood  or  coal  from  the  neighboring  towns  had  vanished. 

Meanwhile,  the  house  of  representatives  of  Massachusetts  cre- 
ated fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling  in  bills  of  credit,  and  knowing 
how  naturally  men  allow  themselves  to  be  guided  by  words  and  im- 
ages, they  caused  the  bills  to  be  decorated  with  great  care.  Their 
emblem  was  an  American,  holding  in  the  right  hand  a  sword,  around 
which  were  inscribed  these  Latin  words,  '  Ense  petit  placidam  sub 
libertate  quietem.'  With  the  left,  he  supported  the  motto,  <  Mag- 
na Charta,'  and  at  the  foot,  'Made  in  defense  of  American  liber- 
ty.' The  House  also  ordered,  that  the  army  should  be  supplied  with 
fuel.  But  it  seemed  that  they  did  these  things  with  a  certain  reluc- 
tance, and  very  ill  grace ;  impatience  or  avarice  had  sensibly  chilled 
the  zeal  of  these  patriots,  of  late  so  ardent.  General  Lee,  accus- 
tomed to  express  himself  without  any  sort  of  reserve,  was  not  spar- 
ing of  censures  towards  them ;  he  openly  called  them  narrow  and 
pusillanimous  souls,  who,  apprehensive  of  losing  popular  favor,  want- 
ed courage  to  take  a  vigorous  resolution,  or  to  strike  a  decisive  blow. 
The  congress,  meanwhile,  decreed,  that  by  virtue  of  the  law  of  re- 
taliation, any  harsh  treatment  which  should  be  inflicted  upon  those 
among  the  Americans  who  might  fall  into  the  power  of  the  enemy, 
should  be  revisited  upon  those  partisans  of  ministerial  oppression, 
whom  the  fortune  of  war  might  place  in  their  hands.  This  question 
of  the  reciprocal  treatment  of  prisoners  of  war,  had  given  birth  to 
violent  debates  between  the  one  party  and  the  other.  We  have  let- 
ters written  upon  this  subject,  in  a  very  animated  style,  to  each  other, 
by  generals  Gage  and  Washington.  Though  it  is  probable  that 
the  wrongs  might  have  been  mutually  exaggerated,  it  is  certain  that 
the  laws  of  war  were  not  observed  towards  the  prisoners,  and  that 
much  inhumanity  was  manifested  in  the  proceedings  against  them. 


272  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V 

Can  it  excite  our  astonishment  ?  Are  not  these  the  ordinary  fruits 
of  civil  war  ? 

Such  was,  about  the  close  of  the  year  1775,  the  political  and 
military  situation  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts,  and  such  the 
events  which  took  place  under  the  walls  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Bos- 
ton. Those  who  occupied  this  city  were  afraid  to  venture  out, 
and  every  day  experienced  a  more  afflicting  dearth  of  provisions 
and  firing;  while  those  without  made  no  attempt  to  attack  them, 
believing  themselves  secure  of  an  eventual  triumph  by  simple  per- 
se ve  ranee. 

But  the,  most  important  expedition  of  all  this  year  was  incompar- 
ably the  invasion  of  Canada,  by  the  American  troops.  The  congress 
had  reflected,  that  it  was  not,  assuredly,  without  views  of  great  inter- 
est, that  the  ministry  had  sent,  for  governor  in  this  province,  general 
Carleton,  a  man  of  resolute  character,  vast  genius,  and  brilliant  name 
for  military  achievements.  He  was  invested,  as  we  have  seen,  with 
such  extensive  powers  as  no  governor  before  him  had  ever  offered 
example  of.  It  was  known  that  he  exerted  all  his  efforts  to  stir  the 
Canadians  and  Indians,  and  stimulate  them  to  arms  against  the  colo- 
nies. Though,  at  the  commencement,  he  had  found  great  repug- 
nance among  the  first,  it  was  to  be  feared  that,  by  employing  ad- 
dress and  authority,  he  might  succeed,  at  length,  in  drawing  them  to 
his  standard.  The  dispositions  of  the  people  of  Canada  were  not 
unknown ;  always  French  at  heart,  and  even  somewhat  fickle.  It 
was  known,  also,  that  they  cherished  a  sullen  discontent  on  account 
of  the  act  of  Quebec  ;  which,  though  favorable  to  their  religion,  re- 
placed them,  however,  in  their  ancient  dependence  towards  the  no- 
bles, whom  they  detested.  It  was  therefore  essential  to  take  advan- 
tage of  their  present  sentiments,  before  Carleton  should  have  gained 
them.  It  was  hoped  that  when  the  Americans  should  have  pene- 
trated into  Canada,  the  inhabitants  would  not  hesitate  to  espouse 
their  cause,  excited  on  the  one  hand  by  their  hatred  towards  the  no- 
l  ility,  and  re-assured  on  the  other  by  the  moderation  which  the  colo- 
nists had  generally  manifested  in  matters  touching  religion.  The 
province  of  Canada  was,  besides,  unfurnished  with  troops  of  the 
line ;  they  had  all  been  called  to  Boston.  Moreover,  the  congress 
had  been  informed,  that  in  the  following  spring  the  government  was 
to  make  a  grand  effort  in  this  province ;  that  numerous  forces,  arms, 
and  munitions,  would  be  poured  into  it,  in  order  to  attack  the  colo- 
nies in  the  back  ;  an  operation,  which,  if  not  seasonably  prevented, 
might  have  fatal  consequences.  The  colonists,  assailed  at  the  same 
time  in  front  and  rear,  could  not  have  expected  to  resist. 

The  design  of  an  expedition  to  Canada  was  also  encouraged  by 


COOKLT.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  273 

the  happy  success  of  the  enterprise  of  Ticonderoga,  and  of  Crown 
Point,  which  had  opened  for  the  Americans  the  gates  of  this  prov- 
ince. Occasion  could  never  be  more  propitious  ;  the  English  troops, 
shut  up  in  Boston,  and  occupied  with  their  own  defense,  were  in  no 
situation  to  carry  succors  into  a  part  so  remote  from  the  provinces 
of  the  confederation.  But  it  was  to  be  feared,  that  longer  delays 
would  afford  time  for  the  British  ministry  to  make  the  necessary  prep- 
arations to  overpower  the  colonies  by  a  single  effort,  and  reduce 
them  to  their  former  dependence.  Here,  also,  another  essential  con  • 
sideration  presented  itself.  In  the  origin  of  popular  movements,  the 
chiefs  should  endeavor  to  achieve  some  brilliant  enterprise,  in  order 
to  maintain  the  excitement  of  minds,  otherwise  they  run  the  risk  of 
seeing  the  sudden  extinction  of  the  enthusiasm  they  have  kindled  ; 
and  the  epoch  of  the  return  of  order  is  always  that  of  the  downfall 
of  agitators.  In  perilous  enterprises,  attempted  by  insurgent  peo- 
ple, hope  and  fear  are  created  and  annihilated  with  equal  prompt- 
ness. The  more  just  they  believe  their  cause,  the  more  strenuously 
they  defend  it;  and  they  incline  to  believe  it  just,  as  it  proves  suc- 
cessful. According  to  all  these  considerations,  the  expedition  of 
Canada  was  decided.  Prudent  men,  however,  could  not  shut  their 
eyes  upon  the  numerous  difficulties  it  presented.  This  was  no  long- 
er an  adhering  to  the  defensive,  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  proceeding 
the  most  offensive,  against  a  prince  to  whom  fidelity  was  still  j>ro- 
. tested,  even  carrying  arms  into  one  of  his  provinces,  which  had  in 
no  shape  demanded  the  succors  it  was  pretended  to  offer  it.  This 
-was  not  merely  exciting  the  peaceable  and  uncomplaining  subjects 
to  revolt  against  their  lawful  sovereign,  but  also  violently  occupying 
their  country,  and  dragging  them  by  force  into  sedition. 

Was  it  not  to  be  feared,  that  an  enterprise  so  audacious  would  dis- 
cover too  openly  the  intentions  of  the  general  congress ;  and  that, 
.then,  those  of  the  colonists  who  combated  with  sincerity  to  obtain  the 
revocation  of  the  oppressive  laws,  at  the  same. time  abhorring  the  idea 
of  a  total  separation,  and  even  desiring  to  resume  their  former  rela- 
tions with  Great  Britain,  would  immediately  abandon  a  cause  which 
would  no  longer  be  theirs  ?  Many  members  of  congress  were  not 
without  apprehension  of  losing,  by  the  execution  of  this  design,  the 
favor  which  a  great  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  England,  and  ma- 
ny members  of  parliament,  had  hitherto  manifested  towards  the  Amer- 
ican cause.  From  offended  subjects,  should  the  colonists  become 
dangerous  enemies?  from  oppressed  inhabitants, oppressive  soldiers? 
from  citizens  alarmed  at  the  shadow  of  tyranny,  the  insatiable  inva 
ders  of  a  peaceable  province  ?  -  Prudence  would  also  suggest,  that  the 
fear  of  *ee»ng  pillaged  or  destroyed  the  effects  and  the  merchandise 


274  THE    AMERICAN    WAR 


BOOK  V. 


belonging  to  England,  l.  this  time  largely  accumulated  in  Canada, 
and  especially  in  the  city  of  Quebec,  could  not  fail  to  alienate  the 
minds  of  all  the  parties  interested.  But  it  was  said,  on  the  opposite 
side,  that,  since  arms  had  now  been  taken  up,  and  the  first  blood 
already  effused,  to  persist  in  a  strictly  defensive  war  was  to  allow 
the  enemy  a  manifest  advantage,  who  had  not  the  same  scruples ; 
that,  seeing  hostilities  were  commenced,  it  was  essential  to  prosecute 
them  with  all  possible  vigor ;  and  that,  certainly  a  more  sensible 
blow  could  not  be  struck  at  the  enemy,  than  this  of  assaulting  him 
in  his  weakest  part. 

'  Does  any  one  imagine,'  said  the  partisans  of  this  system,  k  that 
England  is  about  to  perplex  herself  with  this  distinction  of  opera- 
tions defensive  and  operations  offensive  ?  Her  hand  will  visit  ven- 
geance upon  us,  wherever  it  can  reach  us.  With  arms  alone,  and 
used  too  with  vigor  and  gallantry,  not  by  timorous  counsels,  can  we 
hope  to  avert  the  impending  tempest  of  perdition.  The  enterprise 
proposed  offers  all  the  probabilities  of  success ;  when  we  shall  have 
obtained  it,  those  who  still  hesitate,  even  those  perhaps  who  blame, 
will  have  vanquished  all  their  doubts.  In  whatever  man  undertakes, 
there  is  always  a  grain  of  uncertainty,  a  particle  of  danger ;  but 
generous  minds  are  not  to  flinch  at  this.  The  ancient  adage  should 
not  be  forgotten, — He  that  acts  not  when  he  can,  acts  not  when  he 
would. 

1  Let  us  be  persuaded,  finally,  that  the  eloquent  orators  of  the 
two  houses  of  parliament,  either  from  love  of  liberty,  as  they  pre- 
tend, or  at  least  from  ambition  and  from  the  desire  to  thwart  the 
ministers,  will  not  abstain  from  defending,  and  even  extolling,  our 
cause,  when  we  shall  have  done  much  more  than  attack  the  prov- 
ince of  Canada.' 

The  resolution  having  been  carried  in  favor  of  the  expedition, 
the  congress  were  not  tardy  in  taking  all  the  measures  proper  to  se- 
cure its  success.  T'.ive  thousand  soldiers,  partly  inhabitants  of  New 
England  and  partly  oi  New  York,  were  selected  for  the  enterprise. 
They  were  commanded  by  the  two  brigadier-generals,  Wooster  and 
Montgomery,  under  the  direction  of  major-general  Schuyler;  these 
three  officers  enjoyed  the  public  confidence  unlimited.  •  As,  in  order 
to  re  icl\  the  heart  of  Canada,  it  was  requisite  to  traverse  lake  Cham- 
plain,  the  river  Sorel,  and  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  so  broad  and  deep 
under  the  walls  of  Quebec,  orders  had  been  given  to  construct  rafts 
at  Ticonderoga  and  at  Crown  Poin*  in  order  to  convey  the  troops 
wherever  it  might  be  thought  necessary.  The  country  into  which  it 
was  purposed  to  enter  not  making  a  part  of  the  American  Union,  and 
governing  itself  by  its  own  laws,  it  could  not  be  hoped  that  its  inhabit- 


felKHi    V.  fkE    AMERICAN    WAR.  275 

ants  would  receive  the  bills  of  credit  which  were  curicnt  in  the  colo- 
nies ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  idea  was  insupportable,  that  the  sol- 
diers should  live  at  discretion,  in  a  country  it  was  desired  to  gain  and 
conciliate.  Consequently,  the  congress  made  an  effort  to  glean 
together  the  sum  of  fifty  thousand  dollars  in  specie.  It  was  also  pru- 
dent, to  avoid  being  taken  in  rear,  to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  In- 
dians that  inhabited  the  banks  of  the  Mohawk,  which  empties  into  the 
Hudson  river,  a  little  above  Albany.  For  the  same  reason,  general 
Schuyler  had  remained  in  that  city,  in  order  to  cultivate  a  good  undei  • 
standing  with  those  tribes,  with  whom  he  possessed  a  powerful  in- 
fluence. General  Montgomery  had  already  repaired  to  Crown  Point, 
with  a  part  of  the  army,  and  was  expecting  the  arrival  of  the  residue. 
Governor  Carleton,  who  was  much  on  his  guard,  seeing  himself  men- 
aced by  a  superior  force,  reflected,  that  if  he  could  defend  against 
the  Americans  the  entrance  of  the  river  Sorel,  it  would  be  impossible 
for  thern  to  penetrate  into  Canada.  He  accordingly  caused  to  be 
constructed  and  armed  a  large  brig,  with  some  vessels  of  less  force, 
and  intended  to  station  them  at  the  outlet  of  the  lake  into  the  Sorel ; 
hoping  thus,  and  with  reason,  to  interdict  the  passage,  with  effect,  to 
the  Americans.  General  Montgomery  was  informed  of  it ;  and  per- 
ceiving all  the  importance  of  tHis  project  of  Carleton,  determined  to 
prevent  it,  by  moving  rapidly,  with  the  few  troops  he  had,  towards 
the  Sorel.  Upon  his  arrival  there,  he  proceeded  to  occupy  He  aur 
Noix,  a  little  island,  situated  upon  the  entrance  of  the  river,  near 
the  lake.  In  the  meantime,  general  Schuyler  arrived  from  Albany, 
after  having  left  the  necessary  orders  for  marching  the  troops  of  the 
expedition  to  He  aux  Noix.  Here  the  two  generals,  having  met,  ad- 
dressed a  proclamation  to  the  Canadians,  exhorting  them  to  join  the 
Americans,  in  order  to  defend  their  liberties.  They  declared  they 
entered  their  country  not  as  enemies,  but  as  friends  and  protectors, 
coming  only  to  combat  against  the  British  garrisons.  Then,  in  order 
to  unite  force  with  demonstrations,  they  determined  to  approach  fort 
St.  John,  which,  situated  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Sorel,  commands 
it  entirely,  and  closes  the  passage  towards  the  river  St.  Lawrence 
The  Americans  moved,  therefore,  but  without  artillery,  towards  St, 
John,  and  landed  at  a  mile  and  a  half  distant  from  the  fort,  in  a 
marsh,  through  which  they  marched  in  good  order,  with  a  view  to 
reconnoiter  the  place.  In  their  progress,  they  had  to  sustain  a  furi- 
ous attack  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  who  attempted  to  oppose  their 
fording  a  river.  Having  repulsed  them,  they,  in  the  course  of  the 
night,  established  themselves  in  sight  of  the  fort,  and  began  to  throw 
up  works  ;  but  having  learned  that  the  fort  was  in  a  respectable  state 
oi  defense,  and  not  hoping  to  carry  it  so  promptly,  they  returned, 


276  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V. 

the  day  following,  to  He  aux  Noix,  where  they  resolved  to  wait  for 
re-inforcements  and  artillery.  Meanwhile,  to  interrupt  the  commu- 
nication for  the  ships  of  governor  Carleton  from  fort  St.  John  with 
the  lake,  they  obstructed  the  channel  of  the  river,  here  very  narrow, 
with  a  chevaux-de-frise. 

General  Schuyler  had  returned  to  Albany,  in  order  to  terminate 
the  treaty  with  the  Indians,  and  to  accelerate  the  arrival  of  succors 
at  He  aux  Noix.     But  affairs,  and  a  severe  malady,  detained  him  i;i 
fnat:  city ;  and  thus  the  entire  conduct  of  the  Canadian  expedition 
passed  into  the  hands  of  general  Montgomery,  an  officer  endowed 
with  all  the  capacity  desirable.     He  endeavored,  in  the  first  place, 
to  detach  the  Indians  from  the  party  of  the  English,  and  to  engage 
them  to  remain  neuter ;  he  succeeded  in  this  point,  without  much 
difficulty.     Then,  after  the  arrival  of  his  re-inforcements  and  artil- 
lery, he  undertook  the  siege  of  fort  St.  John.     The  garrison  consist- 
ed in  five  or  six  hundred  regular  soldiers,  with  two  hundred  Canadi- 
ans„  under  the  command  of  major  Preston  ;  but  the  army  of  Canada, 
as  well  as  all  the  others  of  the  confederation,  wanted  powder  and 
cannon  balls,  and  therefore  the  siege  made  little  progress      The  de- 
fect of  discipline  among  the  provincial  troops  created  a  difficulty  no 
less  alarming.     Montgomery  opposed  it  with  patience,  with  prom- 
ises, with  menaces,  and  especially  with  his  magnanimity,  and  the  au- 
thority of  his  person,  which  was  very  great  among  all.     Fortune  soon 
offered  him  the  means  of  remedying  the  deficiency  of  ammunition. 
A  little  below  fort  St.  John,  and  upon  the  same  river,  is  situated 
another  small  fort,  called  Chambly.     The  English,  believing  the  ene- 
my could  not  arrive  there,  before  capturing  fort  St.  John,  had  neg- 
lected to  arm  it.     The  American  general  turned  his  attention  to 
this  quarter.     He  put  in  motion  a  strong  Vtachment,  composed  of 
colonists  and  Canadians,  under  the  command  of  majors  Brown  and 
Livingstone.     They  appeared  unexpectedly  before  the  fort,  and  took 
possession  of  it.     The  garrison,  a  mere  handful,  were  made  prison- 
ers.    A  few  pieces  of  cannon,  with  an  hundred  and  twenty-four  bar- 
rels of  powder,  were  thus  obtained.     The  colors  conquered  from  the 
English  were  solemnly  sent  to  congress.     The  Americans,  now  pro- 
vided with  the  necessary  munitions,  pressed  with  vigor  the  siege  of 
St.  John.     They  established  a  battery,  at  two  and  fifty  paces  from 
the  fort. 

Several  detachments  of  Americans  scoured  the  country  between 
the  river  Sorel  and  that  of  St.  Lawrence.  They  were  received  with 
great  demonstrations  of  joy  by  the  Canadians,  who  came  in  throngs 
to  join  them,  bringing  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions.  Their 
spirit  increased  with  their  number.     Colonel  Allen  and  major  Brown, 


BOOK  t  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  27*< 

both  officers  of  real  talent,  concerted  the  project  of  surprising  the 
city  of  Montreal,  the  capital  of  Upper  Canada,  and  situated  in  an 
island  formed  by  two  branches  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  Colone 
Allen,  having  reached  Longueville,  found  boats,  and  crossed  the 
river,  during  the  night,  below  Montreal.  Major  Brown  was  to  have 
passed  over  at  the  same  time ;  but,  not  having  been  able  to  effect  it, 
the  first  division  found  itself  in  a  critical  position.  Governor  Carle- 
ton,  who  was  then  at  Montreal,  having  discovered  the  weakness  of 
colonel  Allen,  and  knowing  how  to  make  his  profit  of  occasion, 
marched  out  to  meet  him,  with  a  few  hundred  men,  among  English, 
Canadians,  and  savages.  A  fierce  action  ensued,  and  the  Americans 
defended  themselves  with  bravery ;  but,  overpowered  at  length  by 
numbers,  having  lost  many  of  his  men,  and  abandoned  by  the  oth- 
ers, especially  by  the  Canadians,  colonel  Allen  was  forced  to  sur- 
render. The  governor  would  not  observe  towards  him  the  laws  of 
war ;  but  caused  him  to  be  loaded  with  irons,  and  sent  him  to 
England. 

Flushed  with  this  success,  he  resolved,  by  a  vigorous  effort,  to 
raise  the  siege  of  fort  St.  John.  He  assembled  what  regular  troops 
he  had,  and  a  considerable  number  of  Canadians  and  Indians ;  but 
still  not  believing  his  means  sufficient,  he  departed  from  Montreal, 
in  order  to  join  colonel  Maclean,  who,  with  the  Scotch  regiment  of 
Royal  Highlanders,  occupied  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  near  its  con- 
fluence with  the  St.  Lawrence.  He  hoped,  with  these  forces  united, 
to  be  in  a  situation  to  attack  general  Montgomery,  and  compel  him 
to  raise  the  siege.  But  fortune  was  not  favorable  to  his  design. 
The  American  general,  foreseeing  that  a  man  so  active  as  governor 
Carleton  would  assuredly  not  remain  idle,  had  taken  care  to  scour 
continually,  with  numerous  detachments,  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
right  branch  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

The  English,  having  completed  their  preparations,  entered  their 
boats,  to  pass  the  river,  and  land  the  opposite  side,  at  Longueville. 
The  American  colonel  Warner,  having  perceived  their  design,  plant- 
ed artillery  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  stood  ready  to  repulse  the 
enemy  with  musketry.  He  suffered  the  boats  of  the  governor  to 
approach  ;  and,  when  they  were  within  reach,  poured  into  them  sev- 
eral discharges  of  grape-shot.  The  English,  surprised  at  this  unex- 
pected reception,  retired  in  the  greatest  disorder,  and  relanded  upon 
the  other  bank  of  the  river,  at  Montreal.  Colonel  Maclean,  inform- 
ed of  the  check  at  Longueville,  fell  back  upon  Quebec,  abandoning 
to  the  Americans  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel. 

Meanwhile,  the  siege  of  fort  St.  John  was  pushed  with  greater 
ardor       General  Montgomery  had  already  approached  with  his 

24 


278  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  ▼ 

trenches  to  the  foot  of  the  wall,  and  was  preparing  to  give  the 
assault.  But  the  besieged  defended  themselves  valiantly,  and  ap- 
peared resolved  to  hold  out  to  the  last,  notwithstanding  their  pro- 
visions were  nearly  exhausted.  At  length,  the  American  general* 
having  received  the  news  of  the  governor's  defeat,  sent  into  the 
place  a  flag,  accompanied  by  one  of  the  prisoners  of  colonel  War- 
ner. In  the  letter  he  addressed  to  major  Preston,  informing  him  of 
this  event,  he  exhorted  him  not  to  persist  in  an  obstinate  defense> 
the  only  result  of  which  would  be  an  useless  effusion  of  blood. 
Preston  at  first  hesitated,  and  demanded  an  armistice  of  some  days. 
But  the  American  could  not  consent  to  consume  time  unprofitably  ; 
the  season  being  already  much  advanced.  The  Englishman  was 
consequently  compelled  to  surrender,  the  3d  of  November,  after  a 
siege  of  six  weeks.  He  obtained  the  honors  of  war,  and  guaranty 
of  persons  and  property.  The  prisoners  were  conducted  by  the  way 
of  Ticonderoga,  into  the  colonies  that  were  deemed  the  most  prop- 
er. Thus  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Americans  the  fortress  of  St. 
John,  which,  since  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga  and  of  Crown  Point,  was 
justly  considered  as  the  key  of  Canada.  They  found  in  it  seven- 
teen pieces  of  brass  cannon,  twenty-two  of  iron,  seven  mortars, 
with  a  considerable  quantity  of  balls  and  bombs,  and  of  naval  stores  : 
the  munitions  of  war  and  provisions  had  been  almost  entirely  con- 
sumed. 

Masters  of  this  important  place,  the  Americans  hastened  to  occu- 
py the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  and  the  point  of  land  which  this  river 
forms  in  its  junction  with  the  St.  Lawrence.  This  operation  was  of 
the  utmost  interest,  in  order  to  prevent  the  armed  vessels,  which  the 
governor  had  assembled  at  Montreal,  from  descending  the  river,  and 
escaping  at  Quebec.  It  was  hoped,  besides,  that  the  governor  him- 
self might  ha\e  to  surrender  ;  he  being  then  at  Montreal,  an  open 
city,  and  incapable  of  any  defense.  Accordingly,  the  provincials 
erected  batteries  upon  this  point ;  and,  as  the  river  is  here  very 
wide,  they  constructed,  with  extreme  activity,  a  number  of  rafts  and 
floating  batteries  ;  and  thus  not  only  prevented  the  governor  from 
descending  the  river,  but  even  compelled  him,  by  a  furious  attack, 
to  retire  towards  Montreal.  All  this  squadron,  and  the  governor  in 
person,  had  a  very  narrow  escape. 

General  Montgomery  arrived  under  the  walls  of  Montreal,  the 
day  after  geneial  Carle  ton  had  joined  his  ships  and  left  it.  The  in- 
habitants immediately  proposed  many  articles  of  capitulation  ;  but 
the  American  general  refused  to  accept  them,  alledging,  that,  not 
being  in  a  state  of  defense,  they  could  not  make  terms.  He  sum- 
moned them,  therefore,  to  surrender  at  discretion  ;  but,  humane  as 


BOOK  T  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  279 

well  as  brave,  and  possessed  of  all  the  civil  virtues  that  can  honor 
an  individual,  he  regulated  himself  for  the  inhabitants  all  the  condi- 
tions they  could  have  wished,  promising  them,  with  a  writing  from 
his  own  hand,  that  he  would  protect  their  persons,  their  property, 
and  their  religion.  In  anticipation  of  their  adhesion  to  the  Ameri- 
can Union,  he  added,  that  he  hoped  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of 
all  the  Canadians  would  be  unalterably  fixed  by  the  provincial  con- 
gress, and  that  the  courts  of  justice  would  be  organized  after  the 
principles  of  the  English  constitution.  He  subscribed,  generally,  to 
all  the  propositions  that  were  compatible  with  the  security  of  his 
army,  and  the  success  of  his  ulterior  designs.  This  conduct  of  gene- 
ral Montgomery  was  dictated  not  only  by  his  own  character,  which 
was  truly  noble  and  generous,  but  also  by  his  desire  to  re-assure  the 
inhabitants  of  other  parts  of  Canada,  and  particularly  of  Quebec,  to 
the  end,  that  banishing  all  fear,  and  putting  their  confidence  in  his 
fortune  and  his  fidelity,  they  might  espouse  the  cause  of  America. 
Having  thus  satisfied  the  inhabitants  of  Montreal,  he  entered  the 
city,  on  the  13th  of  November. 

The  troops  of  Montgomery,  generally  but  ill  equipped,  were 
greatly  annoyed  by  the  cold  of  the  season,  which  in  that  climate 
began  to  be  very  severe.  Especially  in  their  march  from  St.  John 
to  Montreal,  the  lands  being  continually  k>w  and  marshy,  they  en- 
countered innumerable  difficulties,  which  only  an  incredible  constancy 
enabled  them  to  surmount.  Arrived  at  Montreal,  some  murmurs 
began  to  escape  them ;  ancl  the  greater  pari  of  the  soldiers,  whose 
term  of  service  had  expired,  were  inclined  to  return  to  their  homes ; 
but  general  Montgomery,  by  his  words,  by  the  influence  he  had  over 
them,  and  by  a  distribution  of  woollen  clothing  he  had  bought  in  the 
city,  retained  a  part  of  the  discontented  ;  the  others  abandoned  the 
army,  and  caused  it  to  experience  a  diminution  the  more  sensible,  as 
it  was  already  none  too  large.  But,  the  more  obstacles  multiplied, 
the  more  kindled  the  elastic  genius  of  the  intrepid  Montgomery. 

The  taking  of  Montreal  by  the  provincials  entirely  paralyzed  the 
naval  apparatus  of  the  governor.  He  found  himself  blockaded,  in 
the  part  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence  which  is  comprehended  between 
the  city  and  the  mouth  of  the  river  Sorel.  Below  this  point,  the 
passage  was  interdicted  him,  by  the  floating  batteries  and  rafts, 
armed  with  artillery,  under  the  command  of  colonel  Eaion.  The 
taking  of  the  governor  himself  appeared  inevitable ;  which  was  to  be 
considered  as  the  decision  of  the  war  of  Canada,  as  the  pledge  of  the 
conquest  of  the  capital,  and  of  the  entire  province.  Its  fate  depend- 
ed absolutely  upon  the  presence  of  this  chief,  whose  courage  and 
prudence  presided  over  all.     In  a  position  so  perilous,  he  found  the 


2S0  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V 

way  to  escape,  and  at  the  very  instant  when  his  ruin  appeared  im- 
pending. He  threw  himself  into  a  boat ;  and,  having  caused  the 
oars  to  be  muffled,  to  diminish  the  noise,  he  had  the  good  fortune 
to  pass,  favored  by  the  obscurity  of  the  night,  through  the  guard 
boats  of  die  enemy,  and  to  arrive  sound  and  safe  at  Quebec.  Gen- 
eral Prescot,  who,  after  the  departure  of  the  governor,  had  taken 
command  of  the  squadron,  was  forced  to  surrender. 

With  him  fell  into  the  power  of  the  provincials  many  other  offi- 
cers, several  members  of  the  civil  administrations  of  Canada,  the  vol- 
unteers of  this  province,  and  a  corps  of  English  soldiers ;  all  cf  whom 
had  taken  refuge  on  board  the  ships,  when  general  Montgomery 
was  on  the  eve  of  arriving  at  Montreal.  Having  left  a  garrison  in 
Montreal,  as  also  in  the  forts  of  St.  John  and  Chambly,  to  keep  open 
a  communication  between  Quebec  and  the  colonies,  to  secure  the 
submission  of  the  Canadians,  and  to  overawe  the  Indians,  as  well  as 
the  garrisons  of  Detroit  and  Niagara,  he  marched  towards  Quebec, 
with  a  corps  of  little  more  than  three  hundred  men,  the  sole  residue 
of  all  the  army. 

While  these  events  passed  in  the  upper  part  of  Canada,  the  city 
of  Quebec  was  itself  menaced,  from  an  unexpected  quarter,  with  a 
most  imminent  peril. 

Washington,  in  his  camp  near  Bo  ton,  had  conceived  an  enter- 
prise as  surprising  for  its  novelty  as  terrific  for  the  obstacles  and 
dangers  which  it  presented  in  the  execution  ;  but  if  it  was  hazardous, 
it  was  no  less  useful  |fe  bought  there  must  exist  a  way,  which, 
though  unfrequented,  and  known  only  by  the  mountaineers  in  the 
mild  season,  led  from  the  upper  parts  of  New  Hampshire  and  the 
province  of  Maine,  across  deserts,  marshes,  woods,  and  almost  inac- 
cessible mountains,  into  Lower  Canada,  on  the  part  of  Quebec.  He 
calculated  that  an  attack  directed  against  this  point,  would  produce 
the  greater  effect,  as  it  would  be  the  more  unexpected ;  for  not  only 
no  army  was  ever  known  to  pass  through  these  rough  and  dismal 
solitudes,  but  never  had  human  being,  until  then,  even  imagined  it 
was  possible.  Washington  knew,  besides,  that  the  city  of  Quebec 
was  by  no  means  in  a  state  of  defense.  His  plan  coincided  perfectly 
with  that  part  of  the  army  which  was  to  penetrate  into  Upper  Canada 
by  way  of  the  lakes  and  the  river  Sorel.  It  was  known  how  insuffi- 
cient were  the  forces  of  governor  Carleton,  who,  compelled  to  di- 
vide them,  could  not  hope  to  resist  two  corps  that  should  attack  him 
simultaneously,  the  one  towards  Montreal,  the  other  towards  Que- 
bec If  he  persisted  in  defending  the  part  contiguous  to  the  first 
of  these  cities,  the  second  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans ;  if, 
on  the  contrary,  he  marched  to  the  succor  of  Quebec,  Montreal 
i  iu\  i!'  the  n  !in(  rnt  country  could  not  escape  them- 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  281 

The  command  of  this  adventurous  enterpris  d  was  confided  to  colo- 
nel Arnold,  a  man  even  more  rash  than  audacious,  of  a  genius  fertile 
in  resources,  and  of  a  firmness  not  to  be  shaken.  There  were  se- 
lected, to  follow  him,  ten  companies  of  fusileers,  three  of  riflemen, 
and  one  of  artillery,  under  the  orders  of  captain  Lamb.  A  few 
volunteers  joined  them,  among  whom  was  colonel  Burr,  who  after- 
wards became  vice-president  of  the  United  States.  The  corps 
amounted  in  all  to  eleven  hundred  men.  The  province  of  Maine 
is  traversed  by  a  river  called  the  Kennebec,  which  takes  its  source 
in  the  mountains  that  separate  this  province  from  Canada,  and,  run- 
ning from  north  to  south,  falls  into  the  sea,  not  far  from  Casco  bay. 
Opposite  the  sources  of  the  Kennebec,  on  the  other  side  of  the 
mountains,  rises  another  river,  named  the  Chaudiere,  which  goes  to 
empty  itself  intc  the  St.  Lawrence,  a  little  above  the  city  of  Quebec. 
In  going  from  one  of  these  sources  to  the  other,  it  is  necessary  to  pass 
steep  mountains,  interrupted  by  frequent  torrents  and  marshes. 
No  living  being  is  found  in  all  this  space.  Such  is  the  route  colonel 
Arnold  was  to  take,  in  order  to  arrive  at  Quebec. 

He  had  received  instructions  to  endeavor  to  correspond  with  the 
army  of  Upper  Canada,  by  means  of  the  Indians  of  St.  Francis,  who 
inhabit  the  banks  of  a  river  of  this  name,  situated  between  the  Chau- 
diere and  the  Sorel.  He  was  also  to  employ  all  possible  means  to 
conciliate  the  friendship  of  the  Canadians,  and  to  inform  general 
Washington  of  whatever  should  happen  to  him,  from  day  to  day. 
He  carried  with  him  six  thousand  pounds  sterling,  and  proclamations 
in  abundance  ;  they  were  used  then  with  the  same  prodigality  that 
they  have  been  since. 

All  the  preparations  being  completed,  and  the  troops  appearing 
animated  with  extreme  ardor,  colonel  Arnold  departed  from  the 
camp  of  Boston  about  the  middle  of  September,  and  arrived  at 
Newburyport,  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the  Merrimac. 

The  vessels  that  waited  for  him  there,  conveyed  him  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Kennebec.  The  wind  being  favorable,  he  entered  the  river, 
and  found  two  hundred  batteaux  in  preparation,  at  the  town  of  Gardi- 
ner. Having  laden  them  with  his  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions, 
he  thus  proceeded  up  the  river  to  fort  Wester,  situated  upon  the  right 
bank.  Here  he  divided  his  corps  into  three  detachments ;  the  first, 
composed  of  riflemen,  and  commanded  by  captain  Morgan,  formed 
the  vanguard,  to  explore  the  country,  sound  the  fords,  prepare  the 
ways,  and  especially  to  reconnoiter  what  the  Americans  denominate 
portages.  These  portages  are  places  where,  the  rivers  ceasing  to  be 
navigable,  it  becomes  necessary  to  carry,  by  hand  or  sumpter,  all  the 
lading  of  the  batteaux,  and  finally  the  boats  themselves,  until  th* 
vol.  i.  24* 


282  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

streams  become  navigable  anew.  The  second  detachment  marched 
the  day  following,  and  the  third,  the  day  after  that.  The  current 
was  rapid,  the  bed  of  the  river  rocky,  and  often  interrupted  by  falls 
and  other  impediments.  It  happened  at  every  instant,  that  the  water 
entered  the  batteaux,  and  damaged  or  drowned  the  provisions  and 
ammunition.  At  every  portage,  and  they  were  encountered  contin- 
ually, the  boats  were  to  be  unladen,  and  transported  upon  shoulders, 
to  a  navigable  place.  The  way  upon  land  offered  difficulties  no  less 
formidable  than  this  of  the  water.  It  was  necessary  to  penetrate 
through  thickest  forests,  to  scale  frightful  mountains,  to  wade  through 
quagmires,  and  traverse  horrible  precipices.  The  soldiers,  while 
hewing  a  way  through  so  many  obstacles,  were  forced  to  carry  all 
their  baggage;  and  accordingly  they  advanced  but  very  slowly. 
Provisions  began  to  fail  them  before  they  arrived  at  the  sources  of  the 
Kennebec.  They  found  themselves  constrained  to  eat  their  dogs, 
and  even  aliments  still  more  strange.  Numbers,  wasted  by  continual 
fatigues  and  hardships,  were  attacked  with  maladies.  As  soon  as 
they  reached  the  source  of  Dead  river,  which  is  a  branch  of  the 
Kennebec,  colonel  Enos  received  orders  to  send  back  all  the  sick, 
and  all  those  to  whom  it  was  not  possible  to  furnish  provisions.  But 
this  officer,  embracing  the  occasion,  returned  with  all  his  detachment 
to  the  camp  at  Boston.  All  the  army,  on  seeing  him  appear,  were 
transported  with  indignation  against  a  man  who  had  abandoned  his 
own  companions,  in  the  midst  of  dangers,  and  whose  desertion  might 
occasion  the  miscarriage  of  the  whole  enterprise.  He  was  brought 
before  a  court  martial,  but  acquitted,  in  consequence  of  the  ac- 
knowledged impossibility  of  procuring  sustenance  in  these  wild  and 
desert  places. 

Meanwhile,  colonel  Arnold  pursued  his  march,  with  the  first  two 
divisions.  He  had  employed  thirty-two  days  in  traversing  fearful 
solitudes,  without  perceiving  a  single  habitation,  a  single  human  face. 
Marshes,  mountains,  precipices,  were  encountered  at  every  step,  and 
appeared  to  cut  off  all  hope  of  success,  or  rather  all  hope  of  safety. 
Death  was  to  all  more  an  object  of  desire  than  of  fear ;  their  toils, 
their  hardships,  their  sufferings,  had  no  end.  Their  constancy,  how- 
ever, did  not  desert  them ;  the  law  of  necessity  seemed  to  sustain 
their  energies.  Arrived  upon  the  summit  of  the  mountains  that  sep- 
arate the  waters  of  the  Kennebec  from  those  of  the  Chaudiere  and 
of  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  the  feeble  relics  of  food  that  still  were 
found  were  divided  equally  among  all  the  companies.  Arnold  said  to 
his  soldiers,  they  must  now  push  forward  to  seek  subsistence,  since 
they  had  no  other  resource,  no  other  chance  of  preservation.  As  to 
himself,  he  was  to  be  seen  every  where,  reconnoiteringthe  p*aces,  and 


BOOK  Vv  *Hfi    AttfeftlCAN    WAft 

searching  for  some  means  to  escape  famine.  The  companies  were 
still  thirty  miles  distant  from  any  inhabited  place,  when  it  was  found 
that  every  species  of  subsistence  was  consumed  to  the  last-morseL 
Despair  became  general ;  all  at  once,  Arnold  appeared,;  a&d  brought 
with  him  wherewith  to  satisfy  the  first  wants  of ,  mature,  ..'fihey 
resumed  their  march ;  and  at  length  discovered ,. with  inconceivable 
joy,  the  sources  of  the  Chaudiere,  and,  soon  after,  the >  firsi  habitations 
of  the  Canadians.  These  showed  themselves  heartily  well  disposed 
towards  the  congress,  and  offered  the  Americans  all  the -succor* 
that  were  in  their  power.  Arnold,  who  was  jimpatient  to  reap  the 
fruits  of  so  many  toils  and  of  so  many  perils,  would  wait  no  longer 
than  was  necessary  for  the  rear  guard,  to  come  up,  and  to  assemble 
the  scattered  soldiers.  He  then  gave  out  a  proclamation  of  general 
Washington.  It  was  drawn  up  in  the  same  style  as  those  of  generals 
Schuyler  and  Montgomery.  The  Canadians  were  exhorted  to  enter 
into  the  confederacy,  and  resort  to  the  banners  of  general  liberty; 
they  were  told,  that  the  colonists  came  not  to  oppress  or  despoil  them, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  to  protect  persons  and  property,  in  a  country 
they  considered  friendly;  'Let  them,  remain,  therefore,  in  their 
dwellings;  let  them  not  fly  from  their  friends ;  let  them  furnish  the 
troops  with  all  the  necessaries  in  their  power,  for  which  they  might 
depend  upon  full  payment.' 

Arnold  continued  his  march,  and  arrived,  the  9th  of  November  *  at 
a  place  named  Point  Levy,  situated  opposite  to  Quebec,  upon  the 
right  bank  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  stupor 
of  surprise  which  seized  the  inhabitants  of  Quebec,  at  the  apparition 
of  these  troops.  They  could  not  oomprehend  by  what  way,  or  in 
what  mode,  they  had  transported,  themselves  into  .this  region.  This 
enterprise  appeared  to  them  not  merely  marvellous,  but  miraculous  ; 
and  if  Arnold,  in  this  first  moment,  had  been  able  to  cross  the  river, 
and  fall  upon  Quebec,  he  would  have  taken  it  without  difficulty. 
But  colonel  Maclean  had  been  seasonably  apprised  of  the  approach 
of  the  Americans,  by  a  letter,  which  Arnold,  being  still  at  the  sources 
of  the  Kennebec,  had  confided  to  an  Indian  of  St.  Francis,  to  de- 
liver to  general  Schuyler,  and  which  this  savage  had  suffered  to  be 
taken  from  him,  or  perhaps  had  voluntarily  given  up.  The  English 
had  consequently  withdrawn  all  the  batteaux,  from  the  right  bank  to 
the  other  side  of  the  river.  In  addition  to  which,  the  wind  this 
day  blew  so  violently,  that  it  would  have  been  impossible,  to  cross 
the  river  without  manifest  danger.  These  two  circumstances  saved 
the  city.  Arnold  was  forced  to  lose  several  days;  and  he  could 
have  no  hope  of  being  able  to  pass,  except  in  the  night,  the  river 
being  guarded  by  the  frigate  Lizard  and  several  smaller  armed  ves- 


'284  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    V 

sels,  that  were  anchored  under  the  walls  of  the  city.  But,  during 
many  successive  nights,  the  wind  was  even  more  impetuous  than  by 
day.  Meanwhile,  the  Canadians  had  furnished  Arnold  with  bat- 
teaux  ,*  and  he  waited  only  for  a  fit  time  to  attempt  the  passage. 

The  commander  of  Quebec  found  himself  provided  with  few 
means  to  defend  the  city.  The  spirit  that  prevailed  among  the  inhab- 
itants could  not  fail  to  alarm  him  ;  and  the  garrison  was  very  feeble. 
The  merchants  and  English  were  much  dissatisfied  with  the  French 
laws,  which  had  recently  been  introduced  into  the  province,  and  the 
little  regard  shown  by  the  government  for  their  petitions.  They 
complained,  that  all  fr/ors,  that  all  privileges,  were  reserved  for  the 
French  inhabitants ;  and  that  the  desire  to  win  the  benevolence  of 
these  enemies,  had  caused  the  government  to  despise  friends.  I  These 
Frenchmen,'  they  said,  *  elated  with  pride  by  so  many  attentions,  in- 
cessantly insult  and  outrage  the  English.  Even  in  private  circles, 
these  zealous  subjects  are  forward  to  discourse  upon  affairs  of  state,  in 
order  to  sound  the  opinion  of  those  that  hear  them,  and  afterwards 
to  go  and  report  their  words  to  persons  in  authority.  Thus  the 
liberty  enjoyed  by  the  English  in  their  actions  and  speech,  is  trans- 
formed into  symptoms  of  disaffection,  disloyalty,  and  sinister  designs/ 
The  English  citizens  also  manifested  an  extreme  disgust  at  the  li- 
cense of  the  soldiery,  and  at  the  conduct  of  the  governor,  who  had 
left  the  city  without  garrison,  when  the  troops  had  been  sent  against 
the  insurgents  in  the  part  of  the  Sorel  and  of  Montreal,  without 
even  having  taken  the  precaution  to  organize  the  companies  of  mi- 
litia. It  appeared,  also,  that  little  reliance  could  be  placed  in  the 
fidelity  of  the  French,  the  greater  part  of  whom  were  wavering,  and 
some  even  declared  enemies  to  British  domination.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  garrison  was  extremely  feeble ;  it  only  consisted  in  the 
companies  of  Royal  Irish,_under  colonel  Maclean,  and  in  a  few  mi- 
litia, finally  assembled  in  haste  by  the  lieutenant-governor.  The 
council  of  naval  officers  had  not  permitted  the  sailors  to  be  landed 
to  serve  on  shore,  as  well  on  account  of  the  season,  now  far  ad- 
vanced, as  of  the  difficulties  of  the  navigation. 

But  when  the  American  colors  were  seen  floating  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  all  the  citizens,  soldiers  or  not  soldiers,  landsmen  or 
seamen,  English  or  French,  united  by  common  danger,  and  fearing 
for  their  effects,  which  were  very  considerable,  hastened  with  emula- 
tion to  the  defense  of  the  city ;  and  exerted  the  utmost  activity,  in 
order  to  make  all  necessary  preparations,  before  the  enemy  could 
pass  the  river.  The  companies  of  militia  were  armed,  and  stationed 
at  their  posts.  The  Royal  Irish  manifested  the  greatest  resolution. 
The  marines  were  put  on  shore,  who,  accustomed  to  the  managemen 


BOOK   V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  £$> 

af  cannon,  were  destined  to  serve  the  artillery  of  the  rarnp&rtfi.  The 
irdor  of  colonel  Maclean  was  of  great  benefit,  in  this  $rst  approach 
of  perils  ;  he  neglected  nothing  to  inspire  all  minds  with  firmness, 
and  to  assemble  whatever  might  contribute  to  the  defense  of  the  city. 
Finally,  the  wind  being  moderated,  and  Arnold  having  made  his 
arrangements,  in  order  to  pass  the  river,  and  attack  the  city,  he 
appointed  the  night  of  the  13th  of  November  for  the  execution  of  his 
designs.  He  embarked  all  his  men,  with  the  exception  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty,  who  remained  to  complete  the  requisite  number  of  ladders. 
Notwithstanding  the  extreme  rapidity  of  the  current,  and  all  the 
pains  it  was  necessary  to  take  in  order  to  avoid  the  ships  of  the  ene- 
my, he  reached  the  left  bank,  a  little  above  the  place  where  general 
Wolfe  had  landed  in  1759,  under  auspices  so  happy  for  his  country, 
and  so  fatal  to  himself.  Unable  to  scale  the  banks  of  the  river, 
which  are  very  steep  at  this  point,  he  descended  towards  Quebec, 
always  marching  upon  the  margin  of  the  river,  until  he  was  come  to 
the  foot  of  the  same  precipice  which  general  Wolfe  had  found  so 
much  difficulty  in  surmounting.  Followed  >by  his  intrepid  compan- 
ions, he  mounted  to  its  summit,  and  drew  up  his  little  band  upon 
the  heights  near  the  plain  of  Abraham.  Here  he  waited  for  them  to 
recover  breath,  and  to  give  time  for  the  companies  left  on  the  other 
side  of  the  St.  Lawrence  to  join  him.  He  had  hoped  to  surprise 
the  city,  and  to  carry  it  by  a  single  effort.  But  the  notice  given  by 
the  intercepted  letter,  the  appearance  lie  had  made  at  Point  Levy, 
and  the  encounter  of  a  boat  that  was  passing  from  the  port  xrf  Que- 
bec to  the  frigate,  had  given  the  alarm,  and  apprised  the  whole  city 
of  the  danger  ready  to  burst  upon  them  ;  accordingly,  all  were  at 
their  posts.  It  was  not  long  before  Arnold  had  full  assurance  of  it ; 
for,  having  sent  forward  the  companies  of  rifleman ;  to  reconnoi tor 
the  places,  and  the  position  of  the  enemy,  they  reported,  on  their 
return,  that  they  had  encountered  advanced  guards,  who  had  given 
the  alert.  The  colonel  was  nevertheless  disposed  to  order  the  attack ; 
but  the  other  officers  endeavored  to  dissuade  him  from  it.  The 
greater  part  of  the  muskets  were  become,  by  the  accidents  of  a  long 
march,  unfit  for  service.  So  great  a  part  of  the  ammunition  had 
perished,  that  there  no  longer  remained  more  than  six  charges  to 
each  soldier.  Finally,  the  provincials  had  not  a  single  piece  of  can- 
non. But,  if  Arnold  had  lost  the  hope  of  taking  Quebec  by  storm, 
he  had  not  renounced  that  of  exciting  within  it  a  movement  in  his 
favor,  and  causing  its  gates  to  be  opened  to  him,  by  showing  himself 
in  arms  under  its  walls  Accordingly,  he  displayed  himself  fre- 
quently upon  the  heights ;  and  even  sent  a  flag,  summoning  the 
town  to  surrender.     But  all  was  in  vain.     Colonel  Maclean,  who 


286  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V. 

commanded  during  the  absence  of  the  governor,  not  only  refused  to 
admit  the  message,  but  ordered  his  men  to  fire  upon  the  bearers. 
Arnold  was  informed,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  soldiers  who  had 
escaped  from  the  discomfiture  of  Montreal,  were  coming  down  the 
river,  and  that  colonel  Maclean  was  preparing  to  make  a  sally. 

Finding  himself,  therefore,  constrained  to  retire,  he  went  to  en 
camp  at  a  place  called  Point  au  Tremble,  twenty  miles  above  Quebec, 
to  await  the  arrival  of  Montgomery,  who  was  expected  from  Upper 
Canada.  He  perceived,  during  his  march,  the  ship  in  which  gov- 
ernor Carleton  was  proceeding  to  Quebec.  When  arrived  at  Point 
au  Tremble,  he  learned  that  this  general5  had  stopped  there,  a  few 
hours  before ;  so  uncertain  are  the  events  of  war — so  singular  are 
the  chances  on  which  often  depends  the  fate  of  nations ! 

The  governor  arrived,  therefore^  without  accident,  at  Quebec. 
He  immediately  set  about  taking  all  the  measures  of  defense  which 
the  pressure  of  time  and  the  difficulty  of  circumstances  could  allow 
him.  He  sent  out  of  the  city,  with  their  families,  all  those  who 
refused  to  take  arms.  The  garrison,  inclusive  of  the  militia,  amount- 
ed only  to  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  a  number  muoh  inferior  to 
what  would  have  been  necessary  to  guard  suitably  alt  the  fortifications, 
which  were  extensive  and  multiplied  ;  and  even  of  this  number,  tha 
proportion  of  regular  soldiers  was  very  inconsiderable.  The  com- 
panies organized  by  colonel  Maclean  were  composed  of  new  levies ; 
and  one  company  of  the  seventh  regiment  were  all  recruits.  Xhe 
rest  was  a  medlt?y  of  militia,  French  and  English,  of  »oum  few  ma- 
rines, of  sailors' belonging  to  the  frigates  of  the  king,  or  to  the  mer- 
chant vessels  that  wintered  in  the  port.  These  seamen  constituted 
the  principal  force  of  the  garrison ;  for  they  at  least  knew  how  to 
serve  the  artillery. 

In  the  meantime,  general  Montgomery,  having  left  garrisons  in  the 
fortresses  of  Upper  Canada,  and  secured  the  favorable  dispositions 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  parts  adjacent,  commenced  his  march 
towards  Quebec.  The  season  was  extremely  severe ;  it  being  about 
the  beginning  of  December ;  the  roads,  obstructed  with  snow,  were 
almost  impassable.  The  Americans,  however,  supported  so  many 
hardships  with  singular  fortitude.  It  was  owing  principally  to  the 
prudence  and  firmness  of  Montgomery,  qualities  which  gave  him  a 
powerful  influence  over  his  soldiers.  This  multitude,  snatched  from 
pacific  occupations,  had  been  all  at  once  employed  in  the  most 
arduous  toils  of  war,  in  the  midst  of  the  most  rigorous  season  of  the 
year.  Every  one  sees  how  difficult  it  is  to  introduce  subordination 
among  men  of  such  a  sort ;  and  it  should  even  be  added,  that  these, 
from  their  habits  and  opinions,  were  peculiarly  indisposed  to  that 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  367 

obedience  so  essential  in  armies.  Finally,  the  term  of  their  engage- 
ment was  nearly  expired  ;  and  already  they  exulted  in  the  expecta- 
tion of  soon  returning  to  the  repose  and  solace  of  their  homes. 

Such  were  the  difficulties  which  beset  the  American  general. 
But  his  name,  dear  to  all,  the  seduction  of  his  eloquence,  even  the 
splendor  of  his  person,  his  virtues,  and  the  continual  example  he 
gave  of  resignation  and  magnanimity,  supported  the  constancy  of 
his  troops  under  their  hardships,  and  inspired  them  with  new  ardor 
to  follow  his  steps.  Certainly  the  march  of  Arnold  across  the  horri- 
ble wilderness  that  separates  the  District  of  Maine  from  Canada,  and 
this  of  Montgomery  through  Upper  Canada;  the  force  of  talent 
which  enabled  the  two  leaders  to  maintain  discipline  and  good  will 
among  soldiers  lately  enrolled,  attached  with  vehemence  to  their  in- 
dependence, and  accustomed  to  act  their  pleasure  without  restraint, 
are  enterprises  which  at  least  equal,  if  not  surpass,  the  most  painful, 
the  most  arduous,  of  all  those  related  in  history  of  the  captains  of 
antiquity.  Such  prodigies  have  been  accomplished  by  armies  of  in- 
considerable numbers,  when  compared  with  those  which  have  over- 
whelmed other  parts  of  the  world ;  but  ought  this  to  diminish  the 
glory  of  these  intrepid  men  in  the  memory  of  posterity  ? 

Montgomery  arrived,  the  first  of  December,  at  Point  au  Tremble, 
with  a  detachment  not  exceeding,  if  it  amounted  to,  three  hundred 
men.  Here  colonel  Arnold  advanced  to  receive  him  ;  the  joy  of  the 
two  corps,  at  this  meeting,  cannot  be  described.  Montgomery  had 
brought  clothing  for  the  soldiers  of  Arnold,  who  stood  in  the  most 
urgent  want  of  it. 

They  marched  in  company,  and  arrived,  the  fifth  of  December,  in 
sight  of  Quebec.  Their  force  was  inferior  to  that  of  the  garrison 
they  purposed  to  attack.  They  sent  to  summon  it  by  a  flag.  The 
governor  ordered  his  troops  to  fire  upon  the  bearer.  Montgomery 
then  resorted  to  the  agency  of  an  inhabitant,  to  convey  another  let- 
ter to  the  governor ;  in  which,  after  having  magnified  his  own  forces, 
the  insufficiency  of  the  garrison,  and  the  impossibility  of  defense, 
he  demanded  an  immediate  surrender,  threatening  an  assault,  and 
all  the  calamities  which  irritated  and  victorious  soldiers  are  wont  to 
inflict  upon  cities  taken  by  storm.  This  step  was  also  without  suc- 
cess ;  general  Carleton,  a  veteran  commander,  was  not  a  man  to  be 
intimidated  so  easily.  As  to  the  American  general,  considering  the 
weakness  of  his  means,  and  the  immobility  of  the  inhabitants,  who 
made  no  demonstration  in  his  favor,  he  cherished  but  faint  hopes  of 
success.  Nevertheless,  to  abandon  an  enterprise  in  which  he  had 
engaged  with  so  much  ardor,  appeared  to  him  too  unworthy  of  his 
name  and  valor.     He  was  not  ignorant,  besides,  that  in  the  com- 


288  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOR  T. 

mencement  of  this  revolution,  the  unfortunate  issue  of  an  expedi- 
tion so  agreeable  to  the  people,  and  upon  which  they  had  founded 
such  brilliant  expectations,  would  infallibly  produce  a  pernicious 
effect  upon  the  public  mind.  He  foresaw  that,  instead  of  ardor  and 
confidence,  it  must  introduce  dejection  and  despair.  He  doubted 
even  whether  he  should  be  able  to  preserve  the  part  of  Canada  he 
had  acquired,  if  the  capital  of  the  province  remained  in  the  power 
of  the  English.  He  had  been  informed,  that,  in  the  following  spring, 
large  re-inforcements  were  to  arrive  from  England  ;  which  would 
enable  the  enemy  to  expel  the  American  troops  without  difficulty. 
Wanting  forces,  but  not  courage,  Montgomery  resorted  to  the  only 
way  that  was  left  him  ;  he  resolved  to  harass  unci  reduce  the  garri- 
son, by  frequent  and  furious  attacks.  He  was  not  without  hope, 
that  he  might  thus  find  some  opportunity  to  strike  a  decisive  blow ; 
this  expectation  was  the  more  probable,  as  the  garrison  was  far  from 
being  sufficient  to  guard  effectually  the  numerous  fortifications  of  so 
extensive  a  city.  The  American  general  accordingly  attempted  to 
throw  bombs  into  the  town,  with  five  small  mortars  ;  hoping  in  this 
manner  to  excite  some  movement  within.  But  the  vigilance  of  the 
governor,  the  zeal  and  bravery  of  the  officers,  and  especially  the 
efforts  of  the  seamen,  prevented  this  siege  from  producing  any  per- 
ceptible effect. 

A  few  days  after,  Montgomery  planted  a  battery  of  six  pieces  of 
cannon  and  a  howitzer,  within  seven  hundred  paces  of  the  walls. 
This  artillery  was  laid,  not  upon  the  ground,  but  upon  banks  of 
snow  and  ice ;  the  pieces  were  of  feeble  caliber ;  their  fire  was 
nearly  without  result. 

Meanwhile,  the  snow,  which  fell  incessantly,  encumbered  the 
earth ;  and  the  cold  had  become  so  violent,  that  it  was  beyond  hu- 
man nature  to  support  it  in  the  open  field.  The  hardships  which 
the  Americans  had  to  suffer  from  the  rigor  of  the  climate,  and  the 
fatigues  to  which  their  small  number  subjected  them,  surpass  all  the 
imagination  can  picture  of  the  most  severe.  The  attachment  they 
bore  to  their  cause,  and  the  confidence  which  they  had,  the  most  un- 
shaken, in  their  general,  could  only  have  sustained  them  in  the  midst 
of  trials  so  terrible.  To  render  their  position  still  more  dismal,  the 
smallpox  broke  out  in  the  camp  ;  this  scourge  was  the  terror  of  the 
soldiers.  It  was  ordered  that  those  who  were  attacked  with  it,  should 
wear  a  sprig  of  hemlock  upon  their  hats,  that  the  others  might  know 
and  avoid  them.  But  constancy  in  the  human  breast,  gives  place  to 
despair,  when  sufferings  appear  without  end.  And  this  extremity 
was  the  more  to  be  feared  among  the  provincials,  as  the  expiration 
of  their  time  of  service,  with  the  possibility  of  escape  from  so  many 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  289 

evils,  might  probably  create  the  desire.  All  these  considerations  per- 
suaded Montgomery,  that  without  a  bold  and  immediate  effort,  he 
must  renounce  the  idea  of  satisfying  public  expectation,  and  witness 
the  eclipse  of  his  own  glory.  In  his  position,  even  temerity  became 
prudence,  and  it  was  better  to  lose  life  in  a  glorious  action,  than  re- 
sign himself  to  a  shame  which  would  have  been  so  fatal  to  the  Amer- 
ican arms. 

Accordingly,  Montgomery,  having  determined  to  attempt  the  as- 
sault, convoked  a  council  of  war,  r.nd  acquainted  them  with  his  pro- 
ject. Without  denying  that  it  was  of  difficult  execution,  he  main- 
tained that  it  was  possible,  and  that  valor  and  prudence  would  tri- 
umph over  all  obstacles.  All  were  in  favor  of  his  proposition.  A 
few  companies  of  Arnold,  dissatisfied  with  their  commander,  alone 
testified  repugnance.  But  captain  Morgan,  a  man  of  real  merit, 
addressed  them  a  persuasive  discourse,  and  their  opposition  ceased. 
The  general  had  already  arranged  in  his  mind  the  plan  of  the  attack, 
and  thought  of  all  the  means  proper  to  carry  it  into  execution.  He 
intended  it  should  take  place,  at  the  same  time,  against  the  upper 
and  lower  town.  But  understanding  that  a  deserter  had  given  no- 
tice of  it  to  the  governor,  he  resolved  to  divide  his  army  into  four 
corps,  two  of  which,  composed  in  great  part  of  Canadians,  under 
the  command  of  majors  Livingston  and  Brown,  were  to  occupy  the 
attention  of  the  enemy  by  two  feigned  attacks  of  the  upper  town, 
towards  St.  John  and  Cape  Diamond.  The  two  others,  led,  the 
first  by  Montgomery,  the  second  by  Arnold,  were  reserved  to  assault 
the  lower  part  of  the  town  from  two  opposite  points.  The  general 
was  perfectly  aware,  that  after  he  should  have  carried  this  part  of 
Quebec,  there  would  remain  many  difficulties  to  be  surmounted  in 
o  der  to  conquer  the  other.  But  he  hoped  that  the  inhabitants,  on 
seeing  so  great  a  proportion  of  their  property  fallen  into  the  power 
of  the  victors,  would  force  the  governor  to  capitulate. 

The  last  day  of  the  year,  1775,  between  four  and  five  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  in  the  midst  of  a  heavy  storm  of  snow,  the  four  col- 
umns put  themselves  in  motion,  in  the  best  order,  each  towards  the 
point  assigned. 

It  is  said  that  captain  Frazer,  of  the  Irish  emigrants,  in  going  his 
round,  perceived  the  fusees  which  the  Americans  fired  to  give  the 
signal ;  and  that,  immediately,  without  waiting  further  orders,  he 
caused  the  drums  to  beat,  and  roused  the  garrison  to  arms.  The 
columns  of  Livingston  and  of  Brown,  impeded  by  the  snow  and 
other  obstacles,  were  not  in  time  to  execute  their  feints.  But  Mont- 
gomery, at  the  head  of  his,  composed  chiefly  of  New  York  men. 
advanced  upon  the  bank  of  the  river,  marching  by  the  way  denomi- 
vol.  i.  25 


290  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  V. 

nated  Anse  de  mcr,  under  Cape  Diamond.  Here  was  encountered 
a  first  barrier,  at  a  place  called  Potasse,  which  was  defended  by  a 
battery  of  a  few  pieces  of  cannon  ;  further  on,  at  the  distance  of  two 
hundred  paces  from  this,  stood  a  redoubt,  furnished  with  a  sufficient 
guard.  The  soldiers  that  composed  it,  being  the  greater  part  Cana- 
dians, on  seeing  the  enemy  approach,  were  seized  with  terror,  threw 
down  their  arms,  and  fled.  The  battery  itself  was  abandoned  ;  and 
if  the  Americans  could  have  advanced  with  sufficient  expedition, 
they  would  certainly  have  been  masters  of  it.  But  in  turning  Cape 
Diamond,  the  foot  of  which  is  bathed  by  the  waters  of  the  river,  they 
found  the  road  interrupted  by  enormous  masses  of  snow.  Mont- 
gomery, wTith  his  own  hands,  endeavored  to  open  a  path  for  his 
troops,  who  followed  him,  man  by  man ;  he  was  compelled  to  wait 
for  them.  At  length,  having  assembled  about  two  hundred,  whom 
he  encouraged  with  voice  and  example,  he  moved  courageously  and 
rapidly  towards  the  barrier.  But,  in  the  mean  time,  a  cannonier 
who  had  retreated  from  the  battery,  on  seeing  the  enemy  halt,  return- 
ed to  his  post,  and  taking  a  match,  which  happened  to  be  still  burn- 
ing, fired  a  cannon  charged  with  grape-shot ;  the  Americans  were 
within  forty  paces.  This  single  explosion  totally  extinguished  the 
hopes  they  had  conceived.  Montgomery,  as  well  as  captains  Mac- 
pherson  and  Cheesman,  both  young  men  of  singular  merit,  and  dear 
to  the  general,  were  killed  upon  the  spot.  The  soldiers  shrunk  back 
on  seeing  their  general  fall ;  and  colonel  Campbell,  on  whom  the 
command  devolved,  was  not  a  man  capable  of  executing  so  perilous 
an  enterprise.  The  flight  soon  became  universal ;  so  that  this  part 
of  the  garrison,  no  longer  having  enemies  to  combat,  was  at  liberty 
to  fly  to  the  succor  of  that  which  was  attacked  by  Arnold. 

This  colonel,  who  was  himself  at  the  head  of  the  forlorn  hopi  , 
marchedj)y  the  way  of  St.  Roc,  towards  the  place  called  Saut-av- 
Maleloi.  Captain  Lamb  followed  him  with  a  company  of  artillery, 
and  one  piece  of  cannon ;  next  came  the  main  body,  preceded  by 
the  riflemen  under  captain  Morgan.  The  besieged  had  erected,  at 
the  entrance  of  the  avenue,  a  battery,  which  defended  a  barrier. 
The  Americans  found  themselves  confined  within  a  passage  obstruct- 
ed by  deep  snow,  and  so  commanded  by  the  works  of  the  enemy, 
that  his  grape-shot  swept  it  in  every  direction.  Meanwhile,  Arnold 
advanced  rapidly  under  the  fire  of  the  besieged,  who  manned  tin 
walls.  He  received  a  musket  ball  in  the  leg,  which  wounded  him 
severely,  splintering  the  bone.  It  was  necessary  to  carry  him  to  the 
hospital,  almost  by  compulsion.  Captain  Morgan  then  took  the 
command,  and  with  all  the  impetuosity  of  his  character,  he  launch- 
ed himself  against  the  battery,  at  the  head  of  two  companies.     The 


BOOK    V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  291 

artillery  of  the  enemy  continued  to  fire  gmp«  shot,  bat  with  little 
effect. 

The  American  riflemen,  celebrated  for  their  extreme  address, 
killed  many  of  the  English  soldiers  through  the  embrasures.  They 
applied  ladders  to  the  parapet ;  the  besieged  were  daunted,  and  aban- 
doned the  battery  to  the  assailants.  Morgan,  with  his  companies, 
and  a  few  soldiers  of  the  center,  who  were  come  up  to  the  vanguard, 
made  many  prisoners,  English  as  well  as  Canadians ;  sut  his  situa- 
tion became  extremely  critical.  The  main  body  had  not  yet  been 
able  to  join  him  ;  he  had  no  guide,  and  he  was  unacquainted  with 
the  city ;  he  had  no  artiilery,  and  the  day  was  still  far  from  dawn- 
ing. He  found  himself  constrained  to  halt ;  his  soldiers  began  to 
reflect  upon  their  position  ;  their  ardor  cooled  rapidly.  The  igno- 
rance in  which  they  were,  of  the  fate  of  their  columns,  the  obscurity 
of  the  night,  the  snow  which  fell  with  redoubled  violence,  the  firing 
of  musketry,  which  was  heard  on  every  side,  and  even  behind  them, 
finally,  the  uncertainty  of  the  future,  filled  the  boldest  spirits  with 
an  involuntary  terror.  Morgan  alone  resisted  the  panic  ;  he  rallied 
his  riflemen,  promising  them  a  certain  victory.  He  ran  to  the  bar 
rier,  to  spur  on  those  who  had  remained  behind.  Lieutenant-colonel 
Green,  majors  Bigelow  and  Meigs,  joined  him  with  their  companies. 
The  morning  began  to  dawn,  when  Morgan,  with  a  terrible  voice, 
summoned  his  troops  to  the  assault ;  he  led  on  with  fury  against  a 
second  battery,  which  he  knew  to  be  only  a  few  paces  distant,  though 
masked  by  an  angle  of  the  road ;  on  turning  the  corner,  he  en- 
countered a  detachment  of  English,  who  had  sallied  from  the  batte- 
ry, under  the  command  of  captain  Anderson.  The  latter  summon- 
ed the  Americans  to  lay  down  arms.  Morgan  leveled  a  musket  at 
his  head,  and  laid  him  dead  upon  the  ground.  The  English  then 
retreated  within  the  battery,  and  closed  the  barrier.  A  fierce  com- 
bat ensued,  which  cost  many  lives  to  the  two  parties,  but  most  to 
the  Americans,  whose  flanks  were  exposed  to  a  destructive  fire  of 
musketry  from  the  windows  of  the  houses.  Meanwhile,  some  of  the 
most  adventurous,  having  rested  their  ladders  against  the  palisade, 
appeared  disposed  to  leap  it,  but  on  seeing  two  files  of  soldiers  pre- 
pared to  receive  them  on  the  points  of  their  bayonets,  they  renounc- 
ed this  project.  Cut  down  by  a  continual  fire,  they  now  sought 
shelter  in  the  houses.  Morgan  remained  almost  alone,  near  the  bar- 
rier, endeavoring  in  vain  to  recall  his  soldiers,  and  inspire  them  with 
fresh  courage.  Weariness,  and  the  menacing  countenance  of  the 
enemy,  had  disheartened  the  most  audacious.  Their  arms,  bathed 
by  the  snow,  which  continued  to  fall  impetuously,  were  no  longer  of 
any  use  to  them.     Morgan  then,  seeing  the  expedition  frustrated,  c r - 


292  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V 

dered  the  retreat  to  sound,  in  order  to  avoid  being  surrounded.  But 
the  soldiers  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  houses  were  afraid  to  ex- 
pose themselves  to  the  tempest  of  shot  that  must  have  been  encoun- 
tered, in  gaining  the  corner  of  the  avenue,  where  they  would  have 
been  out  of  danger,  and  whence  they  might  have  retired  behind  the 
first  barrier.  The  loss  they  had  sustained,  the  fury  of  the  storm, 
and  the  benumbing  effects  of  the  cold,  had  deprived  them  of  all 
courage.  In  the  meantime,  a  detachment  of  the  besieged  sallied 
out  from  a  gate  of  the  palace,  and  captain  Dearborne,  who,  with 
his  company  of  provincials,  held  himself  in  reserve  near  this  gate, 
having  surrendered,  the  English  retook  all  this  part  of  the  city ; 
consequently,  Morgan  saw  himself  encircled  by  enemies.  He  pro- 
posed to  his  followers,  to  open,  with  arms,  the  way  of  retreat ;  but 
they  refused,  in  the  hope  that  the  assault  given  on  the  other  part 
might  have  succeeded,  and  that  Montgomery  would  soon  come  to 
their  relief.  They  resolved  to  defend  themselves,  in  the  meantime ; 
but  having  at  length  perceived,  by  the  continually  increasing  multi- 
tude of  enemies,  the  true  state  of  things,  they  yielded  to  destiny, 
and  laid  down  arms. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  assault  given  by  the  Americans  to  the 
city  of  Quebec,  in  the  midst  of  the  most  rigorous  season  of  the  year  ; 
an  enterprise,  which,  though  at  first  view  it  may  seem  rash,  was 
certainly  not  impossible.  The  events  themselves  have  proved  it; 
for  if  general  Montgomery  had  not  been  slain  at  the  first  onset,  it  'a 
more  than  probable  that  on  his  part  he  would  have  carried  the  bar- 
rier, since  even  at  the  moment  of  his  death  the  battery  was  aban- 
doned, and  only  served  by  a  few  men  ;  by  penetrating  at  this  point, 
while  Arnold  and  Morgan  obtained  the  same  advantages  in  their 
attacks,  all  the  lower  city  would  have  fallen  into  the  power  of  the 
Americans.  However  this  may  be,  though  victory  escaped  them, 
their  heroic  efforts  will  be  the  object  of  sincere  admiration.  The 
governor,  using  his  advantages  nobly,  treated  the  prisoners  with  much 
humanity.  He  caused  the  American  general  to  be  interred  with  all 
military  honors. 

The  loss  of  this  excellent  officer  was  deeply  and  justly  lamented 
by  all  his  party.  Born  of  a  distinguished  Irish  family,  Montgomery 
had  entered,  in  early  youth,  the  career  of  arms  ;  and  had  served, 
with  honor,  in  the  preceding  war  between  Great  Britain  and  France. 
Having  married  an  American  lady,  and  purchased  an  estate  in  the 
province  of  New  York,  he  was  considered,  and  considered  himself, 
an  American.  He  loved  glory  much,  and  liberty  yet  more.  Neither 
genius,  nor  valor,  nor  occasion,  failed  him  ;  but  time  and  fortune. 
And  if  it  is  allowable,  from  the  past  actions  of  man>  to  infer  the  fu 


BOOK  V.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  £93 

ture,  what  motives  are  there  for  believing,  that  if  death  had  not  taken 
lnrn  trom  his  country  in  all  the  vigor  of  his  age,  he  would  have  left 
it  the  model  of  military  heroism  and  of  civil  virtues !  He  was  be- 
loved by  the  good,  feared  by  the  wicked,  and  honored  even  by  ene- 
mies. Nature  had  done  all  for  him  ;  his  person,  from  its  perfection, 
answered  to  the  purity  of  his  mind.  He  left  a  wife,  the  object  of 
all  his  tenderness,  with  several  children,  still  infants ; — a  spectacle 
for  their  country,  at  once  of  pity  and  of  admiration !  The  state, 
from  gratitude  towards  their  father,  distinguished  them  with  every 
mark  of  kindness  and  protection.*  Thus  died  this  man — whose 
name,  ever  pi  enounced  with  enthusiasm  by  his  own,  has  never  ceased 
to  be  respected  by  the  warmest  of  the  opposite  party ;  marvelous 
euiogium,  and  almost  without  example  ! 

General  Carleton  still  added  to  his  reputation  for  prudence  and 
intrepidity,  in  having  maintained,  under  circumstances  of  such  diffi- 
culty, both  order  and  union,  among  soldiers  assembled  in  haste,  and 
altogether  strangers  to  discipline.  If,  with  means  so  feeble,  he  was 
able  to  repulse  the  formidable  attacks  of  an  enemy  rendered  more 
terrible  by  despair,  he  acquired  an  honor  not  inferior  by  the  gene- 
rosity with  which  he  used  victory. 

Arnold,  who,  after  the  death  of  Montgomery,  had  taken  the  com- 
mand of  the  troops,  not  thinking  himself  in  safety  under  the  walls  of 
the  city,  extended  his  camp,  with  the  intention  of  converting  the 
siege  into  a  blockade.  He  retired  to  a  di stance  of  three  miles  from 
the  town  ;  and  intrenched  himself,  as  well  as  the  season,  the  want 
of  all  necessary  articles,  and  the  shortness  of  time,  would  admit  of. 
Though  still  suffering  much  from  his  wound,  he  was  vigilant  to  scour 
the  country,  and  to  intercept  the  provisions  that  were  conducted  to 
the  city.  The  governor,  on  his  part,  satisfied  with  seeing  the  return 
of  tranquillity  for  the  present,  and  trusting  in  the  hope  of  succors 
already  announced,  would  not,  by  a  second  trial  of  fortune,  expose 
himself  to  hazard  the  glory  he  had  acquired,  the  fate  of  the  province, 
and  perhaps  that  of  all  the  war.  He  therefore  remained  peaceably 
within  the  walls  of  the  city,  waiting  for  the  favorable  season,  and 
re-inforcements  from  England. 

Thus  terminated,  in  America,  the  year  1775,  to  give  place  to  the 
subsequent,  teeming  with  actions  no  less  glorious,  and  events  no  less 
memorable. 

*  The  author  was  misinformed  with  respect  to  this  fact ;  the  widow  of  general 
Montgomery  never  had  any  children.  Translator 


END    OF    BOOK    FIFTH. 
25* 


894  THE    AMER  CAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI 


BOOK    SIXTH. 

.  1776.  The  general  attention  in  England  was  now  turned  upon 
the  great  spectacle  presented  by  the  Americans,  and  their  resistance 
rekindled  the  animosity  of  the  different  parties.  It  had  been  hoped, 
and  the  ministers  themselves  had  confidently  affirmed,  that  the  late 
laws,  and  especially  the  troops  recently  dispatched  to  the  colonies, 
would  promptly  suppress  sedition  and  reduce  the  factious  to  obedi- 
ence. It  was  not  doubted  that  the  partisans  of  the  royal  cause,  en- 
couraged by  the  presence  of  soldiers,  and  desirous  to  avoid  the  ven- 
geance of  the  laws,  would  display  great  energy,  and  separate  them- 
selves from  the  insurgents,  to  join  the  troops  of  the  king,  and  re-es- 
tablish the  authority  of  government.  It  was  also  firmly  believed 
that  the  southern  provinces,  on  seeing  the  storm  ready  to  burst  upon 
their  heads,  would  never  espouse  the  quarrel  of  the  provinces  of  the 
north  ;  and  it  appeared  infallibly  certain  that  the  dissensions  which 
alienated  the  one  from  the  other,  would  bring  about  the  submission 
of  all.  But  these  hopes  having  proved  entirely  deceitful,  a  general 
discontent  succeeded  them,  and  on  all  parts  the  conduct  of  ministers 
was  censured  with  asperity.  It  was  deemed  intolerable  that  the 
soldiers  of  the  king,  instead  of  victoriously  keeping  the  field,  should 
shamefully  languish  behind  the  walls  of  a  city  without  daring  to 
show  themselves.  The  popular  movements,  which  at  first  were  only 
partial,  now  extended  over  the  whole  continent.  The  governors,  in 
the  room  of  re-establishing  the  royal  authority,  were  forced  to  fly 
from  thsir  posts  and  take  refuge  on  board  of  ships. 

The  Americans,  heretofore  represented  as  trembling,  and  ready 
to  humble  themselves,  were  daily  acquiring  new  audacity,  and  a  more 
formidable  energy  in  resistance.  The  members  of  parliament  who 
had  combated  the  influence  of  ministers,  repeated,  with  loud  cries, 
•  that  such  were  the  necessary  fruits  of  their  incapacity,  of  their  in- 
fatuated obstinacy.'  '  Since  they  have  not  been  willing,  it  was  said, 
to  grant  the  colonists  the  peace  they  implored,  they  ought,  at  least, 
to  have  made  war  upon  them  with  sufficient  forces ;  they  have  done 
too  much  to  irritate,  too  little  to  subdue.  Instead  of  surprising  their 
adversaries  before  they  could  have  furnished  themselves  with  means 
of  defense,  they  have  given  them  a  long  warning,  as  if  they  wished 
to  see  them  duly  prepared ;  they  have  chosen  to  stake  the  entire 
fortune  of  the  colonies,  and  brought  into  play  only  a  part  of  their 
forces ;  they  have  dishonored  the  British  nation  not  only  with  the 
Americans,  but  among  all  the  nations  of  the  world ;  they  have  sullied 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

it  with  the  name  of  cruel,  without  having  veiled  the  stigma  with  the 
lustre  of  victory.  But  we  rejoice  indeed,  and  greatly  rejoice,  to  see 
thus  defeated,  to  their  utter  shame,  all  the  projects  of  the  ministers 
against  America.  They  will  perceive,  at  length,  that  it  is  not  so 
easy  to  establish  tyranny  in  the  British  empire,  as  they  had  presumed 
in  their  blind  rage  to  conceive.  With  a  satisfaction  not  less  sincere, 
do  we  behold  that  opposition,  so  worthy  to  be  admired  by  all  good 
men,  and  by  all  the  friends  of  liberty,  which  has  resulted  in  the 
wreck  of  these  Scotch  machinations,  of  this  policy  of  the  Stuarts, 
iirst  attempted  in  America,  but  intended  eventually  for  England. 
We  are  cheered  by  the  happy  augury  ;  and  we  no  longer  despair  of 
the  public  safety,  whatever  may  be  the  pernicious  plots  of  profligate 
ministers.' 

'  We  have  believed,  answered  the  ministers,  that  the  ways  of  meek- 
ness, in  this  commencement  of  troubles,  were  most  agreeable  to  the 
spirit  of  our  laws,  and  of  our  national  character ;  that  clemency  and 
forbearance  ought  to  form  the  basis  of  the  conduct  of  the  British 
government  towards  its  subjects.  The  ministers  have  been  accused 
•so  many  times,  and  upon  grounds  so  frivolous,  of  wishing  to  intro- 
duce a  system  of  despotism,  that  in  the  present  occasion  they  have 
Jbeen  very  circumspect  to  keep  themselves  aloof  from  all  suspicion 
of  a  similar  desire.  What  would  their  adversaries  have  said,  if  at 
the  beginning  of  disturbances  they  had  hurried  to  arms ;  if  they  had 
sent  formidable  armies  to  America,  and  consigned  it  to  fire  and  blood  ? 
Then  would  they  have  raised  the  voice  against  tyranny ;  we  have 
not  done  it,  and  their  clamors  are  the  same.  What  have  we  left  then 
but  to  despise  them  ?  For  is  it  not  demonstrated,  that  not  the  love 
-of  liberty,  but  ambition,  not  the  desire  of  justice,  but  that  of  baffling 
the  ministers,  have  been  the  motives  of  their  conduct  ?  Before  pro- 
ceeding to  the  last  extremities,  our  duty  was  to  allow  time  for  re- 
flection and  repentance ;  for  only  incurable  evils  are  to  be  treated 
with  fire  and  sword. 

'  We  have  borne  for  a  long  time,  it  is  true,  the  effervescence  of 
the  Americans ;  but  we  should  hope  that  this  long  suffering  would 
persuade  them  of  the  maternal  sentiments  of  our  common  country, 
that  has  endured  outrages  with  magnanimity,  which  it  might  have 
punished  at  a  single  blow.  The  colonists  themselves  have  no  doubt 
of  this;  they  must  know  the  immense  superiority  of  the  forces  of 
England.  The  measures  of  the  government  would  have  opened 
their  eyes  already,  if  they  were  not  continually  deceived,  excited, 
and  misled  by  chiefs  in  delirium,  here  as  well  as  there,  by  the  cries  of 
an  imprudent  opposition.  But  it  will  soon  be  seen  in  earnest,  by  the 
vigorous  resolutions  of  government,  and  the  energetic  employment 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

it  is  about  to  make  of  all  its  forces,  that  it  will  no  more  be  wanting 
to  itself  than  forgetful  of  what  is  due  to  the  honor  of  the  crown  and 
the  interests  of  the  country. 

*  The  Americans  have  no  more  indulgence  to  expect  on  our  part. 
They  are  no  longer  to  be  looked  upon  as  British  subjects,  but  as 
implacable  enemies.  With  as  much  confidence  as  justice,  we  can 
henceforth  overwhelm  them  with  the  formidable  arm  of  Great  Brit- 
ain.' Such  were  the  answers  of  the  ministers  to  the  imputations  of 
their  adversaries.  These  excuses  might  have  been  valid,  if  the 
ministry  had  not  assailed  the  Americans  with  laws  far  more  irritating 
than  opejs  force.  For  armies,  though  victorious,  may  be  resisted 
with  glory ;  but  the  patience,  that  must  tolerate  oppression,  is  with- 
out this  illusion. 

Far  from  abating  with  time,  these  intestine  dissensions  appeared 
every  day  to  acquire  new  activity.  The  more  necessary  a  consent 
of  opinions  became  to  avert  the  perils  that  menaced  the  country, 
the  more  they  were  divided  and  marshaled  in  opposition  by  the  spirit 
of  party.  This  internal  fermentation  was  of  an  augury  the  more 
fatal,  inasmuch  as  it  brought  to  mind  those  ancient  and  sanguinary 
quarrels  which  raged  in  the  time  of  Queen  Anne  with  so  much  peril 
to  England,  between  the  republicans  and  the  royalists,  under  the 
names  of  whigs  and  tories.  The  friends  and  the  enemies  to  the 
cause  of  America  manifested  the  same  animosity,  and  the  same  ob- 
stinacy ;  and  there  was  much  appearance  that  not  only  America, 
but  England  itself,  was  on  the  point  of  breaking  out  into  open  dis- 
cord and  civil  war. 

'  The  tories/  it  was  said  on  one  side,  ■  are  themselves  the  authors 
of  the  frequent  addresses  to  the  king  and  parliament,  urging  that  the 
continent  of  America  should  be  put  to  all  that  fire  and  sword  can 
inflict ;  these  are  the  false  reporters,  these  the  incendiaries  of  discord. 
Bigoted  as  they  are,  and  infatuated  in  the  maxims  of  the  house  of 
Stuart,  neither  the  example  of  the  evils  they  have  brought  upon 
England,  nor  the  total  ruin  of  this  family,  which  they  caused,  can 
illuminate  their  obstinate  minds,  and  induce  them  to  renounce  the 
cruel  principles  of  tyranny.  The  bitter  fate  of  the  father  is  not 
sufficient  to  divert  an  obstinate  son  from  pursuing  the  dangerous  path 
which  led  him  to  destruction  ;  such  are  all  the  tories.  They  sacri- 
fice their  rank,  their  fortune,  their  existence,  to  their  prejudices  and 
thirst  of  domination.  When  the  inauspicious  reign  of  the  Stuarts 
had  visited  our  island  with  foreign  servitude  and  civil  war,  then  the 
tories,  trampling  upon  national  honor  and  public  felicity,  abandoned 
themselves  to  joy.  Their  maxims  coincide  with  those  of  the  abso- 
lute princes  of  Europe,  and  they  would  not  blush  to  place  their 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  297 

country  in  such  hands  if,  in  so  doing,  their  ambition  might  receive  a 
»ew  support.     All  the  countries  of  Europe  are  subject  to  sovereigns 
whose  power  is  without  limits.     England  alone,  by  the  special  favor 
of  Providence,  enjoys  a  moderate  and  free  government ;  but  the 
tories  would  fair  subvert  it  to  establish  the  uniformity  of  despotism 
throughout  all  European  countries.     Their  hearts  are  contaminated 
with  all  the  vices  of  proud,  perfidious,  and  profligate  courts;  with 
their  infected  breath  they  propagate  them,  like  a  pestilence,  over  the 
whole  nation.     They  esteem  no  man  but  for  his  baseness ;  they 
honor  none  but  the  proud  and  the  arrogant.     Their  superiors  dhey 
flatter,  their  inferiors  they  oppress ;  the  prosperous  they  envy,  the 
unfortunate  they  rarely  succor,  and  never  but  from  vain  glory.    The 
public  felicity  becomes  in  their  hands  the  instrument  of  slavery,  and 
our  submission  they  deem  far  more  essential  than  our  prosperity. 
The  sovereign  good  they  place  in  absolute  dominion  ;  and  the  best 
-possible  state  of  society  they  believe  to  consist  in  mute  servitude. 
Revolutions  they  applaud  when  they  conduct  a  people  to  tyranny  ; 
they  deplore  their  mischiefs  with  a  hypocritical  pity,  they  exaggerate 
them  with  the  gloss  of  words,  when  liberty  is  to  be  their  fruit.    The 
argument  of  public  tranquillity  is  always  upon  their  lips ;  but  when 
were  they  ever  heard  to  speak  of  the  abuses  of  arbitrary  power,  of 
consuming  taxes,  of  the  vexations  of  the  powerful,  of  injuries  with- 
out reparations,  and  of  outrages  without  redress?     If  they  are  now 
opposed  to  the  cause  of  the  Americans,  it  is  because  it  clashes  with 
their  plan  of  attack  against  the  happy  free  government  of  our  coun- 
try, and  their  schemes  for  introducing  into  the  very  heart  of  the 
kingdom  the  laws  of  Charles  and  of  James.    They  flatter  themselves, 
that  after  having  strangled  the  germs  of  liberty  in  America,  and  van- 
quished those  generous  spirits,  victorious  troops  will  also  know  how 
*to  bend  our  necks  to  the  same  cruel  yoke.     Such  are  the  thoughts, 
such  the  desires  that  agitate  them  without  intermission,  and  not  the 
wish  to  see  the  return  of  peace  upon  that  unfortunate  continent 
where  they  have  themselves  kindled  the  flames  of  war.     Let  us  then 
prevent  such  fatal  designs,  let  us  preserve  in  its  integrity  the  inher- 
itance which  our  ancestors,  thanks  to  their  valor,  to  their  generosity, 
and  to  the  magnanimous  enterprises  of  the  great  William  III.,  have 
handed  down  to  us.     Thus  shall  we  serve  our  country,  and  perhaps 
even  the  house  of  Brunswick,  which  cannot  without  danger  show 
itself  ungrateful  towards  the  friends  of  liberty,  nor  depart  with  safety 
from  those  maxims  which  have  raised  it  to  the  British  throne.' 

The  tories  answered  these  declamations  with  no  little  warmth. 
■l  It  ill  becomes  the  whigs,'  they  said,  *  to  tax  us  with  cruelty  and 
arrogance,  since  no  one  is  ignorant  what  their  conduct  was,  when, 


298  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

in  the  time  of  the  commonwealth,  and  even  under  the  monarchy, 
they  had  the  supreme  power  in  their  hands ;  then  did  exile,  con- 
fiscations and  scaffolds  spread  desolation  and  ruin  over  our  unhappy 
country  ;  then  prisons  and  chains  were  the  instruments  of  popular 
clemency  !  If  a  generous  prince  had  not  arrested  their  career  of 
anarchy  and  blood,  if  he  had  not  substituted,  by  the  aid  of  all  good 
citizens,  a  system  of  liberty,  so  dear  to  the  tories,  England  would 
have  seen  her  last  hour,  and  fallen  a  prey  to  foreign  enemies.  But 
what  is,  in  fact,  our  desire  ?  That  in  every  affair  which  interests  the 
nation,  that  in  every  controversy  which  divides  it,  there  should  be  a 
supreme  authority  to  regulate  and  to  determine  them  irrevocably ; 
and  this  authority  we  believe  to  reside  in  the  king  united  with  the 
parliament.  But  the  republicans  will  not  submit  to  the  laws  of  this 
legitimate  authority,  but  are  in  chase  of  nobody  knows  what  popular 
authority,  which  they  pretend  to  consist  in  the  universality  of  the 
citizens,  as  if  a  tumultuary,  ignorant,  and  partial  multitude,  should 
or  could  judge  of  objects  wherein  the  eyes  even  of  the  most  enlight- 
ened and  prudent  discover  the  greatest  difficulties.' 

1 A  way  must,  however,  be  found  to  terminate  national  dissensions  ; 
are  they  to  be  referred  to  the  decision  of  a  populace  ever  more  apt 
to  be  misled  by  daring  and  profligate  demagogues,  than  to  be  guided 
by  men  of  prudence  and  of  virtue ;  of  a  rabble  that  hunger  itself  puts 
in  the  power  of  the  first  intriguer?  For  this  purpose  kings  and  the 
parliament  have  been  instituted  ;  it  is  for  this  end  that,  in  the  ordi- 
nary direction  of  affairs,  as  well  as  in  unforeseen  and  difficult  cases, 
they  provide,  and  watch  that  the  country  should  experience  no 
detriment/ 

'  In  the  present  dispute  with  America,  have  the  ministers  acteo 
singly  and  of  their  own  motion  ?  The  king  and  the  parliament  have 
decreed,  have  approved  all  their  measures  ;  this  consideration  ought 
to  have  great  weight  with  every  man  who  is  a  friend  to  public  author- 
ity, and  to  the  principles  of  the  constitution.  But  the  whigs  are 
gasping  for  the  moment  to  arrive  when  England,  as  well  as  America, 
shall  be  a  prey  to  an  unbridled  multitude,  in  order  to  be  able  to 
enrich  themselves  by  plunder,  to  gratify  their  insatiable  ambition, 
and  to  operate  the  total  subversion  of  this  free  government.  These 
pretended  patriots  are  the  sons  and  representatives  of  the  republi 
cans  who  desolated  the  kingdom  in  the  last  century.  They  din  the 
name  of  liberty  continually  in  our  ears,  because  they  desire  them- 
selves to  exercise  tyranny.  Under  the  pretext  of  the  public  safety 
they  violate  and  trample  under  foot  every  form,  every  civil  institu- 
tion ;  they  arrogate  to  themselves  all  the  plenitude  of  arbitrary 
power.     If  they  manifest  an  utter  contempt  for  the  laws  which  are 


BOOK  VI  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  299 

the  protectors  of  peisons,  of  property,  and  of  honor,  their  cruelty  13 
not  less  conspicuous ;  for  an  opinion,  whether  real  or  supposed,  or 
maliciously  imputed,  for  a  suspicion,  for  a  chimera,  they  fly  into  a 
rage,  they  rush  to  persecutions ;  they  plunge  into  misery  the  fathers 
of  families,  the  fathers  of  the  country,  the  best,  the  most  useful,  the 
most  respectable  citizens.  They  fawn  upon  the  people  so  long  as 
they  are  the  weaker ;  but  once  become  the  stronger,  they  crush 
them,  they  decimate  them,  they  starve  them,  and  adding  derision  to 
barbarity,  they  never  cease  to  protest  they  do  it  all  to  render  them 
happy.  These  friends  of  liberty  are  perpetually  declaiming  against 
the  vices  of  courts,  as  if  pillage,  both  public  and  private,  the  scan- 
dalous profusion  of  ill  gotten  wealth,  the  turpitude  of  debauch,  the 
violation  of  the  marriage  bed,  the  infamous  price  extorted  from 
faithful  wives  to  redeem  their  husbands'  blood,  the  public  triumph 
of  courtesans,  the  baseness  of  cringing  to  the  vilest  of  men,  as  if 
all  the  horrors  which  have  signalized  the  reign  of  these  republicans 
were  good  and  laudable  customs  !  But  whatever  be  the  plots,  the 
wishes,  and  the  hopes  of  this  turbulent  race  of  men,  of  these  parti- 
sans of  lawless  licentiousness,  which  they  attempt  in  vain  to  invest 
with  the  name  of  liberty,  let  them  rest  assured  it  is  firmly  resolved 
to  resist  them,  to  preserve  the  public  tranquillity,  to  secure  to  the 
laws  that  obedience  which  is  their  due,  and  to  carry  into  execution 
against  the  rebellious  Americans,  those  acts  which  have  solemnly 
emanated  from  the  royal  authority,  and  from  that  of  the  parliament. 
The  force  of  circumstances,  the  royalty  of  the  people,  and  the  recol- 
lection of  the  past  tyranny  of  pretended  patriots,  will  cause  all  their 
vociferations,  all  their  maneuvers,  all  their  incendiary  attempts,  to 
avail  them  nothing.  As  for  the  rest,  the  tories,  and  not  their  adver- 
saries, are  the  real  friends  of  liberty ;  for  liberty  consists  not  in 
calling  the  populace  at  every  moment  to  intervene  in  the  direction 
of  state  affairs,  but  in  faithfully  obeying  those  fundamental  statutes, 
which  are  the  result  of  the  general  will  of  the  nation,  and  which 
balance  and  temper  the  royal  authority  by  the  authority  of  the 
people.' 

With  such  animosity,  with  such  reciprocal  bitterness,  the  two 
political  parties  assailed  each  other.  It  appeared  inevitable  that 
this  must  soon  lead  to  some  violent  convulsion,  and  all  prudent  men 
were  seized  with  anxious  apprehensions.  And  here,  perhaps,  is  the 
place  to  remark  how  remote  are  human  minds  from  all  moderation, 
from  all  sense  of  decency,  when  once  under  the  control  of  party 
zeal.  Assuredly,  if  at  the  different  epochs  of  the  domination  of  the 
royalists  and  of  the  republicans,  the  one  party  and  the  other  aban- 
doned themselves  to  culpable  excesses,  it  is  not  that  there  were  ne\ 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VF 

among  them  men  of  rectitude,  who,  if  they  judged  ill,  yet  meant' 
well ;  with  such,  every  form  of  government  would  be  good,  pro- 
vided it  was  not  purely  despotic.  But  the  ambitious,  a  race  unfor- 
tunately so  prolific,  are  the  most  fatal  scourge  in  every  well  consti- 
tuted state  ;  always  in  opposition  with  the  laws  of  their  country,  they 
shake  off  their  restraint  the  first  moment  they  can,  and  thus  pave  the 
way  to  revolutions  and  the  reign  of  arbitrary  power.  The  legislator, 
who  is  desirous  to  found  a  government  upon  a  solid  basis,  should 
pay  less  attention  to  forms,  whether  monarchical  or  republican,  than 
to  the  establishment  of  laws  calculated  to  repress  the  ambitious.  It 
is  nbt  for  us  to  pronounce  whether  such  laws  have  ever  yet  existed  r 
or  whether  they  could  accomplish  the  end  proposed  ;  but  we  may 
confidently  affirm,  that  men  of  moderation  are  not  to  be  blamed:  forr 
desiring  either  a  royalty  or  a  republic ;  the  ambitious  alone  are  to 
be  feared  and  detested,  for  they  are  those  who  cause  monarchies  to 
degenerate  into  tyrannical  despotism,  and  republics  into  anarchy r 
more  tyrannical  still. 

Such  was  the  general  agitation  in  England,  when  it  was  increased 
by  the  declaration  of  lord  Dartmouth,  one  of  the  secretaries  of  state, 
to  Penn  and  Lee,  who  had  brought  the  petition  of  congress  address- 
ed to  the  king,  that  no  answer  would  be  given  to  it.  The  partisans 
of  the  Americans  expressed  their  indignation  without  reserve  ;  they 
censured  with  new  asperity  the  impolitic  obstinacy  of  the  ministers. 
The  latter  had  defenders  who  answered ; 

<  It  is  time  to  act ;  the  nation  has  conceived  great  hopes  ;  all  Eu- 
rope is  in  suspense  to  see  what  will  be  the  fruit  of  our  tardy  reso- 
lutions, and  the  result  of  our  preparations.  It  is  necessary  to 
strike  home,  and  push  with  vigor  this  war  which  Great  Britain,  with 
a  patience  unexampled,  has  wished  to  avoid  ;  but  to  which  insolent 
and  contumacious  subjects  have  defied  and  provoked  her  by  too 
many  outrages.' 

This  language  of  the  ministerial  party  acted  powerfully  upon  a 
nation  naturally  brave  as  well  as  proufl ;  and  the  public  mind  be- 
came gradually  disposed  to  war,  although  there  still  appeared  fre- 
quent petitions  in  favor  of  peace.  About  this  time,  disastrous  new? 
was  received  of  the  Newfoundland  fisheries.  The  congress  having 
prohibited  all  transportation  of  provisions  to  these  banks,  the  fisher- 
men, to  avoid  famishing,  were  compelled  to  abandon  them  precipi- 
tately, and  repair  to  other  shores.  But  another  misfortune  more 
formidable  awaited  them  ;  the  sea  swelling  all  at  once,  with  unusual 
fury,  rose  more  than  thirty  feet  above  its  ordinary  level.  The  irrup- 
tion was  so  sudden,  that  all  means  of  safety  were  of  no  avail ;  more 
than  seven  hundred  fishing  barks  were  overwhelmed,  and  perished 


fcOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  301 

with  their  crews.  Several  large  ships  also  foundered  with  all  on 
board.  The  devastation  was  no  less  terrible  upon  land  ;  the  prog- 
ress of  the  wide  inundation  was  marked  with  universal  destruc- 
tion. This  fatal  event  made  a  serious  impression  in  England  ;  it 
was  looked  upon  as  a  presage  of  ill.  It  seemed  as  if  fortune  was 
every  where  irritated  against  the  British  empire.  Superstition 
chilled  their  spirits.  They  were  induced  to  form  discouraging 
comparisons. 

On  the  part  of  the  colonists,  a  propitious  sky,  abundance  of  pro- 
visions, health  of  troops,  success  of  arms,  multitudes  crowding  to 
their  standards.  On  the  part  of  the  English,  on  the  contrary,  an 
army  besieged,  mortal  diseases,  wounds  incurable,  toil  and  pain, 
famine,  every  species  of  suffering;  an  angry  sky,  a  furious  sea,  hor- 
rible shipwrecks,  martial  ardor  extinct,  every  thing  in  rapid  declen- 
sion. The  antagonists  of  government  either  from  ambition  or  the 
love  of  liberty,  the  merchants  from  personal  interest  or  zeal  for  the 
public  good,  seized  this  moment  of  general  discouragement.  Peti- 
tions against  the  war  arrived  from  all  parts ;  the  cities  of  London 
and  Bristol  were  the  first  to  send  them.  They  expatiated  upon  the 
blood  that  was  about  to  be  shed,  the  treasure  to  be  expended,  the  new 
enemies  to  be  encountered  ;  it  was  represented  that  the  obstinacy 
of  the  colonists  would  render  even  victory  too  costly ;  that  the  victor 
and  the  vanquished  would  be  involved  in  one  common  ruin.  They 
exhorted,  they  prayed,  they  conjured  the  government  to  renounce 
hostile  resolutions  which  promised  no  good,  and  threatened  so 
many  disasters. 

But  the  ministers  were  not  to  be  shaken  by  remonstrances.  The 
animosity  of  their  adversaries  was,  however,  increased  by  an  inci- 
dent which  drew  the  attention  of  all ;  the  Earl  of  Effingham,  an 
officer  distinguished  for  his  services,  and  possessed  of  an  ample  for- 
tune, had,  upon  all  occasions,  defended  with  great  warmth  the  cause 
of  the  colonists.  Not  willing  to  betray  his  conscience,  he  offered 
trie  king  his  resignation ;  his  conduct  was  greatly  applauded  ;  the 
cities  of  London,  of  Dublin  and  others,  commended  and  thanked 
nim  in  public  letters.  Many  other  officers  followed  his  example  : 
resignations  became  frequent.  Those  who  from  taste  give  their  at- 
tention to  political  matters,  will,  no  doubt,  observe,  upon  this  occasion, 
with  what  facility  in  England  an  opinion  at  variance  with  that  of  the 
government  may  be  openly  professed  ;  since  its  opponents,  instead 
of  exposing  themselves  to  its  vengeance,  often  become  the  objects 
of  public  favor.  And  upon  consideration  of  the  enterprises  execut- 
ed >n  various  times  by  the  British  nation,  and  the  energy  with 
which  it  has  sustained  long  wars  against  the  most  formidable  powers, 

26 


302  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  VI. 

it  is  impossible  not  to  perceive  how  much  they  deceive  themselves 
who  think  that  a  free  government  enfeebles  nations,  and  that  their 
force  can  only  be  completely  developed  by  despotism. 

The  declamations  of  the  party  in  opposition,  and  the  numerous 
resignations  of  officers,  had  caused  the  affair  of  enlistments  to  labor 
extremely.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  officers  appointed  for  this  ser- 
vice caused  the  drums  to  beat,  and  the  royal  standard  to  be  erected 
in  the  most  populous  cities ;  in  vain  did  they  promise  bounties  and 
exorbitant  pay ;  scarcely  a  few  individuals  came  to  offer  their  ser- 
vice ;  Catholics  and  Protestants,  all  manifested  an  equal  repugnance. 
Not  but  that  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  northern  parts  of  Great 
Britain,,  the  regiments  found  wherewith  to  recruit  themselves ;  but 
this  resource  was  altogether  inadequate  to  the  exigency.  The  min- 
isters therefore  found  themselves  in  the  greatest  embarrassment ;  to 
extricate  themselves  from  which,  they  determined  to  have  recourse 
to  foreign  aid.  With  gold,  which  they  had  in  abundance,  they  hoped 
to  procure  themselves  men,  of  whom  they  had  so  much  need.  Ac- 
cordingly, to  this  end  they  made  overtures  to  the  court  of  St.  Peters- 
burgh,  in  order  to  obtain  twenty  thousand  Russians,  that  were  to 
have  been  transported  to  America  the  following  spring.  They  made 
great  dependence  upon  these  soldiers,  who,  in  the  preceding  war 
against  the  Turks,  had  acquired  a  brilliant  reputation  for  bravery 
and  discipline.  But  their  hopes  were  not  realized  ;  this  government 
would  not  consent  that  its  soldiers  should  enter  into  foreign  service, 
and  for  a  small  sum  of  gold,  shed  their  blood  in  a  quarrel  wherein 
Russia  had  no  sort  of  interest.  The  ministers  then  turned  their 
views  in  the  direction  of  the  United  Provinces.  The  States-Gene- 
ral had  in  their  pay  some  Scotch  battalions ;  and  these  the  English 
government  demanded  in  order  to  employ  them  in  the  American 
war.  It  was  hoped  that  their  ancient  alliance,  and  other, common 
interests,  would  easily  determine  the  States-General  to  comply  with 
this  demand.  But  it  appeared  of  such  extreme  importance  to  the 
States,  that  not  presuming  to  take  the  decision  of  it  upon  themselves, 
they  chose  to  consult  the  provincial  assemblies.  Those  of  Zeland 
and  of  Utrecht  gave  their  consent,  Holland  and  the  others  refused. 
John  Derk,  of  Chapelle,  spoke  with  great  force  against  the  proposi- 
tion in  the  assembly  of  Overyssel.  He  said  it  was  too  far  beneath 
the  dignity  of  the  republic  to  intermeddle  in  the  quarrels  of  a  foreign 
nation ;  that  the  forces  of  Holland  were  too  weak,  and  her  com- 
merce too  nourishing,  for  her  to  interfere  so  imprudently  in  the  dis- 
putes of  others ;  that  if  she  succored  England  against  America,  oth- 
er very  powerful  states,  alluding  to  France,  would  succor  America 
against  England,  and  that  thus,  the  United  Provinces  would  find 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  303 

themselves  drawn  into  a  dangerous  war.  He  reminded  of  the  tyr- 
anny exercised  by  the  English  upon  the  seas,  the  forced  visit  of  the 
Dutch  vessels,  and  the  confiscation  of  their  cargoes,  under  pretext 
of  contraband.  He  omitted  not  to  paint  the  cruel  character  of  this 
war,  in  which  the  ferocious  Indians  were  already  taken  into  the  Eng- 
lish pay.  The  opinion  of  the  orator  prevailed,  and  there  was  every 
motive  that  it  should.  The  Dutch  considered  the  American  cause 
very  similar  to  that  of  their  ancestors,  and  it  appeared  to  them  in- 
tolerable to  concur  in  chastising  those  who  followed  their  own  ex- 
ample. The  English  party  and  the  French  party  manifested  in  this 
occurrence  an  astonishing  conformity  of  opinion ;  the  first,  because 
they  feared  that  violent  means  would  force  the  Americans  at  length 
to  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  France ;  the  second,  because 
they  wished  to  see  humbled  the  pride  and  the  power  of  the  British 
nation.  It  is  certain,  that  at  this  epoch,  the  prosperity  and  opulence 
of  England  excited  the  envy  of  the  universe,  and  that  her  haughty 
behavior  filled  all  hearts  with  a  secret  enmity. 

But  the  ministers  having  dispatched  numerous  agents  into  Germa- 
ny, obtained  more  success  with  the  princes  of  the  Houses  of  Hesse, 
of  Brunswick,  and  other  petty  sovereigns  of  this  country.  They  ac- 
ceded to  a  convention  which  filled  the  cabinet  of  Saint  James  with 
alacrity  and  with  hope ;  the  ministers  were  overjoyed  that  German 
promptitude  should,  in  so  pressing  a  need,  have  counterbalanced 
English  reluctance. 

A  double  advantage  was  found  in  the  employment  of  German 
troops.  They  had  never  darkened  their  minds  with  abstruse  ques- 
tions of  liberty  and  public  law  ;  and  the  difference  of  language  was 
a  security  against  the  efforts  which  the  Americans  might  have  made 
to  mislead  and  seduce  them  to  join  their  party.  This  apprehension 
caused  the  ministry  great  anxiety  with  respect  to  the  English  sol- 
diers, who  spoke  the  same  dialect  as  the  Americans,  and  went  to 
combat  men  who  defended,  or  appeared  to  defend,  a  cause  more  fa- 
vorable to  the  subjects  than  to  the  government. 

When  the  news  got  abroad  in  England  of  the  treaty  of  subsidy 
with  the  German  princes,  it  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  fury 
of  the  opponents  of  the  ministry.  Many  even  among  their  own  par- 
tisans were  heard  to  condemn  their  conduct  with  asperity.  They 
said,  it  was  a  scandalous  thing  that  the  mercenary  soldiers  of  foreign 
princes  should  come  to  interfere  in  domestic  dissensions ;  that  dar- 
ing and  artful  ministers  might  one  day  take  advantage  of  this  fatal 
example  to  subvert  the  established  constitution,  and  to  put  down  all 
liberty  in  England  itself;  that  when  these  soldiers  should  have  ter- 
minated their  enterprise  in  distant  regions,  different  pretexts  might 


304  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Vf. 

be  found  for  conducting  them  into  places  less  remote,  and  perhaps 
even  into  the  heart  of  the  kingdom ;  that  this  was  a  state  offense, 
an  act  of  high  treason,  the  having  attempted  to  open  the  entrance 
of  the  British  territory  to  foreign  troops  without  consent  of  parlia- 
ment. 

It  is  certain  that  no  resolution  of  the  ministers  had  ever  produced 
so  much  disgust,  and  so  alarming  a  fermentation  among  the  people, 
as  the  present.  It  rendered  more  violent  the  fury  of  some,  alien- 
ated others,  and  appeared  to  all  illegal  in  principle,  perilous  in  its  ob- 
ject, and  injurious  to  the  Brit  sh  name ;  inasmuch  as  it  seemed  an 
admission  that  the  English  were  not  in  a  situation  to  adjust  of  them- 
selves this  great  quarrel.  The  disapprobation  was  general,  the  cause 
of  the  war  and  the  obstinacy  of  ministers  began  to  be  openly  con- 
demned. 

In  the  midst  of  this  effervescence  the  parliament  was  convoked. 
But  before  entering  into  a  description  of  the  debates  which  took 
place  in  this  session,  it  appears  to  us  necessary  to  relate  what  were, 
at  this  time,  the  designs  of  the  ministry  relative  to  the  American 
war.  Perceiving  how  odious  they  were  become  to  the  nation  for 
never  having  consented  to  hear  of  any  proposition  of  accord,  and 
for  having  wanted  either  the  capacity  or  the  will  to  carry  on  the  war 
with  adequate  preparations,  they  resolved  at  length  to  manifest  ex- 
traordinary vigor,  and  to  employ  against  the  Americans  a  force  so 
formidable  as  to  leave  them  no  hope  of  resistance. 

They  could  not  but  perceive  how  greatly  the  reputation  of  the 
British  arms  had  already  suffered ;  and  they  saw  how  important  it 
was  to  apply  a  prompt  remedy  in  order  to  prevent  the  worst  conse- 
quences, and  especially  a  war  with  the  European  powers.  Although 
they  often  affected  to  congratulate  themselves  upon  the  good  dispo- 
sitions of  these  powers,  they  were  nevertheless  persuaded  that  this 
neutrality  could  not  continue,  if  the  war  drew  into  length,  and  always 
to  the  prejudice  of  England.  It  was  easy  to  believe  that  France 
had  eyes  open  upon  what  passed,  and  that  she  waited  but  for  the 
occasion  to  show  herself. 

The  English  ministers,  at  this  epoch,  however  stinted  the  measure 
of  their  magnanimity  and  sagacity,  were  still  not  so  simple  as  to  be 
deluded  by  friendly  protestations,  which  are  lavished  with  the  more 
profusion  the  more  they  are  void  of  sincerity.  It  was  known  that  in 
all  the  ports  of  France  the  most  strenuous  exertions  were  emp'oyed 
in  equipping  ships  of  war  and  accumulating  naval  munitions,  and  that 
the  government  was  animated  witl .  an  ardent  desire  to  repair  recent 
losses,  and  to  restore  all  the  force  and  the  splendor  of  the  French 
"■^anae  ;  that  the  entire  nation  applauded  the  views  of  the  court,  and 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  305 

demonstrated  the  utmost  promptitude  to  second  them.  Besides,  it 
was  no  longer  a  mystery  that  munitions  of  war  were  daily  expedited 
from  the  French  ports  for  America,  if  not  by  the  orders  of  the  gov- 
ernment itself,  at  least  with  its  tacit  concurrence.  It  was  observed, 
not  without  extreme  jealousy,  that  the  French  had  lately  dispatched 
a  numerous  fleet  to  the  West  Indies,  and  that  their  land  troops  so 
increased  in  that  quarter,  that  they  already  had  the  appearance  of  an 
army  prepared  to  take  the  field.  It  had  been  seen  with  disquietude 
that  French  officers  were  in  conference,  for  the  space  of  many  days, 
with  general  Washington,  at  the  camp  of  Boston,  and  that  they  were 
afterwards  admitted  to  an  audience  by  the  congress.  The  past  ad- 
monished the  English  ministry  of  the  future.  In  no  time  had  war 
broken  out  in  America  that  the  French  and  British  nations  had  not 
taken  part  in  it,  the  one  against  the  other.  It  was,  therefore,  natural 
to  think,  that  such  also  would  be  the  event  this  time ;  it  was  even  the 
more  probable  now  that  interests  were  at  stake  of  far  greater  moment 
that  had  ever  before  been  agitated  between  the  two  powers.  France 
manifested  in  her  conduct  an  admirable  address.  She  would  not 
throw  off  the  mask  in  these  beginnings,  either  because  she  feared  that 
by  engaging  prematurely  in  the  defense  of  the  Americans,  the 
English  government  might  be  induced  to  offer  them  such  terms  of 
accommodation  as,  in  reconciling  the  two  parties,  would  turn  their 
united  forces  against  her ;  or  especially  because  she  was  not  yet 
entirely  prepared  for  maritime  war.  She  wished  to  temporize  until 
her  armaments  were  completed,  and  until  the  continuation  of  recip- 
rocal outrages  should  have  rendered  all  arrangement  impossible.  It 
was  alsoNimportant  for  her  to  wait  till  the  Americans,  more  enlight- 
ened with  respect  to  their  situation,  and  encouraged  by  the  success 
of  their  arms,  should  have  decided  at  length  to  proclaim  their  inde- 
pendence. All  reconciliation  then  became  impracticable ;  as  well 
on  account  of  the  greater  exasperation  of  minds,  and  the  aggrava- 
tion of  offenses,  as  from  the  absolute  contrariety  of  the  scope  towards 
which  the  two  parties  tended. 

There  would  no  longer  be  any  question  of  an  accord  under  certain 
conditions ;  the  separation  must  then  be  total.  Such  was  the  thought 
of  the  French  government  relative  to  the  time  in  which  it  ought  to 
discover  itself.  But  in  order  that  the  Americans  might  not  lose  all 
hope,  it  was  determined  to  grant  them  clandestinely  all  the  succors, 
and  to  make  them  all  the  promises  proper  to  inspire  them  with  con 
fidence  in  a  more  efficacious  co-operation  at  a  suitable  time. 

Nor  could  it  be  doubted,  that  when  France  should  have  resolved 
to  support  the  Americans  without  disguise,  Spain  also  would  imme- 
diately espouse  the  same  cause,  as  well  in  consequence  of  the  family 
vol.  i.  26* 


306  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI, 

compact,  as  from  the  identity  of  interests,  and  perhaps  even  from  an 
earnest  desire  to  efface  the  recent  stain  of  the  unfortunate  expedi- 
tion against  Algiers. 

All  these  dangers  were  continually  present  in  the  minds  of  the 
British  ministry ;  they  resolved,  therefore,  to  prevent  them  by  meas- 
ures as  prompt  as  energetic. 

Independently  of  the  arms  and  munitions  which  the  arsenals  and 
armories  of  England  could  furnish  in  abundance,  the  government 
ordained  that  eighty  ships  of  war  should  be  stationed  upon  the  coasta 
of  America,  to  favor  the  transportation  of  troops  and  of  munitions 
wherever  the  good  of  the  service  might  require,  to  second  all  the 
operations  of  the  army,  to  traverse  those  of  the  enemy,  and  to  de- 
stroy his  marine. 

Exclusively  of  the  corps  already  found  in  America,  it  was  deter- 
mined to  send  thither  upwards  of  forty-two  thousand  men  of  regu- 
lar troops,  between  English  and  Germans  ;  that  is,  twenty-five  thou- 
sand of  the  first,  and  a  little  more  than  seventeen  thousand  of  the 
second.  These  German  troops  were  composed  of  four  thousand 
three  hundred  Brunswickers,  twelve  thousand  three  hundred  and 
ninety-four  Hessians  of  the  Landgrave,  and  six  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight  of  the  hereditary  prince  of  Hesse,  count  of  Hanau.* 

In  adding  to  this  number  all  the  recruits  of  Canada,  the  corps  of 
American  Royalists  and  Indians,  a  totality  was  hoped  for  of  fifty-five 
thousand  men,  supposing  the  companies  all  complete.  But  every 
deduction  made,  it  was  deemed  a  certainty  that  in  any  event  the 
army  would  exceed  forty  thousand  effective  combatants ;  a  force 
that  was  believed  more  than  sufficient  to  subdue  all  America. 

The  ministers  also  thought  it  expedient  to  accompany  the  prepara- 
tions of  war  with  several  particular  provisions,  which  they  considered 
as  very  proper  to  second  the  effect  of  them.  Knowing,  for  example, 
how  much  the  Americans  were  in  want  of  money,  and  that  they  had 
no  means  to  procure  it  but  by  the  way  of  commerce,  they  resolved  to 
interrupt  it  entirely,  hoping  that  private  interest  would  carry  it  against 
political  obstinacy,  and  that  the  absolute  failure  of  metallic  currency 
would  subject  the  bills  of  credit  to  a  fatal  depression.  On  the  other 
hand,  in  order  not  to  reduce  the  Americans  to  seek  their  safety  in 
despair,  they  thought  it  best  to  authorize  certain  royal  commissioners 
to  grant  individual  amnesties.  They  persuaded  themselves  that  many 

*  England  contracted  for  the  German  troops  upon  the  conditions  following.  Sh© 
gave  a  Brunswicker  seven  guineas  levy  money,  and  four  md  a  half  pence  sterling 
daily;  a  Hessian  of  the  Landgrave  seven  guineas  bounty,  and  five  and  a  halfpence 
sterling  pay ;  a  Hessian  of  the  hereditary  prince,  seven  guineas  bounty,  and  sixpence 
•terling  a  day. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  307 

of  them,  vanquisned  by  such  clemency,  would  throw  themselves  into 
the  arms  of  England,  or,  at  least,  that  the  more  timid  would  lay 
down  arms,  and  recompose  themselves  in  their  accustomed  tran- 
quillity. The  rest,  according  to  their  ideas,  might  then  be  easily 
overpowered.  Such  were  the  measures  the  ministers  had  matured^ 
and  which  they  intended  to  submit  to  the  deliberations  of  parliament. 

The  king  pronounced,  on  opening  the  session,  a  very  remarkable 
discourse ;  he  spoke  of  the  machinations  employed  in  America  to 
seduce  the  people,  and  infect  them  with  opinions  repugnant  to  the 
constitution,  and  to  their  subordination  towards  Great  Britain.  He 
said  the  insurgents  now  openly  avowed  their  resistance  and  revolt, 
and  had  assumed  to  themselves  all  the  powers  of  government ;  that  in 
order  to  amuse  they  had  made  specious  protestations  of  loyalty,  but 
that  in  fact  they  were  aiming  at  independence  ;  that  he  hoped,  how- 
ever, the  spirit  of  the  British  nation  was  too  high,  and  her  resources 
too  numerous,  tamely  to  give  up  that  which  had  been  acquired  with 
so  many  cares,  and  with  so  many  toils  ;  that  it  was  now  become  the 
part  of  wisdom  to  put  a  speedy  end  to  these  disorders,  by  the  display 
of  all  the  forces  of  the  kingdom ;  but  that,  as  clemency  was  always  to 
be  preferred  to  rigor,  his  intention  was  to  grant  particular  pardons, 
and  to  withdraw,  from  the  calamities  of  war,  the  persons  and  tho 
places  that  should  give  evidence  of  their  fidelity.  The  ministers 
moved  for  the  usual  address  of  thanks  to  the  king,  and  that  the 
measures  proposed  should  be  approved. 

But  lord  John  Cavendish  answered  them  with  an  extreme  vehe- 
mence, that  he  could  not  sufficiently  testify  his  surprise  at  their  ob- 
stinacy in  pursuing  a  plan  which  had  already  produced  such  deplor- 
able results. 

c  You  see  one  half  the  empire  lost,  the^other  discontented  and 
tottering;  a  kingdom  of  late  the  most  prosperous,  now  sinking  un- 
der every  misfortune  ;  a  nation  once  renowned  for  its  virtues,  now 
contaminated  with  corruption  ;  and  arrived  in  the  train  of  every  vice, 
losses,  discomfiture  and  shame.  The  Americans  are  charged  with 
planning  independency ;  certainly  it  is  not  the  merit  of  England 
that  they  have  not  yet  adopted  such  a  resolution,  for  the  minister* 
have  neglected  no  possible  violence  to  compel  them  to  it.  They 
are  charged  with  dissimulation  ;  but  they  have  constantly  affirmed 
that  the  terms  of  reconciliation  were  those  of  returning  to  the  state 
of  things  existing  in  1763.  It  is  desired  to  send  against  them  nu- 
merous armies  and  formidable  fleets ;  but  ihey  are  at  home  surround- 
ed by  friends,  and  abounding  in  all  things.  The  English  are  at  an 
immense  distance,  stinted  in  the  means  of  subsistence ;  having  for 
enemies,  climate,  winds,  and  men.    And  what  wealth,  what  treasures, 


308  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  VI* 

will  not  be  necessary  to  subsist  your  troops  in  those  distant  coun- 
tries !  Impenetrable  forests,  inaccessible  mountains,  will  serve  the 
Americans,  in  case  of  disaster,  as  so  many  retreats  and  fortresses, 
whence  they  will  rush  forth  upon  you  anew.  You  will,  therefore, 
be  under  a  constant  necessity  to  conquer  or  die ;  or,  what  is  worse 
than  death,  to  fly  ignominiously  to  your  ships.  The  Americans  will 
avail  themselves  of  the  knowledge  of  places,  which  they  only  have, 
to  harass  the  British  troops,  to  intercept  the  ways,  to  cut  off  supplies, 
to  surprise  outposts,  to  exhaust,  to  consume,  to  temporize  and  pro- 
long, at  will,  the  duration  of  the  war.  Imagine  not  that  they  will 
expose  themselves  to  the  hazard  of  battles  ;  they  will  vanquish  us  by 
dint  of  fatigue,  placed,  as  we  shall  be,  at  a  distance  of  three  thou- 
sand miles  from  our  country.  It  will  be  easy  for  them,  impossible 
for  us,  to  receive  continual  re-inforcements.  They  will  know  how 
to  use  the  occasion  of  their  temporary  superiority  to  strike  decisive 
blows  ;  the  tardy  succors  that  may  arrive  to  us  by  the  Atlantic  will 
not  prevent  our  reverses;  they  will  learn,  in  our  school,  the  use  of 
arms  and  the  art  of  war ;  they  will  eventually  give  their  masters 
fatal  proofs  of  their  proficiency. 

'  But  let  victory  be  supposed,  can  there  be  any  doubt  that  it  will 
be  sanguinary,  that  its  results  will  be  lands  laid  waste,  towns  deso- 
lated by  fire,  subjects  envenomed  by  implacable  hatred,  the  prosper- 
ity of  commerce  annihilated,  and  reciprocal  distrusts  always  ready 
to  re-kindle  war.  Long  have  standing  armies  been  considered  as 
dangerous  to  liberty  ;  but  the  protracted  and  difficult  war  which  you 
are  about  to  engage  in  will  enormously  increase  these  armies.  Is  it 
to  dissipate  our  fears  on  this  point  that  ministers  subsidize  these  bands 
of  Germans,  an  excellent  race  assuredly,  but  admirably  adapted  to 
serve  the  purposes  of  the  fautors  of  despotism  ?  I  have  supposed 
that  we  shall  be  victorious  ;  let  us  now  suppose  we  should  be  beaten. 
Who  wiH  restore  our  treasures  exhausted,  our  commerce  annihilated, 
the  spirit  of  our  troops  extinguished,  our  national  glory,  first  source 
of  public  virtue,  unworthily  eclipsed  ?  Who  will  efface  the  stigma 
branded  upon  the  British  name  ?  In  our  reverses  we  shall  not  have 
the  consolation  of  having  acted  with  maturity  of  reflection,  or  that 
of  having  been  taken  unawares.  The  quarrel  of  America  will  soon 
become  the  quarrel  of  Europe  ;  and  if  our  country  perish  not  there- 
in, it  must  be  attributed  rather  to  its  happy  star  than  to  the  wisdom 
of  those  who  govern  it.  Such  is  the  importance,  such  are  the  con- 
sequences of  the  subject,  that  I  cannot  but  deem  it  an  incomprehen- 
sible fact  to  see  the  passions  allowed  full  scope  on  every  side,  in- 
stead of  that  calm  which  ought  to  preside  in  the  consideration  of  ou* 
melancholy  situation,  and  in  the  investigation  of  the  most  prompt, 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  309 

the  most  efficacious,  and  the  most  expedient  remedies.  Let  us, 
therefore,  unite  in  praying,  in  conjuring  his  majesty  to  suspend  the 
effects  of  his  anger,  and  to  prevent  the  running  with  such  precipita- 
tion to  shed  English  blood  by  English  hands.  Rather  let  it  be  stud- 
ied to  calm  and  conciliate  minds,  to  search  out  the  causes  of  our  dis- 
cords/to discover  the  means  which  may  enable  us  to  rejoin  the 
lacerated  parts  of  the  British  empire.  Let  us  labor  to  restore  to 
the  government  its  majesty,  to  the  laws  the  obedience  which  is  their 
due,  to  the  parliament  its  legitimate  authority,  and  to  the  British 
people  the  tranquillity  and  happiness  of  which  they  are  so  eminently 
worthy.' 

The  temper  of  the  assembly  was  favorable;  the  vehement  dis- 
course of  lord  Cavendish  had  made  a  profound  impression  upon  the 
minds  of  all.  But  the  partisans  of  the  ministry  answered  him  with 
equal  warmth. 

'We  find  it  not  easy  to  comprehend,  they  said,  how  these  elo- 
quent orators,  who  make  such  parade  of  their  patriotism,  can  lavish 
so  many  pathetic  flourishes  to  justify  those  who  are  found  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  authority  of  Great  Britain  ;  we  are  ignorant  what 
strange  pleasure  they  can  take  in  embarrassing  the  government  in  its 
operations  in  the  midst  of  so  difficult  a  crisis.  It  is  equally  hard  for 
us  to  conceive  what  motives  they  can  have  for  wishing  to  demon- 
strate that  the  Americans  will  of  necessity  prove  victorious.  That 
such  should  be  the  language  of  congress,  and  of  the  proclamations 
of  Washington,  nothing  is  less  surprising  ;  but  that  it  is  found  in 
the  mouth  of  an  Englishman,  of  one  of  the  fathers  of  the  country, 
that  we  should  see  him  glory  in  such  assertions,  and  study  to  prop- 
agate them,  is  what  cannot  excite  too  much  astonishment  and  in- 
dignation. 

'  It  is  affirmed  the  Americans  are  not  aiming  at  independence; 
this  we  readily  admit,  if  it  is  intended  to  maintain  that  they  are  not. 
contending  to  have,  but  already  possess  and  exercise  this  absolute 
independence.  Have  they  not  concentrated  in  their  hands  all  the 
authority  of  government,  in  coining  money,  in  creating  bills  of  cred- 
it, in  imposing  taxes,  in  making  levies,  in  declaring  war,  jn  commit- 
ting hostilities,  in  granting  letters  of  mark  and  reprisal?  But  the 
kind  confiding  personages,  seated  in  front  of  us,  answer  that  the 
colonists  protest  their  devotion,  and  reject  all  idea  of  independency. 
New  doctrine,  indeed,  that  we  are  to  give  more  credit  to  words  than  to 
facts !  But  while  these  credulous  beings  harangue  within  these  walls, 
the  Americans  model  and  carry  into  effect  a  new  form  of  govern- 
ment, no  doubt  to  preserve  the  ancient  constitution  and  to  unite 
themselves  more  intimately  with  Great  Britain ! 


310  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

1  They  have  proposed,  we  are  told,  conditions  of  accommodation  ; 
in  what  do  they  consist  ?  In  consenting  to  acknowledge  the  same 
sovereign.  Assuredly  they  will  acknowledge  him,  provided  they 
may  be  excused  from  obeying  his  orders,  and  permitted  to  act  their 
own  will  entire.  And  is  it  desired  that  England  should  stoop  to  such 
an  arrangement,  which,  if  it  be  not  outrageous,  is  at  least  ridiculous  ? 
The  parliament  has  opened  a  way  of  conciliation,  whereby,  if  the 
right  of  taxation  was  not  entirely  renounced,  it  was  certainly  so  re- 
stricted that  the  Americans  were  allowed  to  tax  themselves.  But 
we  have  to  do  with  men  who  are  alike  insensible  to  benefits  and  to 
clemency.  With  what  words,  with  what  a  tone  have  they  received 
our  propositions  !  The  universe  knows  it,  and  our  secret  enemies 
themselves  have  been  astonished  at  it.  If  England  must  resolve  to 
submit  to  such  degradation,  if  she  must  give  up  honor,  so  essential 
to  monarchies,  if,  instead  of  taking  arms  against  an  enemy  who  de- 
fies us,  who  despises  the  government  and  the  agents  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, we  must  bow  with  humility  to  his  demands,  continually  more 
imperious,  then  let  us  blindly  pursue  the  course  which  is  marked 
out  for  us  by  our  adversaries.  That  to  reduce  the  colonies  to  obe- 
dience is  an  enterprise  which  may  offer  some  difficulties,  no  One 
undertakes  to  deny.  Cut  the  greater  the  difficulty,  the  greater  the 
glory. 

'  Those  who  wTould  sow  discouragement  among  us,  little  know  the 
ability  of  the  English  generals,  and  the  valor  of  our  soldiers.  The 
powerful  house  of  Bourbon,  combined  against  us  in  the  last  war,  was 
unable  to  make  us  bend  ;  and  the  king  of  Prussia  has  found,  in  our 
assistance,  the  means  of  resisting  the  league  of  the  North.  England 
is  queen  of  the  seas  ;  she  has  conquered  those  same  countries  which 
her  ungrateful  subjects  now  inhabit ;  and  will  she  not  be  able  to 
subdue  also  them  ? 

<  It  is  not  impossible,  we  admit,  that  some  European  powers  will 
take  part  in  this  war  ;  especially  considering  our  prosperity,  the  envy 
of  foreigners,  and  the  arts  of  these  Americans,  always  busied  in  ex- 
citing the  whole  world  against  us.  But  are  we  to  be  influenced  in 
our  counsels  by  the  desires  or  by  the  injustice  of  others  ?  Let  us  d  » 
what  we  ought,  to  prevent  what  we  fear.  With  arms  we  may  com- 
mand respect,  while  a  timid  policy  would  expose  us  to  contempt. 

*  War  pursues  the  weak,  but  retires  from  the  strong.  What  chi- 
meras, too,  these  scrupulous  spirits  have  been  dreaming  of  about 
those  innocent  Germans,  it  is  not  easy  to  say.  The  example  of  mer- 
cenary troops  is  not  new  ;  their  employment  has  always  been  without 
danger.  Foreign  soldiers  are  not  those  who  could  establish  servitude 
upon  the  soil  of  England,  but  minds  disposed  to  slavery  ;  now,  the 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  311 

clamors  and  exaggerations  of  demagogues  more  often  lead  to  this, 
than  the  schemes  of  governments  themselves.  As  to  these  long  lam- 
entations over  the  vices  of  the  present  day,  we,  for  our  part,  have 
no  hesitation  to  say,  that  we  have  a  better  opinion  of  a  people  among 
whom  the  sincerest  respect  is  shown  for  good  habits,  whose  civiliza- 
tion has  rendered  them  famous  throughout  the  world,  and  who  have 
achieved  so  many  great  actions,  as  well  in  peace,  as  in  war.  These 
imputations  are  but  the  phantoms  of  a  morbid  imagination,  or  the 
suggestions  of  the  secret  rage  of  those  ambitious  minds,  who  persuade 
themselves  that  no  virtue  can  exist  so  long  as  they  are  not  invested 
writh  supreme  power.  The  destiny  of  Great  Britain  is  now  in  the 
balance.  After  having  seen  her  empire  equally  flourishing  by  land 
and  by  sea,  and  her  fortune  surpass  that  of  all  the  other  states  of 
Christendom,  the  question  is  now,  whether  this  prosperity  shall  con- 
tinue, whether  these  rich  and  powerful  colonies,  the  work  of  our 
hands,  the  fruit  of  our  industry,  the  object  of  all.  our  cares,  the  price 
of  so  much  treasure  and  so  much  blood,  shall  henceforth,  by  the 
unheard  of  ingratitude  of  their  iahabitants  themselves,  by  the  artful 
machinations  of  their  false  friends,  and  of  our  secret  enemies,  be  dis- 
membered from  their  ancient  country,  and  torn  fore-ver  from  the 
affectionate  embraces  of  their  tender  mother  ?  patiently  to  endure  an 
event  so  calamitous,  not  to  lavish  our  efforts,  our  fortunes,  our  life 
itself,  to  prevent  its  accomplishment,  would  be  a  turpitude  which  has 
no  example  in  our  history,  and  an  opprobrium  from  which  we  ought 
to  preserve  the  British  name.' 

Thus  spoke  the  ministerial  orators  ;  the  votes  were  taken,  and  the 
motion  of  lord  Cavendish  was  rejected.  Some  other  members  of 
the  opposition  proposed,  with  as  little  success,  different  plans  of  con- 
ciliation with  the  colonies.  The  debates  were  very  animated  ;  but 
the  ministers,  whose  projects  were  already  arranged,  and  all  the 
preparations  of  war  concluded,  had  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  the 
rejection  of  every  contrary  opinion. 

Not  satisfied  with  finding  themselves  in  a  situation  to  attack  the 
insurgents,  they  wished  also  to  cut  off  their  principal  resources,  that 
is,  to  deprive  them  of  men,  arms,  and  money.  The  Americans 
employed  a  part  of  their  men  on  board  of  privat2ers ;  they  derived 
their  arms  and  munitions,  either  secretly,  or  even  openly,  from  for- 
eign countries ;  and  commerce  furnished  them  with  money.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  ministers  proposed  a  bill,  importing  that  every  species 
of  traffic  with  the  thirteen  united  colonies  should  be  prohibited  ;  that 
all  American  property,  whether  floating  upon  the  sea  or  stationed  in 
the  ports,  should  be  declared  legal  prize  in  favor  of  the  officers  and 
crews  of  the  vessels  of  the  king  ;  that  the  men  taken  in  the  Amer 


312"  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

ican  ships  should  be  compelled  to  serve  indiscriminately,  as  common 
sailors,  on  board  those  of  England ;  finally,  that  the  crown  should 
be  authorized  to  send  commissioners,  empowered  to  grant  pardons 
to  such  individuals  as  should  appear  to  merit  them,  and  to  declare  a 
colony,  in  whole  or  in  part,  in  a  state  of  obedience  towards  the  king ; 
in  which  case  they  might  exempt  them  from  the  rigor  of  the  Jaws. 
and  restore  them  to  their  original  condition. 

This  bill  was  a  consequence  of  those  already  passed  ;  it  was  con- 
formable to  the  plan  of  the  war  which  the  ministers  had  adopted 
and  was  generally  to  be  approved.  It  contained,  however,  certain 
articles  deserving  of  animadversion.  To  wish  to  make  war  against 
the  Americans,  upon  sea  as  well  as  upon  land,  was  altogether  nat- 
ural ;  it  was  no  less  judicious  to  constitute  commissioners  with ; 
authority  to  grant  amnesties,  as  well  to  particular  individuals  as  to 
provinces.  But  to  confiscate,  without  distinction,  private  property 
and  public  property,  to  grant  the  booty  to  the  captors,  and  force  the 
men  found  on  board  the  American  ships,  whatever  might  be  then- 
rank  or  condition,  to  serve  as  common  sailors  on  board  the  English 
ships,  are  acts  that  cannot  fail  to  be  condemned  by  every  sound 
judging  mind.  The  opposition  expressed  their  abhorrence  of  these 
features  of  the  bill  in  very  sharp  language )  but  it  passed,  notwith- 
standing, by  a  triumphant  majority. 

1776.  The  parliament  having  terminated  the  affairs  submitted  to 
their  deliberations,  the  king  put  an  end  to  the  present  session,  with 
the  assurance  that  he  was  not  apprehensive  of  any  movement  on 
the  part  of  the  European  princes,  who  all  manifested  a  desire  to 
maintain  concord  and  peace.  The  ministers  had  obtained  from  the 
parliament  all  they  had  demanded,  and  they  had  scarcely  a  doubt 
of  the  favorable  issue  of  their  enterprise.  It  seemed  to  them  impos- 
sible that  the  collectitious  soldiery  of  the  congress  could  hold  their 
arms  with  a  firm  grasp  in  the  presence  of  European  troops ;  they 
imagined  that  the  bare  rumor  of  the  arrival  of  the  English  army 
would  suffice  to  open  for  it  the  entrance  of  the  country  it  was  about 
to  conquer. 

'Even  supposing,  they  said,  that  the  colonial  troops  should  pre- 
sume to  keep  the  field,  how  can  it  be  imagined,  that  ill-armed,  un- 
disciplined, and  so  little  used  as  they  are  to  the  dangers  of  war, 
and  to  the  din  of  arms,  they  will  be  able  to  make  any  serious  resist- 
ance against  the  veterans  of  Europe  ?  The  first  impression  will  be 
fatal  to  the  Americans ;  and  the  measures  which  have  been  taken 
to  sow  division  among  them,  will  then  produce  their  full  effect.  Let 
only  a  small  number  submit  to  the  terms  of  the  amnesty,  and  the 
multitude  will  hasten  to  follow  their  example;  such  is  the  ordinary 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  313 

course  of  revolutions.  In  order  to  accelerate  these  happy  results,  it 
will  be  essential  that  the  royal  commissioners,  individuals  as  influen- 
tial by  their  personal  authority,  as  by  the  splendor  of  their  rank,  and 
the  renown  of  their  military  achievements,  should  be  always  present 
to  second  the  operations  of  the  army,  by  seizing  the  favorable  instant 
for  the  exercise  of  their  ministry.' 

Such  were  the  reasonings  and  the  hopes  of  the  partisans  of  the 
government.  And  such,  it  must  be  admitted,  was  the  way  of  think- 
ing of  the  greater  part  of  the  nation.  With  some  it  was  the  effect 
of  pride,  or  of  confidence  in  the  ministry ;  with  others,  of  the  spirit 
of  party,  or  of  personal  interest,  man  easily  believing  what  he  es- 
teems useful  to  himself.  There  wanted  not  those,  however,  whom 
the  love  of  country  inspired  with  serious  apprehensions  for  the  future, 
or  whom  the  fury  of  faction  urged  to  announce  the  most  disastrous 
presages.  They  judged  of  the  obstinacy  of  the  Americans  by  their 
own,  and  suffered  no  occasion  to  escape  them  of  citing  the  miracles, 
as  they  expressed  it,  wrought  in  various  times,  and  among  manifold 
people,  by  the  love  of  liberty.  They  greatly  extolled  the  constancy, 
the  intrepidity,  the  prowess  of  the  Americans.  Their  invectives, 
their  sarcasms,  their  taunts,  were  endless  against  the  satellites  of 
tyranny ;  thus  designating  the  English  soldiers,  and  particularly  the 
German  troops.  They  represented  a  total  loss  in  defeat,  and  new 
dangers  in  victory ;  they  deplored  the  blood  shed  for  so  iniquitous  a 
cause.  Every  day  there  appeared  new  publications  in  favor  or 
against  the  colonists.  Some  reproached  others  with  having  sold 
their  pen ;  these  retorted  upon  those  that  they  prostituted  theirs  in 
defense  of  licentiousness.  A  work  of  doctor  Price,  on  civil  liberty, 
was  particularly  distinguished ;  it  was  read  every  where  with  equal 
avidity.  He  received,  on  this  subject,  a  letter  of  compliment  from 
the  city  of  London,  accompanied  with  the  present  of  a  gold  box. 

The  two  brothers  Howe,  the  one  admiral  of  the  fleet,  and  the 
other  general-in-chief  of  the  army  in  America,  were  named  by  the 
king  his  commissioners  for  the  re-establishment  of  peace  in  the  colo- 
nies, and  for  granting  pardons  to  those  who  should  appear  worthy 
of  the  royal  mercy.  Sir  Peter  Parker  and  lord  Cornwallis  were  al- 
ready, some  time  since,  embarked  for  America,  with  several  corps 
of  troops.  Admiral  Hotham,  and  generals  Burgoyne  and  Phillipps 
followed  them  with  other  English  and  German  divisions. 

While  these  things  were  passing  in  England,  the  provincials,  who 
besieged  Boston,  began  to  entertain  hopes  not  only  of  becoming 
masters  of  the  city,  but  even  of  making  the  whole  garrison  prisoners, 
and  of  destroying  the  British  squadron  anchored  in  the  port  and  bay. 
They  expected  impatiently  that  the  cold  would  become  so  rigorous 
vol.  i.  27 


314  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI 

as  to  freeze  the  waters  of  the  harbor,  and  the  rivers  that  flow  into  it. 
The  frost  usually  set  in  about  the  last  of  December,  and  they  calcu- 
lated that  at  this  season  the  ice  would  be  strong  enough  to  enable 
them  to  march  dry-shod  across  the  arm  of  the  sea,  which  separates 
the  peninsula  from  the  continent,  where  they  were  encamped.  The 
English,  in  such  case,  would  not  have  been  able  to  resist  the  much 
superior  forces  of  the  American  army.  But  contrary  to  the  ordinary 
course,  the  winter  was  extremely  moderate ;  the  provincials  vainly 
awaited  the  coming  of  ice.  In  this  hope  they  had  kept  themselves 
tranquil  in  their  quarters ;  the  delay  was  advantageous  to  the  gar- 
rison. But  the  month  of  March  arrived  to  re-animate  operations ; 
the  Americans  panted  to  put  an  end,  by  a  vigorous  effort,  to  this 
long  and  tiresome  siege.  Their  ardor  prompted  it,  necessity  requir- 
ed it.  The  hostile  speech  of  the  king,  at  the  meeting  of  parliament, 
was  arrived  in  America,  and  copies  of  it  were  circulated  in  the 
camp.  It  was  announced  there,  also,  that  the  first  petition  of  con- 
gress had  been  rejected.  The  whole  army  manifested  the  utmost 
indignation  at  this  intelligence ;  the  royal  speech  was  burnt  in  pub- 
lic by  the  infuriate  soldiers.  They  changed,  at  this  time,  the  red 
ground  of  their  banners,  and  striped  them  with  thirteen  lists,  as  an 
emblem  of  the  number,  and  of  the  union  of  the  thirteen  colonies. 

The  congress,  at  the  news  of  the  rigorous  proceedings  of  the 
government,  and  particularly  of  the  act  relating  to  commerce,  and 
the  engagement  of  the  German  troops,  saw  plainly  that  no  other 
resources  were  left  them  but  in  the  way  of  arms.  Without  loss  of 
time,  wishing  to  take  advantage  of  the  universal  irritation  of  the 
people,  they  urgently  recommended  to  Washington  to  renounce  all 
delay,  to  brave  all  dangers,  and  at  whatever  cost,  to  terminate  the 
siege  of  Bpston,  and  effectuate  the  expulsion  of  the  enemy  from  the 
shelter  of  its  walls.  They  foresaw  that  this  army  would  soon  be 
necessary  to  oppose  the  British  forces  at  other  points,  and  to  protect 
other  parts  of  the  American  territory.  It  was  presumed  that  the 
English  would  direct  their  principal  attack  against  the  weakest  places, 
and  serious  apprehensions  were  felt  particularly  for  the  city  of  New 
York.  It  was,  therefore,  extremely  important  to  dislodge  the  ene- 
my from  the  position  of  Boston,  since  otherwise  he  might,  after- 
wards, operate  against  the  rear  of  the  American  army.  Pressed  by 
positive  orders,  and  stimulated  at  once  by  the  force  of  circumstances 
and  the  desire  of  glory,  Washington  reflected  upon  the  most  effica- 
cious means  to  secure  the  success  of  his  enterprise.  He  was  not 
without  hopes  of  being  able  to  carry  the  city  by  assault. 

The  part  of  the  Cove  of  Boston,  contiguous  to  Cambridge  and 
Roxbury,  was  frozen,  which  greatly  facilitated  the  passage ;  and  for 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  315 

crossing  the  water  that  remained  up  to  the  walls  of  Boston,  a  great 
number  of  boats  had  been  provided.  In  addition  to  this,  two  floating 
batteries  were  stationed  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  Cambridge.  It 
was  known  that  the  garrison  suffered  severely  for  the  want  of  pro- 
visions, and  that  it  was  greatly  enfeebled  by  fatigues  and  maladies. 
The  commander-in-chief  had,  besides,  the  greatest  confidence  in  the 
valor  and  constancy  of  his  soldiers.  He  accordingly  assembled  all 
the  generals,  and  proposed  to  them  his  plan  of  attack.  Ward  and 
Gates,  both  officers  of  great  distinction,  opposed  it ;  alledging,  that 
without  incurring  so  great  a  risk,  the  enemy  might  be  forced  to 
evacuate  Boston  by  occupying  the  heights  of  Dorchester,  which  com- 
mand the  entire  city.  Washington  did  not  conceal  his  dissatisfaction 
at  this  opposition  ;  but  he  was  constrained  to  acquiesce  in  the  opinion 
of  the  majority.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  to  take  the  position  of 
the  heights.  At  the  suggestion  of  generals  Ward,  Thomas,  and 
Spencer,  a  great  quantity  of  fascines  and  gabions  had  been  prepared 
for  this  expedition.  The  fortresses  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown 
Point  had  furnished  heavy  cannon,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  howit- 
zers and  mortars.  It  appears  that  general  Howe,  who  was  naturally 
very  circumspect,  tnougnt  nimseit  too  feeble  to  prevent  the  execu- 
tion of  this  design,  which  was  to  be,  however,  decisive  of  the  total 
issue  of  the  siege. 

The  Americans,  in  order  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  enemy  in 
another  part,  erected  strong  batteries  upon  the  shore  at  Cobb's  Hill, 
at  Lechmere's  Point,  at  Phipp's  Farm,  and  at  Lambsdam,  near  Rox- 
bury.  They  opened  a  terrible  fire  in  the  night  of  the  second  of 
March  ;  the  bombs,  at  every  instant,  fell  into  the  city.  The  garrison 
was  incessantly  employed  in  extinguishing  the  flames  of  the  houses 
in  combustion,  and  in  all  the  different  services  that  are  necessary  in 
such  circumstances.  During  this  time  the  Americans  prepared 
themselves  with  ardor,  or  rather  with  joy,  to  take  possession  of  the 
heights.  Companies  of  militia  arrived  from  all  parts  to  re-inforce 
the  army.  The  night  of  the  fourth  of  March  was  selected  for  the 
expedition ;  the  chiefs  hoped  that  the  recollection  of  the  events  of 
the  fifth  of  March,  1770,  when  the  first  blood  had  been  shed  in 
Boston  by  the  English,  would  inflame  with  new  ardor,  and  a  thirst 
of  vengeance,  those  spirits  already  so  resolute  in  their  cause. 

Accordingly,  in  the  evening  of  the  fourth,  all  the  arrangements 
being  made,  the  Americans  proceeded  in  profound  silence  towards 
the  peninsula  of  Dorchester.  The  obscurity  of  the  night  was  propi- 
tious, and  the  wind  favorable,  since  it  could  not  bear  to  the  enemy 
the  little  noise  which  it  was  impossible  to  avoid.     The  frost  had 


•3J6  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI 

rendered  the  roads  easy.     The  batteries  of  Phipp's  Farm,  and  those 
of  Roxbury,  incessantly  fulminated  with  a  stupendous  roar. 

Eight  hundred  men  composed  the  vanguard ;  it  was  followed  by 
carriages  filled  with  utensils  of  intrenchment,  and  twelve  hundred 
pioneers  led  by  general  Thomas.  In  the  rear  guard  were  three 
hundred  carts  of  fascines,  of  gabions,  and  bundles  of  hay,  destined 
to  cover  the  flank  of  the  troops  in  the  passage  of  the  isthmus  of  Dor- 
chester, which,  being  very  low,  was  exposed  to  be  raked  on  both 
sides  by  the  artillery  of  the  English  vessels. 

All  succeeded  perfectly  ;  the  Americans  arrived  upon  the  heights, 
not  only  without  being  molested,  but  even  without  being  perceived 
by  the  enemy. 

They  set  themselves  to  work  with  an  activity  so  prodigious,  that 
by  ten  o'clock  at  night  they  had  already  constructed  two  forts,  in 
condition  to  shelter  them  from  small  arms  and  grape-shot ;  one  upon 
the  height  nearest  to  the  city,  and  the  other  upon  that  which  looks 
towards  Castle  Island.  The  day  appeared ;  but  it  prevented  not 
the  provincials  from  continuing  their  works,  without  any  movement 
being  made  on  the  part  of  the  garrison.  At  length,  when  the  haze 
oX  ihe  morauiff  was  entirely  dissi&ajted,  the  English  discovered,  with 
extreme  surprise,  the  new  fortifications  of  the  Americans. 

The  English  admiral,  having  ex  Alined  them,  declared,  that  if  the 
>  nemy  was  not  dislodged  from  this  position,  his  vessels  could  no 
longer  remain  in  the  harbor  without  the  most  imminent  hazard  of 
total  destruction.  The  city  itself  was  exposed  to  be  demolished  to 
its  foundations,  at  the  pleasure  of  the  provincials.  The  communi- 
cation, also,  between  the  troops  that  guarded  the  isthmus  of  Boston, 
and  those  within  the  town,  became  extremely  difficult  and  dangerous. 
The  artillery  of  the  Americans  battered  the  strand,  whence  the 
English  would  have  to  embark  in  case  of  retreat.  There  was  no 
other  choice,  therefore,  left  them,  but  either  to  drive  the  colonists 
from  this  station  by  dint  of  force,  or  to  evacuate  the  city  altogether. 

General  Howe  decided  for  the  attack,  and  made  his  dispositions 
accordingly.  Washington,  on  his  part,  having  perceived  the  design, 
prepared  himself  to  repel  it.  The  intrenchments  were  perfected 
with  diligence;  the  militia  were  assembled  from  the  neighboring 
towns,  and  signals  were  concerted  to  be  given  upon  all  the  eminences 
which  form  a  sort  of  cincture  about  all  the  shore  of  Boston,  from 
Roxbury  to  Mystic  river,  in  order  to  transmit  intelligence  and  orders 
with  rapidity  from  one  point  to  the  other. 

Washington  exhorted  his  soldiers  to  bear  in  mind  the  fifth  of 
March.  Nor  did  he  restrict  himself  to  defensive  measures ,  he 
thought  also  of  the  means  of  falling,  himself,  upon  the  enemy,  if, 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  317 

during  or  after  the  battle,  any  favorable  occasion  should  present 
itself.  If  the  besieged,  as  he  hoped,  should  experience  a  total  defeat 
in  the  assault  of  Dorchester,  his  intention  was  to  embark  from  Cam- 
bridge four  thousand  chosen  men,  who,  rapidly  crossing  the  arm  of 
the  sea,  should  take  advantage  of  the  tumult  and  confusion  to  attempt 
the  assault  of  the  town.  General  Sullivan  commanded  the  first  di- 
vision ;  general  Greene  the  second.  An  attack  was  expected  like 
that  of  Charlestown,  and  a  battle  like  that  of  Breed's  Hill.  General 
Howe  ordered  ladders  to  be  prepared  to  scale  the  works  of  the 
Americans.  He  directed  lord  Percy  to  embark  at  the  head  of  a 
considerable  corps,  and  to  land  upon  the  flats  near  the  point,  opposite 
Castle  Island.  The  Americans,  excited  by  the  remembrance  of  the 
anniversary,  and  of  the  battle  of  Breed's  Hill,  and  by  the  continual 
exhortations  of  their  chiefs,  expected  them,  not  only  without  fear, 
but  with  alacrity ;  but  the  tide  ebbed,  and  the  wind  blew  with  such 
violence,  that  the  passage  over  became  impossible.  General  Howe 
was  compelled  to  defer  the  attack  to  early  the  following  morning.  A 
tempest  arose  during  the  night,  and  when  the  day  dawned,  the  sea 
was  still  excessively  agitated.  A  violent  rain  came  to  increase  the 
obstacles ;  the  English  general  kept  himself  quiet.  But  the  Amer- 
icans made  profit  of  this  delay ;  they  erected  a  third  redoubt,  and 
completed  the  other  works.  Colonel  Mifflin  had  prepared  a  great 
number  of  hogsheads  full  of  stones  and  sand,  in  order  to  roll  them 
upon  the  enemy  when  he  should  march  up  to  the  assault,  to  break 
his  ranks,  and  throw  him  into  confusion,  that  might  smooth  the  way 
to  his  defeat. 

Having  diligently  surveyed  all  these  dispositions,  the  English  per- 
suaded themselves  that  the  contemplated  enterprise  offered  difficul- 
ties almost  insurmountable.  They  reflected  that  a  repulse,  or  even 
a  victory  so  sanguinary  as  that  of  Breed's  Hill,  would  expose  to  a 
jeopardy  too  serious  the  English  interests  in  America.  Even  in  case 
of  success,  it  was  to  be  considered  that  the  garrison  was  not  suffi- 
ciently numerous  to  be  able,  without  hazard,  to  keep  possession  of 
the  peninsula  of  Dorchester,  having  already  to  guard  not  only  the 
city,  but  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown.  The  battle  was  rather 
necessary,  and  victory  desirable,  to  save  the  reputation  of  the  royal 
arms,  than  to  decide  the  total  event  of  things  upon  these  shores.  The 
advantages,  therefore,  could  not  compensate  the  dangers.  Besides, 
the  port  of  Boston  was  far  from  being  perfectly  accommodated  to  the 
future  operations  of  the  army  that  was  expected  from  England ;  and 
general  Howe  himself  had,  some  length  of  time  before,  received 
instructions  from  lord  Dartmouth,  one  of  the  Secretaries  of  State, 
to  evacuate  the  city,  and  to  establish  himself  at  IVew  York. 

27. 


ft$  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI 

The  want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  vessels  had  hitherto  prevented 
him  from  executing  this  order.  Upon  all  these  considerations,  the 
English  generals  determined  to  abandon  Boston  to  the  power  of  the 
provincials. 

This  retreat,  however,  presented  great  difficulties.  An  hundred 
and  fifty  transports,  great  and  small,  appeared  scarcely  adequate  to 
the  accommodation  of  ten  thousand  men,  the  number  to  which  the 
crews  and  the  garrison  amounted,  without  comprehending  such  of 
the  inhabitants,  as,  having  shown  themselves  favorable  to  the  royal 
cause,  could  not  with  safety  remain.  The  passage  was  long  and 
difficult ;  for  with  these  emaciated  and  enfeebled  troops  it  could  not 
be  attempted  to  operate  any  descent  upon  the  coasts.  It  was  even 
believed  to  be  scarcely  possible  to  effect  a  landing  at  New  York, 
although  the  city  was  absolutely  without  defense  on  the  part  of  the 
sea.  The  surest  course  appeared  to  be  to  gain  the  port  of  Halifax  ; 
but  besides  the  want  of  provisions,  which  was  excessive,  the  season 
was  very  unfavorable  for  this  voyage,  at  all  times  dangerous. 

The  winds  that  prevailed  then  blew  violently  from  the  northeast, 
and  might  drive  the  fleet  off  to  the  West  Indies,  and  the  vessels 
were  by  no  means  stocked  with  provisions  for  such  a  voyage.  Be- 
sides, the  territory  of  Halifax  was  a  sterile  country,  from  which  no 
resource  could  be  expected,  and  no  provision  could  have  been  pre- 
viously made  there,  since  the  evacuation  of  Boston  and  retreat  to 
Halifax  were  events  not  anticipated.  Nor  could  the  soldiers  per- 
ceive without  discouragement  that  the  necessity  of  things  impelled 
them  towards  the  north,  apprised  as  they  were  that  the  future  opera- 
tions of  the  English  army  were  to  take  place  in  the  provinces  of  the 
center,  and  even  in  those  of  the  south.  But  their  generals  had  no 
longer  the  liberty  of  choice.  The  Americans  however  being  able  by 
the  fire  of  their  artillery  to  interpose  the  greatest  obstacles  to  the 
embarkation  of  the  British  troops,  general  Howe  deliberated  upon 
the  means  of  obviating  this  inconvenience.  Having  assembled  the 
selectmen  of  Boston,  he  declared  to  them,  that  the  city  being  no 
longer  of  any  use  to  the  king,  he  was  resolved  to  abandon  it,  provid- 
ed that  Washington  would  not  oppose  his  departure.  He  pointed  to 
the  combustible  materials  he  had  caused  to  be  prepared  to  set  fire, 
in  an  instant,  to  the  city,  if  the  provincials  should  molest  him  in  any 
shape.  He  invited  them  to  reflect  upon  all  the  dangers  which 
might  result,  for  them  and  their  habitations,  from  a  battle  fought 
within  the  walls ;  and  he  assured  them  that  his  personal  intention 
was  to  withdraw  peaceably,  if  the  Americans  were  disposed,  on  their 
part,  to  act  in  the  same  manner.     He  exhorted  them,  therefore,  to 


BOOK  tl.  THE    AMERICAN   WA*.  3 IB 

repair  to  the  presence  of  Washington,  and  to  inform  him  of  what 
they  had  now  heard. 

The  selectmen  waited  upon  the  American  general,  and  made  him 
an  affecting  representation  of  the  situation  of  the  city.  It  appears, 
from  what  followed,  that  he  consented  to  the  conditions  demanded  ; 
hut  the  articles  of  the  truce  were  not  written.  It  has  been  pretend- 
ed that  one  of  them  was  that  the  besieged  should  leave  their  muni- 
tions of  war;  this,  however,  cannot  be  affirmed  with  assurance. 
The  munitions  were,  indeed,  left ;  but  it  is  not  known  whether  it 
was  by  convention,  or  from  necessity.  The  Americans  remained 
quiet  spectator?;  of  the  retreat  of  the  English.  But  the  city  present- 
ed a  melancholy  spectacle ;  notwithstanding  the  orders  of  general 
Howe,  all  was  havoc  and  confusion.  Fifteen  hundred  loyalists,  with 
their  families,  and  their  most  valuable  effects,  hastened,  with  infi- 
nite dejection  of  mind,  to  abandon  a  residence  which  had  been  so 
dear  to  them,  and  where  they  had  so  long  enjoyed  feKcity.  The 
fathers  carrying  burthens,  the  mothers  their  children,  ran  weeping 
towards  the  ships ;  the  last  salutations,  the  farewell  embraces  of  those 
who  departed,  and  of  those  who  remained,  the  sick,  the  wounded, 
the  aged,  the  infants,  would  have  moved  with  compassion  the  wit- 
nesses of  their  distress,  if  the  care  of  their  own  safety  had  not  ab- 
sorbed the  attention  of  all. 

The  carts  and  beasts  of  burthen  were  become  the  occasion  of  sharp 
disputes  between  the  inhabitants  who  had  retained  them,  and  the  sol- 
diers who  wished  to  employ  them.  The  disorder  was  also  increased 
by  the  animosity  that  prevailed  between  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison 
and  those  of  the  fleet ;  they  reproached  each  other  mutually,  as  the 
authors  of  their  common  misfortune.  With  one  accord,  however, 
they  complained  of  the  coldness  and  ingratitude  of  their  country, 
which  seemed  to  have  abandoned,  or  rather  to  hare  forgotten  them 
upon  these  distant  shores,  a  prey  to  so  much  misery,  and  to  so  ma- 
ny dangers.  For  since  the  month  of  OctobeT,  general  Howe  had  not 
received,  from  England,  any  order  or  intelligence  whatever,  which 
testified  that  the  government  still  existed,  and  had  not  lost  sight  of 
the  army  of  Boston. 

Meanwhile,  a  desperate  band  of  soldiers  and  sailors  took  advan- 
tage of  the  confusion  to  force  doors,  and  pillage  the  houses  and 
shops.  They  destroyed  what  they  could  not  carry  away.  The  en- 
tire city  was  devoted  to  devastation,  and  it  was  feared  every  moment 
the  flames  would  break  out  to  consummate  its  destruction. 

The  fifteenth  of  March,  general  Howe  issued  a  proclamation,  for- 
bidding every  inhabitant  to  go  out  of  his  house  before  eleven  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  in  order  not  to  disturb  the  embarkation  of  the  troops, 


320  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK   VI. 

which  Was  to  have  taken  place  on  this  day.  But  an  east  wind  pre- 
vented their  departure ;  and  to  pass  the  time  they  returned  to  pil- 
laging. In  the  meanwhile,  the  Americans  had  constructed  a  re- 
doubt upon  the  point  of  Nook's  Hill,  in  the  peninsula  of  Dorches- 
ter, and  having  furnished  it  with  artillery,  they  entirely  commanded 
the  isthmus  of  Boston,  and  all  the  southern  part  of  the  town.  It 
was  even  to  be  feared  that  they  would  occupy  Noddle's  Island,  and 
establish  batteries,  which,  sweeping  the  surface  of  the  water  across 
the  harbor,  would  have  entirely  interdicted  the  passage  to  the  ships, 
and  reduced  the  garrison  to  the  necessity  of  yielding  at  discretion. 
All  delay  became  dangerous ;  consequently  the  British  troops  and 
the  loyalists  began  to  embark  the  seventeenth  of  March,  at  four  in 
the  morning ;  at  ten,  all  were  on  board.  The  vessels  were  overladen 
with  men  and  baggage ;  provisions  were  scanty,  confusion  was  every 
where.  The  rear  guard  was  scarcely  out  of  the  city  when  Wash- 
ington entered  it  on  the  other  side,  with  colors  displayed,  drums 
beating,  and  all  the  forms  of  victory  and  triumph.  He  was  receiv- 
ed by  the  inhabitants  with  every  demonstration  of  gratitude  and  re- 
spect due  to  a  deliverer.  Their  joy  broke  forth  with  the  more  vi- 
vacity, as  their  sufferings  had  been  long  and  cruel.  For  more  than 
sixteen  months  they  had  endured  hunger,  thirst,  cold,  and  the  out- 
rages of  an  insolent  soldiery,  who  deemed  them  rebels.  The  most 
necessary  articles  of  food  were  risen  to  exorbitant  prices. 

Horse  flesh  was  not  refused  by  those  who  could  procure  it.*  For 
want  of  fuel,  the  pews  and  benches  of  churches  were  taken  for  this 
purpose ;  the  counters  and  partitions  of  warehouses  were  applied  to 
the  same  use ;  and  even  houses,  not  inhabited,  were  demolished  for 
the  sake  of  the  wood.  The  English  left  a  great  quantity  of  artillery 
and  munitions.  Two  hundred  and  fifty  pieces  of  cannon,  of  dif- 
ferent caliber,  were  found  in  Boston,  in  Castle  Island,  and  in  the  in- 
trenchments  of  Bunker's  Hill,  and  the  Neck.  The  English  had  at- 
tempted, but  with  little  success,  in  their  haste,  to  destroy  or  to  spike 
these  last  pieces ;  others  had  been  thrown  into  the  sea,  but  they  were 
recovered.  There  were  found,  besides,  four  mortars,  a  considerable 
quantity  of  coal,  of  wheat,  and  of  other  grains,  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  horses. 

Thus,  after  a  siege  as  long  as  tiresome,  the  capital  of  the  province 
of  Massachusetts  fell  again  into  the  power  of  the  Americans.     The 

*  Provisions  were  become  so  scarce  at  Boston,  that  a  pound  of  fresh  fish  cost  twelve 
pence  sterling,  a  goose  eight  shillings  and  four  pence,  a  turkey  twelve  shillings  and 
six  pence,  a  duck  four  shillings  and  two  pence,  hams  two  shillings  and  a  penny  per 
pound.  Vegetables  were  altogether  wanting.  A  sheep  cost  thirty-five  shillings  ster- 
ling, apples  thirty-three  shillings  and  four  pence  per  barrel.  Fire  wood  forty-one  shil- 
lings and  eight  pence  the  cord ;  and  finally,  it  was  not  to  be  procured  at  any  price 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  321 

joy  of  this  happy  event  was  felt,  with  enthusiasm,  by  all  the  confed- 
eration. It  acquired  an  especial  importance  by  the  impulse  it  could 
not  fail  to  impart  to  the  public  spirit,  and  even  by  the  influence  it 
was  likely  to  have  upon  future  operations.  We  have  here  a  new 
occasion  to  remark,  with  surprise,  the  blindness  and  presumption  of 
the  British  ministry  who,  instead  of  taking  all  the  necessary  meas- 
ures to  secure  success,  from  the  commencement  of  the  war,  seem- 
ed, of  preference,  to  adopt  all  those  that  were  calculated  to  injure 
its  cause.  Whether  from  having  listened  to  English  pride,  or  from 
having  trusted  to  unfaithful  reports,  or,  finally,  from  having  neglected 
the  examples  of  history,  the  ministers  had  persuaded  themselves  that 
the  provincials  would  shrink  at  the  aspect  of  regular  troops,  and 
that  their  ardor  would  be  converted  immediately  into  a  general  terror. 

They  omitted  to  reflect  that  the  very  nature  of  things  had  ex- 
cited, and  already,  for  a  length  of  time,  had  nourished  the  American 
revolution. 

The  colonists  were  become  rich  and  powerful,  and  their  original 
enthusiasm  was  far  from  being  chilled.  Misled  by  its  prepossessions, 
the  government  knew  not  how  to  employ  its  forces ;  it  refused  to 
send  succors  when  it  was  yet  time,  and  hastened  to  lavish  them 
when  it  was  now  too  late. 

The  Americans,  come  into  possession  of  Boston,  immediately  con- 
fiscated the  property,  movable  and  immovable,  of  the  emigrants 
who  had  accompanied  general  Howe  to  Halifax.  The  sale  was 
made  at  auction,  and  the  produce  applied  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
public.  The  loyalists  who  had  remained,  were  prosecuted  and  de- 
clared enemies  and  traitors  to  the  country ;  their  possessions  were  ia 
like  manner  confiscated  and  sold.  The  first  care  of  the  Bostooians 
was  directed  to  the  necessity  of  fortifying  their  city,  to  preserve  it, 
in  future,  from  the  calamities  they  had  recently  experienced.  The 
works  were  commenced  without  delay,  and  urged  with  extreme  dili- 
gence ;  all  the  citizens,  in  turn,  contributed  their  labor.  A  French 
engineer,  some  Americans,  and  four  Prussians,  had  the  direction  of 
the  whole.  It  was  noi,  however,  expected  to  render  Boston  a  place 
of  strength,  capable  of  sustaining  a  regular  siege ;  it  sufficed  to  place 
it  in  a  situation  to  resist  a  sudden  attack. 

Certain  movements  of  the  provincials,  and  especially  the  care  they 
had  taken  to  occupy  some  of  the  little  islands  situated  in  the  bay  of 
Boston,  authorized  the  belief,  that  it  was  their  intention  to  attack 
Fort  William,  erected  upon  Castle  Island.  General  Howe,  perceiv- 
ing that  the  possession  of  this  fort  would  enable  them  to  defend  the 
approaches  of  the  city  against  the  English  ships,  thought  it  expedi- 
ent to  dismantle  and  burn  it  previous  to  his  departure.     He  was 


322  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

unable,  however,  to  carry  away  its  artillery,  which  he  contented  him- 
self with  spiking  very  precipitately 

Contrary  winds,  succeeded  by  a  dead  calm,  prevented  the  Eng- 
lish fleet,  during  more  than  a  week,  from  getting  out  to  sea.  But 
at  length  it  succeeded  ;  and  contrary  to  all  expectation,  considering 
the  season,  its  passage  to  the  port  of  Halifax  was  fortunate  and 
rapid. 

Admiral  Shuldam  had  left  in  the  waters  of  Boston,  a  squadron, 
under  the  command  of  commodore  Bankes,  to  protect  the  navigation 
of  the  vessels  of  the  king,  which,  in  ignorance  of  the  evacuation  of 
the  city,  might  continue  their  voyage  towards  it.  This  precaution 
had  not  all  the  effect  that  was  desired  ;  the  bay  being  extensive,  the 
cruisers  lay  in  concealment  behind  the  numerous  little  islands  with 
which  it  is  interspersed,  and  sprung  suddenly  upon  the  ships  that 
presented  themselves  without  mistrust.  Among  others,  captain 
Manly  took  a  prize  laden  with  an  immense  cargo  of  provisions. 

Washington,  ignorant  what  were  the  plans  of  general  Howe,  and 
what  direction  the  British  fleet  had  taken,  was  not  without  disquie- 
tude for  the  city  of  New  York.  He  wrote,  in  consequence,  to  brigadier- 
general  lord  Sterling,  who  commanded  there,  advisinc  him  to  stand 
prepared,  and  that  he  had  sent  him  a  re-inforcement  of  five  battalions 
and  several  companies  of  riflemen.  But  the  royal  troops  were  very 
far  from  being  in  a  condition  to  undertake  any  thing  against  that  city ; 
they  esteemed  themselves  very  fortunate  in  arriving  sound  and  safe 
at  Halifax.  Before  proceeding  to  further  operations,  general  Howe 
chose  to  refresh  his  troops,  and  wait  for  the  re-inforcements  that  were 
expected  from  England. 

The  affairs  of  congress  assumed  an  aspect  no  less  prosperous  in 
North  Carolina  than  in  Massachusetts  ;  in  which,  however,  very  se- 
rious commotions  had  begun  to  manifest  themselves. 

Governor  Martin,  although  he  had  taken  refuge  on  board  the  ves- 
sels of  the  king,  did  not,  however,  remain  idle ;  and  he  busied  himself 
incessantly  in  devising  new  machinations  to  retrieve  the  royal  cause 
in  his  province.  He  flattered  himself  with  the  greater  hopes  of  suc- 
cess, as  he  knew  that  admiral  Peter  Parker  and  lord  Cornwallis  were 
departed  from  the  ports  of  England  for  an  expedition  against  the 
Carolinas.  He  was  also  informed  that  general  Clinton,  with  some 
companies,  was  on  his  way  to  join  him  at  Cape  Fear,  situated  upon 
the  river  of  the  same  name,  and  not  far  from  Wilmington.  At  the 
head  of  these  united  forces,  increased  by  the  Scotch  Highlanders  and 
the  regulators,  both  formidable  to  the  disaffected  from  their  experi- 
ence in  the  use  of  arms,  and  their  ardent  zeal  for  England,  he  had 
no  doubt,  whatever,  but  that  he  could  create  a  revolt  in  the  province,. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  323 

and  reduce  it  anew  under  the  authority  of  the  king.  After  having 
concerted  with  all  his  partisans,  he  erected  the  royal  standard,  sum- 
moning all  the  inhabitants  to  rally  round  it  in  defense  of  country  and 
lawful  authority  against  rebels.  To  render  more  efficacious  the  suc- 
cors of  the  highlanders  and  of  the  regulators,  as  well  as  of  all  the 
other  loyalists,  he  named  colonel  Macdonald,  an  officer  warmly  de- 
voted to  the  royal  cause,  captain-general  of  all  the  levies,  that  he 
might  organize  them  into,  regular  corps. 

This  plan  succeeded  according  to  his  hopes.  The  concourse  at 
Cross  Creek  swelled  every  day ;  the  patriots  were  threatened  with 
an  attack  in  this  part  unless  a  prompt  remedy  was  applied.  The 
provincial  assembly  opened  their  eyes  upon  the  danger,  and  dis- 
patched, with  all  speed,  against  this  head  of  loyalists,  all  the  militia 
that  were  in  preparation ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  directed  that 
others  should  be  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  province. 

The  two  parties  that  divided  Carolina  thus  found  themselves, 
marshaled  the  one  against  the  other,  animated  with  an  equal  fury. 

The  patriots  were  commanded  by  general  Moore ;  he  went  to 
take  post,  with  a  few  pieces  of  cannon,  in  front  of  the  loyalists,  at  a 
place  called  Rock-Fish  Bridge,  where,  having  broken  the  bridge,  he 
intrenched  himself.  Macdonald  summoned  him  to  come  and  put 
himself  under  the  royal  standard,  or  to  expect  to  be  treated  as  an 
enemy.  Moore  answered  him  that  he  had  himself  to  take  an  oath 
of  fidelity  to  congress,  and  to  lay  down  arms,  and  that,  in  so  doing, 
he  should  be  received  as  a  friend.  During  these  negotiations,  which 
Moore  had  the  address  to  draw  into  length,  his  forces  so  increased 
that  he  soon  acquired  a  decided  superiority  over  his  adversary. 
Macdonald,  at  length,  perceived  the  danger  of  his  situation ;  and 
though  he  was  already  surrounded  on  every  side  by  the  provincials, 
he  disengaged  himself  with  equal  ability  and  courage.  Marching 
rapidly,  and  without  interruption,  interposing  continually  between 
himself  and  his  pursuers,  rivers,  forests,  and  difficult  defiles,  he 
measured  a  space  of  eighty  miles,  in  defiance  of  the  vigilance  of 
the  enemy,  eager  to  cut  off  his  retreat,  and  arrived  at  Moore's 
Creek,  sixteen  miles  from  Wilmington. 

There  he  hoped  to  be  joined  by  governor  Martin  and  general  Clin- 
ton, who  were  already  arrived  at  Cape  Fear.  But  the  provincials, 
who  had  never  ceased  to  follow  him,  not  only  prevented  this  junc- 
tion, but  reduced  him  to  the  necessity  of  giving  battle.  He  displayed 
in  it  an  r-treme  bravery;  but  captain  Macleod,  and  many  other 
of  his  officers,  having  been  killed,  his  troops  were  seized  with  a  panic, 
and  fled,  leaving  their  general  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies.  Macdon- 
ald was  made  prisoner,  with  many  other  loyalists.     Their  enemies 


324  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

derived  an  immense  advantage  from  this  victory ;  for  if  Macdonald 
had  been  victor,  or  if  he  could  only  have  effected  his  junction  with 
governor  Martin  and  general  Clinton,  they  might  then  have  waited 
at  Cape  Fear  for  the  re-inforcements  that  were  coming  from  Ireland ; 
and  the  affairs  of  the  congress  would  have  been  very  near  desperate 
in  the  southern  provinces.  The  Carolinians  learned,  besides,  to  know 
their  own  strength,  and  refuted  the  opinion  which  had  generally  pre- 
vailed of  the  weakness  of  North  Carolina.  They  had  combated, 
with  success,  the  regulators  and  the  Scotch,  who  had  appeared  to 
them  at  first  so  formidable ;  and  in  the  space  of  ten  days  they  had 
assembled  ten  thousand  men,  full  of  courage  and  resolution. 

The  precipitation  of  the  loyalists  was  the  cause  of  their  ruin ;  if 
they  had  temporized  until  the  arrival  of  succors  from  Europe,  and 
then  only  raised  the  standard  of  the  king,  they  might,  without  doubt, 
have  struck  a  decisive  blow,  and  thus  have  caused  the  balance  to 
incline  in  their  favor  in  the  southern  provinces. 

We  have  left  lord  Dunmore  cruising  with  his  vessels  upon  the 
coast  of  Virginia ;  he  continued  still  for  a  long  time  upon  this  station. 
But  all  the  places  of  landing  being  diligently  guarded  by  the  militia, 
far  from  being  able  to  make  any  impression,  he  could  not  even  pro- 
cure the  sustenance  necessary  for  the  multitude  accumulated  on 
board  his  squadron.  Consequently  the  excessive  heats,  the  corrup- 
tion of  the  water  and  of  the  provisions,  and  the  crowd  of  men  in 
the  ships,  generated  offensive  and  deleterious  miasmata.  A  pestilen- 
tial malady  carried  off,  in  mass,  the  whites  and  the  blacks ;  but  it  was 
especially  mortal  among  the  latter.  In  this  deplorable  state  the 
squadron  of  lord  Dunmore  wandered  from  island  to  island,  from  shore 
to  shore.  He  found,  upon  all  points,  the  inhabitants  armed  to  repulse 
him,  and  he  wanted  forces  to  open  himself  a  passage  through  them. 
To  crown  the  measure  of  misfortune,  the  winds  drove  a  part  of  the 
ships  upon  the  coasts  of  Virginia,  where  the  wretched  fugitives, 
become  the  prisoners  of  their  own  fellow-citizens,  did  but  exchange 
this  pestiferous  abode  for  dark  and  horrible  dungeons.  At  length,  to 
escape  a  certain  death  upon  these  shores,  lord  Dunmore  resolved  to 
burn  the  ships  of  least  value.  The  miserable  wrecks  of  soldiers  and 
of  Virginians,  buffeted  by  tempests,  devoured  by  famine,  by  thirst, 
and  by  diseases,  went  to  seek  refuge  in  the  Floridas,  the  Bermudas, 
and  the  West  Indies.  Thus  delivered  of  its  enemy,  the  province 
recovered  tranquillity.  Such  was  the  catastrophe  that  terminated 
the  expedition  of  lord  Dunmore  against  Virginia,  and  the  result  of 
his  plan  of  revolt  of  negroes  against  their  masters. 

Meanwhile,  the  congress  had  not  remitted  their  preparations  of 
maritime  war;  they  felt  the  necessity  of  protecting  their  own  coasts 


BOOK  Vr.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  325 

from  the  insult  of  the  enemy's  cruisers,  as  also  the  extreme  utility  of 
intercepting  the  store-ships  of  the  English  armies.  There  was  no 
deficiency  either  of  materials  suitable  for  the  construction  of  vessels, 
or  of  excellent  mariners ;  the  interruption  of  commerce  and  of  the 
fisheries  having  left  a  very  great  number  of  them  without  employment. 
Accordingly  the  work  was  pushed  with  such  ardor  in  the  navy  yards 
of  Maryland,  of  Philadelphia,  and  of  Rhode  Island,  that  upon  the 
commencement  of  the  year  were  seen  floating  in  the  waters  of  (he 
Delaware  five  frigates,  or  corvettes,  and  thirteen  gun  sloops,*  com- 
pletely equipped  and  armed. 

The  congress  had  ordained,  besides,  that  thirteen  frigates,  of 
thirty-six  guns  each,  should  be  constructed  with  all  possible  expedi- 
tion. Then,  in  order  to  form  the  seamen  to  the  evolutions  of  mari- 
time war,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  procure  themselves  arms  and 
munitions,  and  especially  powder,  they  ordered  Ezekiel  Hopkins, 
captain-general  of  the  fleet,  to  make  sail  for  the  Bahama  Islands. 
He  put  to  sea  about  the  middle  of  February,  and  after  a  prosperous 
voyage  arrived,  in  the  beginning  of  March,  at  Abaco,  one  of  these 
islands. 

Being  informed  that  the  English  had  amassed  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  munitions  in  that  of  Providence,  he  made  a  sudden  descent 
there,  and  seized  them.  The  Americans  found  many  pieces  of 
cannon,  with  bombs,  balls,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  casks  of 
powder,  the  capital  object  of  the  expedition.  In  their  return  they 
combated  honorably  a  British  frigate,  and  captured  a  brig.  The 
squadron  of  congress,  with  its  prizes,  entered  the  port  of  New  Lon- 
don. Frequent  engagements  also  took  place  in  the  bay  of  Boston, 
between  the,  ships  of  commodore  Bankes,  and  those  of  Massachu- 
setts. One  of  the  most  remarkable  was  that  in  which  captain  Mug- 
ford  captured  a  transport,  laden  with  a  great  quantity  of  arms  and 
military  stores. 

The  navy  of  congress  not  only  distinguished  itself  upon  the  coasts, 
but  also,  what  was  scarcely  to  haye  been  hoped,  in  the  open  sea.  Its 
success  perceptibly  increased  the  confidence  and  hope  of  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  they  accustomed  themselves,  by  little  and  little,  to  act  as  a 
nation  enjoying  its  entire  independence. 

The  desire  to  see  it  universally  acknowledged  was  excited  in 
some,  and  fortified  with  others,  in  proportion  to  the  prosperous  result 

*  The  frigates  were  the  Alfred  and  the  Columbus,  of  thirty-two  guns  ;  the  corvettes, 
the  Andreas  Doria  of  sixteen,  the  Sebastian  Cabot  of  fourteen,  and  the  Providence  of 
twelve.  The  thirteen  gun-boats  bore  the  names  following ;  the  Washington,  the  Dick- 
inson, the  Chatham,  the  Camden,  the  Burke,  the  Effingham,  the  Bull-dog,  the  Frank- 
lin, the  Congress,  the  Experiment,  the  Hancock,  the  Adams,  and  the  Warren. 


326  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI* 

of  their  efforts.  They  were  not  crowned  with  the  same  happy  suc- 
cess in  Canada.  Arnold,  who  had  continued,  with  his  feeble  corps, 
the  siege  of  Quebec,  found  himself  oppressed  by  a  multitude  of 
obstacles.  The  re-inforcements  the  congress  had  promised  him,  ar- 
rived but  slowly  and  by  parties,  either  because  the  severity  of  the 
season  rendered  the  roads  nearly  impracticable,  or  because  the  ill 
success  of  the  assault  of  Quebec  had  considerably  damped  the  ardor 
with  which  the  novelty  and  brilliant  commencement  of  this  expedi- 
tion had  inspired  the  Americans. 

It  appeared  that  congress  itself,  either  distracted  by  too  many 
cares,  or  wanting  the  necessary  means,  had  neglected  to  take  proper 
measures  for  conducting  the  Canadian  war  to  the  object  desired.  In 
vain  had  the  greater  part  of  the  garrison  of  Montreal  been  marched 
to  Quebec ;  the  soldiers  under  Arnold  still  scarcely  amounted  to  a 
thousand  effective  men. 

The  Canadians,  who  at  first  had  welcomed  the  Americans  wit!) 
cordiality,  and  had  supplied  them  with  all  that  was  in  their  power, 
finding  themselves  afterwards  exposed  to  various  excesses  on  the  part 
of  this  undisciplined  troop,  had  passed  from  benevolence  to  aversion. 
It  must  be  admitted,  they  had  too  much  reason  for  it.  The  Ameri- 
cans had  not  only  omitted  to  conciliate  the  countenance  of  the 
Catholic  priests,  which  irritated  their  self-love,  but  they  had  even 
overwhelmed  them  with  contempt,  which  excited  among  them  detes- 
tation and  a  thirst  of  vengeance.  The  insinuations  of  governor 
Carleton  and  of  all  his  partisans  succeeded,  therefore,  without  diffi- 
culty, in  persuading  them  to  refuse  the  sacraments  to  all  those  who 
had  declared  for  the  Americans.  This  refusal  produced  an  impres- 
sion so  serious  upon  the  minds  of  the  Canadians,  that  the  provincials, 
perceiving  how  prejudicial  it  might  prove  to  their  interests,  dispatch- 
ed a  Catholic  priest  from  Maryland,  in  order  to  dispense  to  the  Cana- 
dians all  the  spiritual  succors  of  which  they  were  deprived.  But 
this  remedy  was  employed  too  late.  Affairs  already  assumed  the 
most  discouraging  aspect. 

A  French  gentleman  of  intrepidity,  named  Beaujeu,  had  assem- 
bled a  corps  of  nobles  and  other  inhabitants  with  whom  he  had  influ- 
ence, at  the  head  of  whom  he  had  taken  the  field.  The  Americans 
had  engaged  him  with  advantage ;  but  they  had  no  means  to  re- 
pair the  injury  their  cause  had  suffered,  as  well  from  its  known 
weakness,  as  from  the  outrages  committed  against  the  inhabitants  of 
the  country.  To  increase  their  distress,  the  season  approached  in 
which  the  re-inforcements,  already  known  to  be  departed  from  Eng- 
land, were  about  to  arrive.  The  river  St.  Lawrence,  no  longer  ob- 
structed with  ice,  opened  them  a  free  passage  up  to  the  city  of  Que- 


BOOK   VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  327 

bee.  It  would  have  been  too  hazardous  to  await  them  with  forces 
so  disproportionate. 

In  this  critical  position,  Arnold,  who  had  recently  been  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  prepared,  with  a  courage  as  great 
as  his  resources  were  feeble,  to  reduce  the  besieged  city.  Its  pos- 
session would  have  rendered  the  enmity  of  the  Canadians  in  a  great 
measure  impotent,  and  the  English  troops  would  thus  have  lost  their 
communication  with  the  upper  parts  of  the  province. 

Arnold  was  not  entirely  without  hope  of  success.  Governor 
Carleton  experienced  a  dearth,  rendered  more  and  more  afflicting 
by  the  vigilance  and  success  with  which  the  provincials  intercepted 
all  his  convoys  of  provisions  ;  nor  did  they  cease,  besides,  to  harass 
and  fatigue  the  garrison  by  false  attacks  and  multiplied  stratagems, 
hoping,  from  its  weakness,  to  find,  sooner  or  later,  some  way  to  sur- 
prise the  place. 

They  had  approached  the  walls  to  open  the  trench,  and  had  erect- 
ed batteries  upon  the  banks  of  the  river,  in  order  to  cannonade  the 
English  vessels.  They  fired  with  red  hot  balls,  and  launched  dif- 
ferent sorts  of  fireworks  into  the  city  ;  but  general  Carleton  watched 
attentively  and  disconcerted  all  their  maneuvers.  The  obstacles 
that  Arnold  encountered,  were  carried  to  the  utmost  by  the  small- 
pox, a  malady  so  formidable  in  these  climates.  The  re-inforcements 
he  expected,  arrived  greatly  reduced  by  this  scourge ;  the  soldiers 
fled  from  terror,  or  were  infected  by  the  contagion  ;  the  ranks 
thinned  continually.  It  was  at  this  epoch  that  general  Thomas 
took  the  command.  He  wished,  before  raising  the  siege,  to  make 
a  last  effort,  by  setting  fire  to  the  ships  of  the  governor,  and  seizing 
the  occasion  of  the  disorder  to  attempt  the  assault.  The  river 
being  already  free  from  ice  before  Quebec,  on  the  night  of  the 
third  of  May,  the  Americans  sent  down  a  fire-ship ;  their  ladders 
were  prepared  for  the  assault.  The  English,  having  taken  the 
alarm,  began  to  fire;  the  men  who  managed  the  fire-ship,  finding 
themselves  discovered,  set  her  on  fire. 

In  this  posture  of  affairs,  having  no  longer  any  thing  to  expect, 
either  from  a  regular  siege  or  a  scalade,  seeing  the  troops  diminish 
daily,  as  well  in  number  as  in  courage,  having  no  more  provisions 
left  than  for  three  days,  and  fearing,  at  every  moment,  the  arrival 
of  the  English  re-inforcements,  the  American  general  resolved  to 
abandon  the  expedition  entirely,  and  to  retire  towards  Montreal. 
The  very  morning  of  the  day  appointed  for  raising  the  siege,  the 
Isis  ship,  of  fifty-four  guns,  arrived  in  sight  of  Quebec,  with  the 
frigate  Surprise,  and  another  vessel  of  less  force. 

With  equal  industry  and  peril,  they  had  ventured  to  navigate  the 


328  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI,. 

river  from  its  mouth,  in  the  midst  of  enormous  masses  of  floating 
ice.  They  had  on  board  several  companies  of  veteran  soldiers,  who 
were  immediately  put  on  shore. 

The  ships,  now,  having  the  command  of  the  river,  intercepted  all 
communication  between  the  different  parts  of  the  American  camp, 
and  even  captured  a  great  number  of  vessels  belonging  to  the  pro- 
vincials. This  unexpected  event  threw  them  into  the  greatest  con- 
sternation. They  precipitately  abandoned  their  quarters,  leaving 
behind  them  their  baggage,  their  artillery,  their  munitions,  and 
whatever  might  have  retarded  their  march  ;  the  English  seized  them 
immediately. 

The  sick,  attacked,  for  the  most  part,  with  the  small-pox,  escaped 
as  they  could ;  the  Canadians  were  moved  with  compassion,  and 
concealed  them  here  and  there.  Meanwhile,  the  governor  had  sal- 
lied out  at  the  head  of  the  garrison  to  pursue  the  Americans.  He 
made  no  few  of  them  prisoners  ;  but  they  gave  themselves  no  pause 
until  they  had  marched  full  forty-five  miles  up  the  St.  Lawrence ; 
then,  having  halted  a  few  hours,  they  retired  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Sorel,  where  they  were  joined  by  four  regiments. 

They  lost,  in  this  place,  general  Thomas,  who  died  of  the  small- 
pox ;  his  valor  and  his  integrity  rendered  him  the  object  of  univer- 
sal consideration.  General  Sullivan  succeeded  in  command.  Gene- 
ral Carleton,  after  such  prosperous  success,  reflecting  upon  his  ex- 
treme weakness,  ceased  to  pursue  the  enemy,  and  returned  to  Qir  - 
bee,  intending  to  wait  for  re-inforcements,  and  then  take  the  nV;:i 
with  forces  sufficient  to  maintain  himself  there.  But  he  first  gave 
the  most  honorable  proofs  of  that  humanity  which  distinguished  him. 
The  Americans,  whether  wounded  or  sick,  were  concealed  in  the 
forests  or  in  the  habitations  of  the  Canadians,  where  they  had  to 
suffer  all  evils  united.  The  governor  issued  ti  proclamation,  by 
which  he  ordained  that  men,  appointed  for  this  purpose,  should  go 
in  search  of  these  unfortunate  men,  to  cure  them  at  the  public 
expense,  and  provide  for  all  their  wants.  Finally,  that  they  might 
not  fear  to  discover  themselves,  he  pledged  his  faith,  that  so  soon 
as  they  should  have  recovered  health,  he  would  leave  them  at  their 
full  and  entire  liberty  to  return,  without  conditions,  to  their  own 
habitations. 

A  few  days  subsequent  to  the  deliverance  of  Quebec,  that  is, 
about  the  last  of  the  month  of  May,  several  regiments  of  English 
and  Brunswickers  arrived  in  Canada.  These  re-inforcements  car- 
ried the  British  army  in  that  province  to  upwards  of  thirteen  thou- 
sand men,  commanded  by  experienced  generals,  among  whom  Carle- 
ton  was  the  first  in  reputation,  as  in  rank.     Under  his  orders  tffcre 


HOOK:    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  329 

Burgoyne,  Phillipps,  and  Reidesel,  a  German  general  of  considerable 
name. 

Wishing  to  profit  by  the  rout  of  the  Americans,  they  were  all  of 
opinion  that  the  war  should  be  carried  into  the  upper  parts  of  Cana- 
da, and  even  further,  if  fortune  should  prove  propitious.  The  Eng- 
lish general  accordingly  assembled  all  his  forces  at  Trois  Rivieres,  a 
town  situated  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  at  a  distance 
nearly  equal  from  Montreal  and  from  Quebec. 

The  constancy  of  the  Americans  had  been  put  to  a  severe  test 
under  the  walls  of  this  capital ;  they  had  also  to  sustain  a  sanguina- 
ry conflict  in  the  environs  of  Montreal,  against  a  corps  of  English, 
of  Canadians,  and  of  savages.  They  occupied  a  small  fort  situated 
in  a  place  called  les-Cedres,  a  few  miles  above  Montreal. 

The  royalists  appeared  before  it,  and  captains  Beadle  and  Butter- 
field,  more  careful  of  their  safety  than  of  their  honor,  and  the  inter- 
ests of  their  country,  immediately  surrendered  upon  terms.  Some 
companies  had  commenced  their  march  from  Montreal  to  bring  them 
succor,  but  they  fell  in  with  a  party  of  the  enemy,  who  dispersed 
them,  after  an  obstinate  and  bloody  resistance.  The  Indians  exer- 
cised the  most  shocking  cruelties  upon  the  prisoners.  Arnold,  who 
was  then  at  Montreal,  unable  to  endure  that  the  American  arms 
should  receive  a  check  from  those  of  the  Canadians  and  savages, 
immediately  took  the  field  in  order  to  avenge  this  affront.  But  cap- 
tain Foster  gave  him  to  understand,  that  if  he  attacked  him  and  re- 
fused to  consent  to  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  all  the  Americans  that 
were  found  in  his  power  would  be  massacred  immediately  by  the 
Indians.  Arnold  was  constrained,  though  with  extreme  repugnance, 
to  yield  to  necessity. 

Neither  these  adverse  events,  nor  the  aspect  of  a  position  so  crit- 
ical, could  shake  the  courage  of  the  Americans.  It  was  at  this 
very  moment  that  they  attempted  an  operation  full  of  danger,  and 
of  no  little  difficulty. 

The  English  troops  and  those  of  Brunswick  were  much  dispersed, 
and  very  distant  from  each  other.  A  strong  corps  was  quartered  at 
Trois  Rivieres,  under  the  command  of  general  Frazer ;  another,  at 
the  orders  of  general  Nesbit,  continued  on  board  the  transports  ;  and 
the  most  considerable  corps,  forming  several  divisions,  under  gene- 
rals Carleton,  Burgoyne,  Phillipps,  and  Reidesel,  was  distributed 
upon  the  banks,  and  upon  the  river  itself,  in  its  lower  part,  on  the 
side  of  Quebec.  Some  other  batteaux,  full  of  soldiers,  had  already 
passed  up  the  river  above  Trois  Rivieres,  towards  the  Sorel.  The 
Americans  conceived  the  project  of  surprising  and  cutting  off  the 
English  division  that  occupied  Trois  Rivieres,  before  the  others  could 
vol.  i.  #3* 


530  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

come  to  its  assistance.  General  Sullivan  accordingly  directed  gene- 
ral Thompson  to  embark,  with  two  thousand  men,  upon  fifty  bat- 
teaux  that  were  kept  in  preparation  for  the  use  of  the  army,  and  to 
descend  the  river.  Thompson  coasted  along  the  right  bank  of  the 
lake  St.  Pierre,  formed  by  the  vast  breadth  of  the  river  in  this  place, 
and  arrived  without  being  perceived  at  Nicole te,  a  town  situated 
upon  the  same  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  a  little  above  Trois  Rivie- 
res. His  design  was  to  cross  the  river  during  the  night,  to  land  nine 
miles  above  Trois  Rivieres,  and  to  fall  upon  the  enemy  before  day. 
But  it  had  already  appeared,  before  the  Americans,  retarded  by  many 
unexpected  obstacles,  could  gain  the  left  bank.  They  marched, 
however,  with  incredible  rapidity  towards  the  destined  point;  but 
treacherous  guides  misled  them.  On  having  discovered  it,  they 
resumed  the  right  road,  which  was  excessively  difficult. 

Meanwhile,  the  sun  was  risen,  and  they  were  perceived  by  the 
troops  that  were  on  board  the  vessels.  The  alarm  was  soon  given, 
and  general  Frazer  was  promptly  apprised  of  the  danger.  The 
Americans,  seeing  themselves  discovered,  redoubled  their  celerity. 
They  arrived  at  nine  in  the  morning  in  sight  of  Trois  Rivieres  ;  but 
they  found  the  English  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle,  and  prepared  to 
receive  them.  The  action  was  engaged;  the  Americans,  after  a 
feeble  struggle,  were  thrown  into  disorder,  and  fled.  This  notwith- 
standing, they  were  rallied;  but  the  day  was  already  lost  without 
remedy.  Nesbit,  landing  all  at  once  with  his  division,  took  the  Amer- 
icans in  rear.  From  this  moment  their  rout  was  complete.  The 
soldiers,  no  longer  keeping  any  order,  sought  their  safety  in  the 
woods. 

Pressed  in  front  by  Frazer,  who  overwhelmed  them  with  a  fire  of 
grape-shot,  and  intercepted  by  Nesbit,  who  prevented  their  return  to 
the  batteaux,  they  suffered  horribly  in  the  passage  of  a  marsh.  Hav- 
ing, at  length,  by  incredible  efforts,  succeeded  in  crossing  it,  they 
plunged  into  thick  forests,  where  the  English  ceased  to  pursue  them. 

When  they  were  able  to  rejoin  their  boats,  they  hastened  to  return 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel.  They  left  many  prisoners  in  the  power 
of  the  English,  among  whom  were  general  Thompson  himself,  and 
colonel  Irwin,  with  many  other  officers  of  distinction  ;  they  had  few 
killed.  The  loss  of  the  royal  troops  was  still  less.  Such  was  the 
issue  of  the  expedition  of  Trois  Rivieres,  conceived  with  ability,  un- 
dertaken with  intrepidity,  but  finally  directed  with  imprudence. 

The  success  depending  entirely  on  a  surprise  by  night,  ii  is  cer- 
tain, that  when  the  Americans  perceived  they  could  only  attack  in 
open  day,  and  still  more,,  that  their  enemy  was  on  his  guard,  the 
part  of  wisdom  would  have  been  to  halt,  and  to  recover  their  first 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAB.  331 

position.  Discouraged  by  this  check,  and  by  the  consideration  of 
their  weakness,  the  provincials  resolved  to  retreat.  The  English,  on 
the  contrary,  animated  by  victory,  determined  to  use  it  with  all 
promptitude.-  Having  combined  all  their  divisions  at  Trois  Rivieres, 
they  proceeded,  four  days  after  the  action,  towards  the  Sorel,  part  by 
♦.he  way  of  the  land,  and  part  upon  the  river.  They  arrived  at  the 
confluence,  a  few  hours  after  the  Americans  had  destroyed  their 
batteries,  and  carried  away  the  artillery  and  munitions. 

The  English  generals  then  formed  two  columns;  that  of  the  right 
was  to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  and  take  possession  of  Montreal, 
pass  the  river  to  Longueville,  traverse  the  country  which  is  com- 
prehended between  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Sorel,  and  re-unite  with 
the  column  of  the  left  under  fort  St.  John.  The  column  of  the  left 
was  to  ascend  the  river  up  to  this  fort,  which  it  was  intended  to  re- 
duce by  assault,  or  by  siege,  if  it  was  necessary  It  was  presumable 
that  the  Americans  would  endeavor  to  make  a  stand  there.  The 
first  column  soon  arrived  at  Montreal,  and  entered  it  without  obsta- 
cle ;  Arnold  had  evacuated  it,  as  well  as  the  whole  island,  the  night 
preceding.  Meanwhile,  Burgoyne  advanced  by  the  Sorel  with  ex- 
treme caution ;  the  country  being  suspicious,  he  feared  some  am- 
buscade. The  Americans  retired  with  an  equal  circumspection. 
They  wished  to  avoid  an  affair  of  the  rear  guard,  and  to  save  their 
baggage,  which,  conveyed  in  batteaux,  followed  upon  the  river  the 
progress  of  the  army. 

Arnold  at  length  gained  Fort  St.  John,  without  having  been  attack- 
ed, and  there  effected  his  junction  with  Sullivan.  But  this  general, 
knowing  the  disadvantage  of  his  position,  determined  not  to  risk  a 
siege  ;  he  set  fire  to  the  magazine  and  barracks,  dismantled  the  forti- 
fications, and  withdrew  under  the  cannon  of  Crown  Point.  Bur- 
goyne could  not  follow  him;  all  the  batteaux  having  been  burnt. 

Although  this  retreat  had  not  been  absolutely  exempt  from  confu- 
sion, it  was  not,  however,  with  the  exception  of  the  check  of  Trois 
Rivieres  and  that  of  Cedres,  attended  with  any  considerable  loss 
either  of  men,  of  arms,  of  munitions,  or  of  baggage. 

In  the  midst  of  so  many  dangers,  general  Sullivan  neglected  no 
part  of  his  duty;  the  congress  addressed  him  public  thanks.  The 
English  found  themselves  compelled  to  suspend  their  pursuit. 

By  falling  back  upon  Crown  Point,  the  Americans  had  interposed 
between  themselves  and  the  enemy,  all  the  length  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  of  which  a  large  number  of  armed  vessels  rendered  them 
masters.  The  English  could  not  hope  to  proceed  further  south,  by 
the  way  of  the  lake,  unless  they  armed  a  fleet  superior  to  that  of  the 
provincials.     It  was  necessary,  besides,  that  they  should  construct  a 


332  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

great  number  of  batteaux,  to  serve  for  the  transport  of  the  troops  and 
munitions  of  a  numerous  army. 

There  had  arrived  from  England,  it  is  true,  six  large  armed  ves- 
sels destined  for  this  use ;  but  the  falls  of  the  river  Sorel,  near  Fort 
Chambly,  rendered  their  entrance  into  the  lake,  if  not  impossible, 
certainly  very  difficult.  The  construction  of  flat  boats  presented, 
also,  numerous  difficulties,  and  required  a  considerable  time.  Upon 
these  considerations  the  English  renounced  all  further  pursuit,  and 
the  Americans  had  leisure  to  prepare  themselves  to  resist  the  future 
attacks  of  a  powerful  and  warlike  enemy. 

The  Americans  were  thus  arrested  by  an  insurmountable  obstacle 
in  this  expedition  of  Canada,  from  which  they  had  promised  them- 
selves so  great  advantages.  But  it  should  be  considered,  that  either 
through  inexperience,  or  from  the  difficulties  which  are  wont  to  ac- 
company new  and  tumultuary  governments,  this  enterprise  was  not 
commenced  until  the  season  was  already  too  far  advanced  in  these 
cold  regions;  it  was  not  carried  on  with  sufficient  forces;  and  the 
excesses  of  military  license  deprived  the  colonies  of  the  ancient 
friendship  of  the  Canadians,  which  was  not  only  necessary,  but  even 
indispensable  to  the  success  of  their  cause.  It  is  certain,  however, 
that  if  this  enterprise  had  been  conducted  with  a  prudence  and  vigor 
equal  to  the  boldness  which  had  dictated  its  plan,  or  even  if  destiny 
had  not  cut  off  the  days  of  Montgomery  at  a  moment  so  critical,  the 
Americans  would  have  gained  the  object  of  all  their  efforts.  But 
fortune  does  not  always  favor  the  brave,  nor  do  the  brave  always 
know  how  to  use  fortune  well. 

This  expedition  of  Canada,  moreover,  led  the  government  or  Brit- 
ish generals  into  a  signal  error  with  respect  to  the  conduct  of  all 
this  war ;  to  this  cause,  especially,  must  be  attributed  the  inutility  of 
all  their  efforts  against  America. 

In  effect,  the  invasion  of  Canada  by  the  Americans,  was  perhaps 
the  first  motive  which  determined  the  English  ministry  to  assemble 
so  considerable  forces  in  this  province,  and  to  divide  their  army  into 
two  distinct  parts,  one  of  which  was  to  descend  from  Canada,  by 
the  lakes,  into  the  interior  of  the  colonies,  and  the  other  to  attack 
them  in  front  upon  the  coasts. 

It  is  not  improbable,  that  if  instead  of  these  two  armies,  the  Eng- 
lish had  formed  but  one  only,  the  war  would  have  had  a  direction, 
and  perhaps  a  conclusion,  widely  different. 

The  congress  decreed,  in  honor  of  a  man  beloved  and  revered  by 
the  Americans,  that  there  should  be  procured  from  Paris  a  monu- 
ment, with  an  appropriate  inscription,  to  transmit  to  posterity  the 
memory  of  the  virtues  and  heroic  qualities  of  Richard  Montgomery . 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  333 

Thus,  by  the  example  of  those  of  the  dead,  they  encouraged  the 
virtues  of  the  living.  The  authors  of  revolutions,  too  often  of  pref- 
erence, employ  bad  citizens,  either  in  consequence  of  their  audacity 
in  recommending  themselves,  or  because,  having  no  other  principle 
but  their  personal  interest,  they  are  more  pliant  and  more  ductile 
in  the  hands  of  those  who  govern. 

It  should  be  observed,  on  the  contrary,  to  the  glory  of  the  Ameri- 
can congress,  that  they  sought  out  and  distinguished  men  of  worth. 
We  dare  not  affirm  that  the  number  of  such,  in  the  times  of  the  revo- 
lution, was  more  considerable  in  America  than  in  any  other  country. 
But  it  does  appear,  that  if  there  prevailed  among  the  Americans  of 
this  epoch,  the  vices  produced  by  an  immoderate  love  of  gain,  those 
were  scarcely  remarked  which  have  their  origin  in  luxury,  depravity 
of  manners,  and  the  ambition  of  power.  Religion  had  not  yet  lost 
its  authority  over  their  minds,  nor  had  it  become  fashionable  with 
them  to  offer  incense  at  the  altars  of  vice,  or  openly  to  rail  at  virtue, 
it  is  remarkable  that  the  English  manifested  no  less  enthusiasm 
than  the  Americans  for  the  memory  of  Montgomery. 

Within  the  parliament  itself,  there  were  found  orators  whose  elo- 
quence adjudged  him  all  the  praises  with  which  the  historians  of  an- 
tiquity have  commemorated  the  most  illustrious  men  of  their  times. 
Colonel  Bane  was  particularly  remarked  for  the  noble  pathos  of  the 
regrets  he  consecrated  to  the  death  of  his  gallant  enemy.  Burke  and 
Fox  endeavored  to  surpass  this  eulogium  in  their  speeches ;  Fox, 
especially,  who,  as  yet  very  young,  already  discovered  the  man  he 
was  afterwards  to  be.  Lord  North  reprehended  them  sharply,  ex- 
claiming, that  it  was  indecent  to  lavish  so  many  praises  upon  a  rebel. 
He  admitted  that  Montgomery  was  brave,  able,  humane,  and  gene- 
rous ;  but  still  he  was  only  a  brave,  able,  humane,  and  generous 
rebd ;  he  cited  this  verse  of  Addison  in  Cato, — '  Curse  on  his 
virtues  ;  they've  undone  his  country.'  Fox  answered  him  immedi- 
ately-, with  warmth,  that  '  the  term  "  rebel,"  applied  to  that  excel- 
lent person,  was  no  certain  mark  of  disgrace,  and  therefore  he  was 
the  less  earnest  to  clear  him  of  the  imputation  ;  for  that  all  the  great 
assertors  of  liberty,  the  saviors  of  their  country,  the  benefactors  of 
mankind,  in  all  ages,  had  been  called  rebels;  that  they  ever,  owed 
the  constitution,  which  enabled  them  to  sit  in  that  house,  to  a  re- 
bellion.'    He  added  this  passage  from  the  prince  of  Latin  poets — 

Sunt  hie  etiam  sua  prcemia  laudi, 
Sunt  lachrymal  rerum,  et  mentem  mortalia  tangunt. 

But  it  is  time  to  resume  the  thread  of  the  history.  The  Ameri- 
cans found  a  compensation  for  the  disasters  of  Canada,  in  the  suc- 
cess they  obtained  under  the  walls  of  Charleston,  in  South  Carolina 


331  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI 

The  ministers  had  resolved  to  aim  a  vigorous  blow  at  the  southern 
provinces,  because  they  had  persuaded  themselves,  and  not  without 
reason,  that  the  friends  of  England  were  more  numerous  there  than 
in  those  of  the  north.  They  had  no  doubt  that  they  would  all  show 
themselves  so  soon  as  the  troops  of  the  king  should  appear  in  force 
upon  the  coasts,  or  should  have  become  possessed  of  some  impor- 
tant post.  They  hoped,  with  the  succor  of  the  loyalists,  to  re-estab 
lish  the  ancient  order  of  things  in  these  provinces,  and  they  calcu- 
lated that  thence  they  might  afterwards  attack  in  flank  those  of  the 
middle  and  north ;  which,  being  pressed  in  the  rear,  on  the  part  of 
Canada,  by  a  strong  army,  and  in  front  on  the  part  of  the  sea,  by 
forces  no  less  formidable,  would  thus  be  deprived  of  all  power  of 
resistance.  The  ministers  already  saw  America  returned  to  its 
ancient  submission.  They  determined  to  turn  their  arms  at  first 
against  North  Carolina,  as  the  weakest  part,  and  to  add  to  this 
conquest  that  of  South  Carolina  and  of  Virginia,  according  to  the 
success  of  operations. 

For  this  reason  the  fleet,  having  on  board  the  troops  destined  for 
this  expedition,  had  sailed  from  the  ports  of  England  and  Ireland 
before  the  others.  General  Clinton,  who,  at  the  head  of  another 
considerable  corps,  was  to  come  from  New  York  to  join  the  new 
re-inforcements,  was  already  arrived  at  Cape  Fear,  not  having  been 
able  to  execute  his  design  of  attacking  Virginia.  But,  on  the  one 
hand,  the  impatience  of  the  loyalists  of  North  Carolina  had  caused 
the  miscarriage  of  the  expedition,  and  their  own  ruin  ;  on  the  other 
contrary  winds  and  storms  had  so  retarded  beyond  all  expectation 
the  passage  of  the  fleet  which,  under  the  command  of  admiral  Peter 
Parker,  was  bound  for  Cape  Fear,  that  it  could  not  reach  that  point 
until  long  after  the  calculated  term,  nor  until  the  loyalists  were 
already  put  down,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  Carolinas  were  not 
only  apprised  of  the  menaced  attack,  but  had  even  already  made  all 
their  preparations  for  resistance.  It  is  certain  that  if  the  loyalists  of 
North  Carolina  had  delayed  for  some  time  longer  to  declare  them- 
selves, c-r  if  the  sea  had  been  more  propitious  to  the  English,  the* 
affairs  of  congress  might  have  taken  a  disastrous  direction  in  the 
south.  The  squadron  of  admiral  Parker  arrived  at  Cape  Feat* 
about  the  beginning  of  May,  with  many  land  troops,  and  with  gene- 
rals Cornwallis,  Vaughan,  and  several  others.  Here  they  made 
fteif  junction  with  general  Clinton,  who,  from  seniority,  took  the 
c>;t  m  and  in  chief. 

T\-e  oh  -tmate  resistance  of  the  Virginians,  and  the  disasters  of 
the  paitisans  of  England  in  North  Carolina,  precluded  all  hope  of 
success  in  these  two  provinces ;  there  remained  therefore  no  other 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AWEfclCAK    WAtt.  335 

advisable  procedure  but  that  of  turning  against  South  Carolina ; 
which  expedition  offered  also  this  advantage,  that  the  reduction  of 
Charleston  secured  the  conquest  of  the  entire  province. 

'  Its  inhabitants,  struck  with  consternation  at  the  loss  of  their  capi 
ltd,  would  never  even* think  of  attempting  to  defend  an  open  country, 
exposed  to  the  inroads  of  an  active  and  disciplined  enemy.     Nor 
could  the  taking  of  Charleston  be  considered  a  difficult  operation; 
this  city  being  situated  upon  the  very  coast. 

The  plan  being  decided,  the  English  prepared  themselves  for  the 
execution.  But  the  Carolinians  had  neglected  nothing  to  secure 
themselves  the  means  of^  defending  their  province,  and  particularly 
their  capital.  The  chiefs  of  the  people,  as  we  have  already  related, 
had  taken  particular  care  to  fortify  Sullivan's  Island,  situated  on  the 
part  of  the  sea,  at  the  distance  of  six  miles  from  the  point  of  land 
formed  by  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers,  Ashley  and  Cooper,  and 
upon  which  the  city  of  Charleston  is  built.  This  island  so  commands 
the  channel  which  leads  to  the  port,  that  the  vessels  which  would 
enter  it  must  pass  under  the  cannon  of  fort  Moultrie.  It  had  recently 
been  armed  with  thirty-six  pieces  of  heavy  cannon,  and  twenty- 
six  of  inferior  caliber.  The  fort  itself  was  constructed  of  a  species 
of  wood  of  the  country,  which  the  inhabitants  denominated  Palmet- 
to, and  is  so  spongy  and  soft,  that  the  ball  is  deprived  by  it  of  its 
impetus,  and  lodges  within  it  without  causing  splinters.  The  mili- 
tia of  all  the  province  were  called  in  haste  to  the  defense  of  the 
city.  In  the  space  of  a  few  days  the  garrison  amounted  to  six  thou- 
sand Inen,  if  not  perfectly  disciplined,  at  least  full  of  ardor. 

The  regiment  on  pay,  of  South  Carolina,  was  sent  to  guard  fort 
Johnson,  situated  in  James  Island,  three  miles  from  Charleston,  and 
which  commanded  the  whole  breadth  of  the  channel. 

The  second  and  third  regiments  occupied  Sullivan's  Island.  Wil- 
liam Moultrie,  who  commanded  the  second  regiment,  was  charged 
with  the  defense  of  the  fort,  which  afterwards,  from  his  gallant 
defense  of  it,  was  called  by  his  name.  The  rest  of  the  troops  were 
distributed  in  the  most  important  posts  ;  the  roads  which  led  to  the 
sea  were  obstructed  by  abattis,  the  warehouses  of  the  coast  demol- 
ished, and  intrenchments  erected  upon  the  shore. 

There  was  not  an  inhabitant  who  had  not  in  hand  either  arms  or 
the  spade,  or  the  pick-axe.  The  blacks,  who  had  been  called  in 
from  the  country,  admirably  seconded  the  whites  in  all  the  labors  of 
fortification.  The  chief  command  belonged  to  general  Lee,  who 
possessed  the  entire  confidence  of  the  troops  and  of  the  people ; 
none  rivaled  him  in  devotion  to  the  common  cause.  The  hatred 
he  had  long  borne  towards  the  English  government,  the  love  of 


336  THE    AMERICAN    WAR,  BOOK  VI. 

glory,  and  tho  desire  of  answering  the  universal  expectation,  contin- 
ually excited  his  natural  ardor.  Rutledge,  a  man  of  great  influence 
in  the  province,  also  manifested  the  most  active  zeal  in  animating 
the  inhabitants  to  defend  themselves.  His  example  and  his  exhor- 
tations obtained  the  most  happy  results.  Every  one  was  at  his  post, 
expecting  the  enemy  with  intrepid  confidence.  Meanwhile,  the 
British  fleet  appeared,  and  cast  anchor  to  the  north  of  Sullivan's 
Island. 

The  ships  of  war  were  the  Bristol  and  Experiment,  of  fifty  guns  ; 
four  frigates,  the  Active,  the  Acteon,  the  Solehay,  and  the  Syren,  of 
twenty-eight ;  the  Sphynx  of  twenty,  the  Friendship  of  twenty-twor 
two  smaller  vessels  of  eight,  and  the  Thunder,  a  bomb-ketch. 

It  was  very  difficult,  especially  for  the  large  ships,  to  pass  the  bar 
which  is  found  at  the  entrance  of  the  channel  of  Charleston. 

It  was  not  without  extreme  fatigue  that  the  English  succeeded  in 
crossing  it  with  the  Bristol  and  Experiment,  even  after  they  had 
lightened  them  of  their  artillery  and  a  great  part  of  their  lading. 
They  struck,  and  it  was  thought  they  would  bilge  immediately  ;  but 
the  skill  of  the  officers  and  the  efforts  of  the  sailors  at  length  pre- 
served them.  The  intention  of  the  English  was  to  reduce  fort 
Moultrie,  in  order,  afterwards,  to  attack  the  city  without  obstacle. 
General  Clinton  issued  a  proclamation,  which  he  sent  into  the  city 
by  a  flag ;  he  therein  reminded  the  inhabitants  of  the  subversion  of 
all  laws,  of  the  tyranny  established  in  the  hands  of  the  congress,  the 
committees,  and  other  unconstitutional  authorities  ;  he  gave  them  a 
last  admonition,  before  proceeding  to  extremities  ;  he  exhorted  them 
to  avert  from  their  heads,  by  a  prompt  return  to  obedience,  the  ven- 
geance of  a  powerful  and  irritated  nation.  He  offered  pardon,  at 
the  same  time,  to  all  those  who  should  lay  down  arms  and  submit 
immediately. 

This  summons  produced  no  effect  whatever. 

The  English  generals  had  arranged  their  attack  in  the  following 
manner.  The  ships  were  to  cannonade  fort  Moultrie  in  front,  while 
a  corps  of  troops  landed  for  this  purpose  in  Long  Island,  to  the  east 
of  Sullivan's  Island,  should  cross  the  narrow  arm  of  the  sea  that 
separates  them,  and  which  was  believed  fordable.  This  corps  would 
then  have  pressed  the  fort  on  the  part  of  the  land,  which  was  mucli 
less  strongly  fortified.  This  plan  offered  them  so  fair  a  prospect  of 
success,  that  general  Lee  himself,  having  doubts  whether  the  fort 
could  be  defended,  recommended  that  it  should  be  evacuated,  and 
that  all  efforts  should  be  concentrated  for  the  defense  of  the  city. 
But  the  inhabitants,  who  dreaded  bombs  out  of  measure,  resolved 
to  attempt,  by  oil  means,  the  defense  of  the  fort, 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  337 

All  the  preparations  being  completed  on  the  one  part,  and  on  the 
other,  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-eighth  of  June,  the  ketch  Thun- 
der, protected  by  another  armed  vessel,  took  post,  and  began  to 
throw  bombs  into  fort  Moultrie,  while  the  rest  of  the  squadron 
advanced. 

About  eleven  o'clock,  the  Bristol,  the  Experiment,  the  Active,  and 
the  Solebay,  having  formed  in  line,  opened  a  violent  fire  against  the 
fort.  The  Sphynx,  the  Acteon,  and  the  Syren,  went  to  take  their 
station  to  the  west,  between  the  point  of  Sullivan's  Island  and  the 
city,  partly  to  be  able  to  sweep  the  interior  of  the  works,  and  partly 
to  intercept  all  communication  between  the  island  and  the  main  land, 
which  would  deprive  the  garrison  of  the  means  of  retreat,  prevent 
them  from  receiving  succors  of  men  and  of  munitions,  and  prohibit 
the  Carolinians  from  annoying  the  besiegers  by  fire  ships  or  other 
engines  of  war.  The  unskillfulness  of  the  pilots  caused  the  miscar- 
riage of  these  dispositions :  the  three  vessels  struck  upon  a  bank 
named  the  Middle  Grounds ;  two  of  them,  by  the  exertions  of  the 
mariners,  were  again  set  afloat,  but  not  without  having  received  consid- 
erable damage.  Whether  on  account  of  the  hour,  already  become 
late,  or  in  consequence  of  this  damage,  they  were  no  longer  in  a 
situation  to  execute  the  orders  of  the  captains.  As  to  the  Acteon, 
she  was  totally  stranded,  and,  the  next  morning,  burned.  During 
this  time,  the  first  four  vessels  had  kept  up  a  furious  cannonade 
against  the  fort,  which  was  returned  with  equal  vivacity.  The 
Thunder,  after  having  discharged  upwards  of  sixty  bombs,  found 
herself  so  disabled,  that  she  discontinued  her  fire ;  but  the  others 
maintained  it ;  and  if  the  attack  was  vigorous,  the  defense  was  not 
feeble.  The  English  themselves  were  constrained  to  admire  the 
intrepidity  of  the  Americans  in  so  hot  an  action. 

The  garrison  of  the  fort,  which  consisted  only  in  militia  and  a  few 
soldiers  of  the  line,  displayed  an  incredible  coolness  and  gallantry, 
in  the  service  of  their  artillery,  in  the  midst  of  the  tempest  of  balls 
which  was  hailed  upon  them  by  the  enemy's  squadron.  The  Ameri- 
cans aimed  with  an  extreme  precision.  The  English  ships  suffered 
excessively ;  and  their  loss  in  men  was  not  inconsiderable.  The 
Bristol,  especially,  being  damaged  in  all  her  rigging,  was  for  some 
time  so  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  batteries,  that  she  narrowly  escaped 
being  sunk.  Captain  Morris,  who  commanded  the  Acteon,  had 
already  received  several  wounds,  and  the  greater  part  of  his  men 
were  killed  ;  left  almost  alone  upon  the  deck,  he  refused  to  be  carried 
below,  until  a  ball  took  off  one  of  his  legs,  and  then  was  removed 
without  hope  of  life.  The  admiral  himself,  Peter  Parker,  received 
a  severe  contusion. 

vol.  1.  29 


338  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  YI. 

Lord  Campbell,  who  a  little  before  was  governor  of  the  province, 
was  mortally  wounded. 

The  loss  of  the  garrison  was  very  inconsiderable ;  nevertheless 
their  fire  slackened,  and  at  length  ceased  altogether.  Their  ammuni- 
tion was  exhausted,  and  the  English  considered  their  victory  as 
.  already  secure.  But  the  Americans  soon  succored  the  fort,  and  the 
cannonade  was  renewed  with  the  same  fury  as  at  first.  It  continued 
till  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening. 

The  English  then  perceiving  the  inutility  of  their  attack,  and  the 
deplorable  state  of  their  vessels,  and  not  seeing  the  corps  make  its 
appearance  which  was  to  have  come  up  on  the  part  of  Long  Island, 
determined  to  abandon  the  enterprise. 

Generals  Clinton  and  Cornwallis  would  have  crossed  the  arm  of 
the  sea  which  separates  the  two  neighboring  islands,  in  order  to  at- 
tack fort  Moultrie  on  the  land  side,  as  it  had  been  concerted,  but  the 
water  was  found  too  deep,  and  the  ford  impracticable  ;  this,  at  least, 
they  alledged.  On  the  other  hand,  even  though  they  should  have 
succeeded  in  surmounting  these  obstacles,  it  is  probable  they  would 
nave  found  others  more  formidable  still  upon  the  shores  of  Sullivan's 
Island.  Colonel  Thompson,  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  grenadiers 
of  his  regiment ;  colonel  Clark,  with  two  hundred  soldiers  of  North 
Carolina ;  colonel  Horry,  followed  by  two  hundred  militia  men  of 
South  Carolina,  and  Racoon's  company  of  riflemen,  with  some  pieces 
of  aitillery,  had  occupied  the  posts  situated  at  the  eastern  extremity 
of  the  island.  It  is,  therefore,  credible,  that  it  was  more  the  prepa- 
rations of  defense  made  by  the  Americans,  than  the  difficulty  of  the 
ford,  which  prevented  the  English  generals  from  attempting  the  pas- 
sage. Can  it  be  supposed  that  officers,  so  experienced,  should  have 
continued  nine  whole  days  on  Long  Island  without  having  caused  the 
depth  of  the  waters  to  be  sounded,  and  ascertaining  long  before  the 
time  of  the  action,  whether  they  were  fordable  or  not? 

It  appears  equally  difficult  to  comprehend  how,  after  having  dis- 
covered either  that  the  ford  was  impracticable,  or  the  position  of  the 
Americans  impregnable,  the  English  should  have  remained  inactive 
on  Long  Island,  instead  of  endeavoring  to  land  upon  some  other 
part  of  Sullivan's  Island  by  means  of  the  boats  they  had  assembled. 
This  circumstance  presents  several  points  which  it  is  impossible  to 
explain.  However  it  may  be,  the  English  retired  during  the  night, 
and  the  following  morning  their  ships  were  already  at  the  distance  of 
two  miles  from  the  island.  A  few  days  after,  having  re-embarked 
their  troops,  they  made  sail  for  New  York,  where  the  army,  increased 
by  all  the  re-inforcements  it  had  received  from  England,  expected 
general  Howe. 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  339 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  attack  of  fort  Moultrie  by  the  English. 
ft  placed  the  affairs  of  South  Carolina,  for  the  present,  in  a  state 
of  security.  The  fort  itself  received  little  injury,  either  because 
the  balls  of  the  enemy  passed  above  it,  or  because  the  spongy  wood, 
of  which  it  was  constructed,  diminished  their  effect. 

This  battle  was  remarkable  on  the  side  of  the  Americans,  for  some 
of  those  traits  of  obstinate  courage,  which  are  the  usual  result  of  the 
fermentation  of  minds  in  the  midst  of  political  revolutions.  Among 
others,  it  is  recorded,  that  a  sergeant  of  grenadiers,  named  Jasper, 
on  seeing  the  staff  of  the  American  standard  cut  by  a  ball,  sprung 
after  it  to  the  ground,  and  fastened  it  to  the  rammer  of  a  cannon ; 
then  mounting  upon  the  parapet,  hoisted  it  anew  in  the  midst  of  the 
most  violent  fire  of  the  enemy.  President  Rutledge  presented  him 
with  a  sword,  complimenting  him  highly  and  publicly. 

Sergeant  MacdonaM,  mortally  wounded,  and  upon  the  point  of 
expiring,  continued  to  encourage  his  soldiers  in  the  defense  of  coun- 
try and  of  liberty.  These  examples  of  intrepidity  were  the  subject 
of  great  encomium  in  all  the  journals,  and  in  all  assemblies,  both 
public  and  private. 

These  happy  successes  inflamed  the  minds  of  the  Americans  witn 
new  ardor.  The  event  having  demonstrated  of  what  importance 
was  fort  Moultrie,  and  on  the  other  hand,  how  difficult  it  was  to 
throw  succors  into  it  by  way  of  the  sea,  it wasiesolved  to  unite  Sul- 
livan's Island  to  the  continent  by  a  bridge..  This  important  work, 
notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles  it  presented^  was  executed  by  gene- 
ral Gadsden,  a  zealous  patriot,  and  one  of  the  most  distinguished 
men  of  the  province.  The  congress,  by  a  special  decree,  voted  their 
thanks  to  major-general  Lee,  to  colonel  Moultrie,  to  colonel  Thomp- 
son, and  to  all  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  had  displayed  equal 
courage  and  patriotism  in  this  memorable  defense. 

At  this  epoch,  America  was  found  in  a  strange  situation,  and 
actually  unheard  of  till  then.  The  war  she  had  carried  on  with  so 
much  vigor,  now,  for  more  than  a  year,  was  directed  against  a  king 
to  whom  she  incessantly  renewed  her  protestations  of  obedience ; 
and  the  same  men,  who  committed  all  the  acts  of  rebellion,  would 
by  no  means  be  called  rebels.  In  all  the  tribunals,  justice  was  still 
administered  in  the  name  of  the  king ;  and  in  the  churches,  prayers 
were  continually  repeated  for  the  preservation  and  happiness  of  that 
prince,  whose  authority  was  not  only  entirely  rejected,  but  also  fought 
against  with  incredible  obstinacy.  It  was  declared  to  be  the  gene- 
ral  wish  to  resume  the  ancient  connection,  to  re-establish  the  original 
form  of  the  royal  government,  whereas,  in  reality,  the  republican  sys- 
tem had  been  long  since  introduced.     A  desire  was  pretended  to 


340  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  VI. 


arrive  at  one  object,  while  all  those  means  were  resorted  to  which  led 
to  another  aosolutely  opposite ;  in  effect,  in  no  revolution  of  state 
has  there  ever  been  observed  so  much  incongruity  between  words 
and  actions. 

Such  a  state  of  things  could  not  have  duration  ;  if  the  vulgar  per- 
suaded themselves  that  force  of  arms  would  reduce  the  government 
to  bond  before  their  will,  enlightened  citizens  perceived,  distinctly, 
that  the  wound  was  become  incurable ;  and  that  it  was  hoped2  in 
vain,  to  see  the  restoration  of  ancient  ties  between  the  colonies  and 
the  parent  state.  They  well  knew  that  the  obstinacy  of  the  British 
government  was  the  fruit  of  pride,  and  that  whatever  successes  the 
Americans  might  obtain  in  the  course  of  the  war,  they  could  never 
be  of  such  a  nature  as  to  alarm  this  government  for  its  own  exist- 
ence ;  the  only  extremity,  however,  that  would  be  capable  of  m- 
ducing  it  to  listen  to  a  negotiation  of  accord. 

The  Americans  could  wage  only  a  defensive  war ;  and  even  sup- 
posing they  should  vanquish  the  armies  of  Grreat  Britain*,  she  would 
always  be  able  to  renew  the  conflict.  On  the  other  hand,  the  mere 
loss  of  commerce  with  America,  would  not  suffice  to  determine  the 
government  to  accede  to  the  conditions  of  the  colonists,  since  all  the 
other  parts  of  the  globe  were  open  to  it.  Besides,  great  naval  forces 
being  the  surest  guaranty  of  the  s:A  ty  0f  commerce,  that  nation, 
whose  marine  shall  lavee  acquired  an  acknowledged  superiority,  will 
see  its  commerce  increase  and  flourish  under  the  protection  of  its 
flag.  Nor  should  it  be  omitted,  that  however  the  principle  of  the 
quarrel  seemed  to  consist  in.  a  struggle  between  limited  monarchy 
and  absolute  monarchy,  it  now  existed,  in  fact,  only  between  the 
monarchy  and  the  republic.  The  Americans,  therefore,  could  have 
no  other  prospect  but  of  entire  liberty  and  independence ;  or  of 
total  dependence  and  servitude. 

In  this  state  of  things,  there  was  not  a  man  endowed  with  pene- 
tration and  experience,  who  did  not  perceive  that  an  open  and  sol- 
emn declaration  of  the  object  it  was  desired  to  attain  was  the  wisest, 
and  even  the  only  resolution  the  Americans  could  adopt.  Their 
situation  was  not  rendered  by  it  more  critical ;  it  even  offered  im- 
mediate advantages,  and  still  greater  in  perspective.  Their  counsels 
would  thus  acquire  more  firmness,  a  point  essential  to  the  success  of 
such  an  enterprise,  and  foreign  succors  would  become  more  easily 
attainable.  It  might  then  be  believed  that  the  colonists,  after  hav- 
ing solemnly  proclaimed  their  independence,  would  combat  to  the 
last  in  its  defense. 

The  apprehension  of  a  sudden  reconciliation  no  longer  restrain- 
ing foreign  powers,  they  might  openly  succor  them.     And  perhaps 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  34 J 

the  pride  of  England  wouid  De  iess  nurt,  in  case  of  reverse,  at  ne* 
gotiating  with  the  Americans  as  with  an  independent  nation,  than 
in  submitting  to  the  conditions  which  had  been  the  first  occasion  of 
the  quarrel ;  for  war  can  have  no  result  more  bitter  than  that  of  com- 
pelling him  that  has  waged  it  to  give  up  to  his  enemy  the  very  object 
in  dispute.  The  course,  therefore,  which  the  Americans  had  to  pur- 
sue, was  no  longer  doubtful,  and  the  congress  was  not  slow  to  per- 
ceive it.  If  the  resolution  was  urgent,  it  could  never  be  taken  in 
circumstances  more  propitious,  or  under  auspices  more  favorable. 
The  success  of  the  arms  of  the  patriots  in  Massachusetts,  Virginia 
and  South  Carolina,  provinces  of  such  chief  importance  ;  the  pros- 
perity of  their  first  maritime  enterprises;  and  the  multitude  of 
prizes  taken  from  the  enemy  by  their  privateers,  inspired  a  well 
grounded  hope,  that  whatever  should  be  decreed  by  the  congress 
would  have  the  concurrence  of  all  America.  The  terror  of  the 
English  arms  had  diminished  in  the  minds  of  all,  in  proportion  to 
the  increase  of  confidence  in  the  national  forces ;  the  union  of  the 
different  provinces  became  more  intimate ;  the  ill  success  of  the  loy- 
alists, in  their  first  attempts,  had  discouraged  them,  and  caused  them 
to  be  looked  upon  by  the  patriots  as  enemies  little  to  be  feared. 
But  if  this  party  was  impotent  in  arms,  they  neglected  not  to  resort 
to  plots,  the  immediate  effect  of  which  was  to  redouble  the  animosi- 
ty of  the  patriots  against  a  government,  that,  not  content,  as  they 
said,  with  employing  force,  also  hired  incendiaries  and  assassins  to 
practice  their  horrible  arts  against  innocent  cities,  and  the  most  vir- 
tuous citizens. 

Certain  loyalists  of  New  York,  gained  and  instigated,  as  it  Wag 
rumored,  by  governor  Tryon,  had  formed  a  conspiracy,  the  object 
of  which  was  to  arrest,  and  perhaps  to  murder,  general  Washington 
and  the  other  principal  officers ;  to  set  fire  to  the  magazines,  and  to 
occupy  all  the  avenues  of  the  city  at  the  moment  when  the  British 
troops,  that  were  expected,  should  have  presented  themselves  before 
it.  The  plot  having  been  discovered,  many  individuals,  who  had 
been  concerned  in  it,  were  seized ;  among  others,  two  of  the  gene- 
ral's guards,  and  his  steward  himself ;  some  were  executed. 

The  horrible  project  of  setting  fire  to  so  considerable  a  city,  and 
attempting  the  life  of  a  man  to  whom  the  people  bore  so  much  rev- 
erence and  love,  transported  the  patriots  with  indignation.  They 
demanded,  with  loud  cries,  to  be  liberated  forever  from  the  power 
of  a  government  which,  according  to  the  general  opinion,  gave  wages 
to  such  infamous  assassins.  England  herself,  by  her  public  acts, 
precipitated  the  moment  of  this  total  separation. 

The  discourse  held  by  the  king  to  the  parliament  had  persuaded 

29* 


342  THE    AMERICAN     WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

the  Americans  that  nothing  would  be  remitted  of  the  measures  or 
rigor  adopted  against  them,  and  consequently  that  their  preparations 
of  war  could  not  be  too  formidable. 

The  discussions  and  decisions  of  parliament  disclosed  to  them  the 
impotence  of  those  who  attempted  to  defend  their  cause.  But  the 
act  of  the  fifteenth  of  May,  which  abandoned  American  property, 
private  as  well  as  public,  to  those  who  could  find  the  way  to  seize 
it,  had  thoroughly  apprised  the  colonists  that  it  was  resolved  not  only 
to  exercise  against  them  the  extremes  of  hostility,  but  that  it  was 
intended  to  violate,  with  respect  to  them,  all  the  principles  of  those 
laws  which,  among  civilized  nations,  still  plead  for  humanity  even 
in  the  midst  of  carnage  and  devastation.  In  a  word,  they  no  longer 
doubted  but  that  the  English  ministry  was  determined  to  organize 
against  them  a  system  of  piracy  and  robbery.  No  foreign  nation, 
when  their  enemy,  had  ever  perpetrated  such  excesses  ;  much  less 
could  they  endure  them  on  the  part  of  their  own  fellow  citizens. 
But  was  it  possible  still  to  give  this  name  to  enemies  who  no  longer 
observed  any  measure  ?  Affection,  which  has  its  source  in  the  ties 
of  blood  and  political  union,  can  no  longer  exist,  when  not  only  the 
laws  in  use  among  friendly  nations,  but  even  usages  respected  by 
civilized  people  in  the  midst  of  the  most  cruel  discords,  have  been 
trampled  under  foot.  And  if  the  English  resolved  to  wage  a  war  of 
barbarians  against  America,  the  least  that  could  follow  was,  that  the 
latter  should  view  them  as  foreigners. 

The  resolution  taken  by  England  to  employ,  and  send  against  the 
Americans,  the  mercenary  troops  of  Germany,  whom  the  colonists 
looked  upon  as  men  devoid  of  all  humanity,  had  produced  the  most 
violent  impression  upon  their  minds.  From  this  moment  they  ab- 
jured all  sentiment  of  consanguinity  towards  a  people  who  sent 
against  their  children  such  cruel  executors  of  their  will.  <  Behold, 
then,'  they  cried,  f  the  ministers  of  peace,  the  negotiators  that  Eng- 
land sends  us !  the  soldiers  of  the  princes  of  Hesse,  of  Brunswick 
and  of  Waldeck !  The  devastations,  the  massacres,  the  implacable 
fury  of  these  hireling  Germans,  the  horrible  barbarities  of  the  Indian 
savages,  such  are  the  instruments  then  British  government  employs 
to  vanquish  our  constancy,  and  subject  us  anew  to  its  yoke !  The 
English  arm  foreigners  against  us ;  then  let  us  combat  the  English 
themselves,  as  if  they  were  foreigners.  Their  laws,  no  less  cruel 
than  their  soldiers,  have  severed  all  our  ties  ;  have  despoiled  us  even 
of  the  hope  to  re-unite  them ;  wherefore,  then,  do  we  still  hesitate 
to  adopt  a  resolution,  which,  if  at  first  it  appeared  to  us  painful  and 
prejudicial,  every  thing  now  demonstrates  to  be  useful  and  even 
ne  pessary  ? ' 


BOOK  Wt  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  343 

It  is  certain,  that  the  very  measures  from  which  the  ministers  ex* 
pected  the  return  of  the  Americans  to  submission,  served  but  to 
redouble  their  obstinacy,  and  furnished  new  arms  to  the  congress, 
and  to  all  the  partisans  of  independence. 

Even  the  greater  part  of  those  who  had  professed  contrary  opin- 
ions, were  seen  to  join  with  them,  or  at  least  to  manifest  an  extreme 
indifference  for  the  interests  of  England.  Her  enemies  increased 
every  day  in  number  and  hardiness ;  and  every  day  her  friends  lost 
their  influence  and  their  zeal — a  memorable  example  for  those 
who,  in  their  blind  precipitation,  imagine  that  measures  proper  to  di- 
vide men,  and  to  arm  them  against  one  another  when  they  are  cool, 
will  produce  the  same  effect  when  they  are  animated  by  some  vio- 
lent passion !  Then  what  should  appease,  irritates;  what  should 
intimidate,  encourages ;  and  what  should  divide,  assembles  and  unites, 
The  desire  of  independence  insinuated  itself  little  by  little  into  the 
minds  of  all.  In  public,  particularly,  the  harangues  had  no  other 
object ;  the  general  attention  was  fixed  upon  events.  At  this  epoch 
appeared  a  writing  entitled  Common  Sense ;  it  was  the  production 
of  Thomas  Paine,  born  in  England,  and  arrived  not  long  before  in 
America.  No  writer,  perhaps,  ever  possessed,  in  a  higher  degree, 
the  art  of  moving  and  guiding  the  multitude  at  his  will.  It  may  be 
affirmed,  in  effect,  that  this  work  was  one  of  the  most  powerful  in- 
struments of  American  independence. 

The  author  endeavored,  with  very  plausible  arguments,  to  demon- 
strate that  the  opposition  of  parties,  the  diversity  of  interest,  the 
arrogance  of  the  British  government,  and  its  ardent  thirst  of  ven- 
geance, rendered  all  reconciliation  impossible.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  enlarged  upon  the  necessity,  utility,  and  possibility  of  indepen- 
dence. 

He  omitted  not  to  sprinkle  his  pamphlet  with  declamations  calcu- 
lated to  render  monarchy  odious  to  the  people,  and  to  inspire  them 
with  the  desire  of  a  republic.  The  excellency  of  the  English  con- 
stitution had  never  till  then  been  called  in  question ;  Paine  criticised 
it  very  freely  in  the  part  which  relates  to  the  royal  power ;  but 
praised  its  other  institutions.  He  painted  all  the  calamities  which 
had  weighed  upon  England,  notwithstanding  the  much  extolled 
goodness  of  its  constitution,  especially  since  the  re-establishment 
of  monarchy ;  thence  he  inferred  that  it  contained  some  essential 
vice  which  opposed  the  happiness  of  the  people ;  and  this  lurking 
defect  he  affirmed  was  royalty. 

To  this  he  attributed  intestine  discords,  and  the  frequency  of 
foreign  wars ;  he  congratulated  the  Americans  that  Heaven  had 
placed  it  in  their  power  to  create  a  constitution  that  should  embrace 


344  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

all  the  excellencies  of  that  of  England  without  any  of  its  defects ; 
and  thus,  again,  he  intimated  the  exclusion  of  royalty.  The  success 
of  this  writing  of  Paine  cannot  be  described. 

The  vehemence  of  opinion  redoubled  in  the  mmds  of  all ;  even 
loyalists  were  seen  to  declare  for  liberty  ;  an  unanimous  cry  arose 
for  independence. 

The  congress  determined  to  seize  the  opportunity.  But  to  pro- 
ceed with  prudence,  they  wished  first  to  sound  the  minds  of  the 
people  by  passing  a  resolution,  which,  if  it  was  not  independence 
itself,  evidently  led  to  it.  They  intended  to  observe  its  effects,  in 
order  to  govern  their  subsequent  conduct  accordingly.  They  de- 
creed, that  whereas  the  British  king,  in  conjunction  with  the  lords 
and  commons  of  Great  Britain,  had,  by  the  late  acts  of  parliament, 
excluded  the  united  colonies  from  the  protection  of  his  crown  ;  and 
whereas  no  answer  had  been,  or  probably  would  be,  given  to  their 
humble  petitions  for  the  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  laws,  and  for  a  recon- 
ciliation with  Great  Britain ;  that,  on  the  contrary,  all  the  force  of 
that  realm,  with  the  aid  of  mercenary  foreigners,  was  to  be  employed 
for  the  destruction  of  the  good  people  of  the  colonies ;  and  finally, 
whereas  it  is  contrary  to  sound  reason,  and  to  the  consciences  of  this 
peoplej  to  take  the  oaths  and  make  the  engagements  necessary  to  the 
assumption  and  exercise  of  offices  under  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  ; 
and  it  is  necessary  that  the  exercise  of  every  authority,  proceeding 
from  the  said  crown,  should  be  totally  annulled,  and  all  the  powers 
of  government  exercised  under  the  authority  of  the  good  people  of 
the  colonies ;  and  this  in  order  to  maintain  internal  peace,  good  mor- 
als, and  public  order,  as  well  as  to  defend  their  lives,  liberty,  and  prop- 
erty, from  the  assaults  and  cruel  rapine  of  their  enemies ;  therefore 
it  was  recommended  to  the  respective  assemblies  and  conventions  of 
the  united  colonies,  where  no  government  suited  to  the  exigency  of 
affairs  had  till  then  been  constituted,  that  they  should  establish  such 
governments,  as,  according  to  the  opinion  of  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  should  hje  most  conducive  to  the  happiness  and  security 
cf  their  constituents,  and  of  America  in  general.  This  resolution  of 
congress,  being  rapidly  notified  to  all  the  colonies,  encountered  among 
them,  respectively,  a  different  reception.  Some  had  already  antici- 
pated it,  and,  assuming  the  powers  of  government,  had  created  insti- 
tutions independent  of  the  crown,  and  these  no  longer  temporary, 
as  at  first,  but  stable,  and  subject  to  no  limitation  of  time  or  of  con- 
dition. Thus  Virginia  and  South  Carolina  had  proceeded.  Connec- 
ticut and  Rhode  Island  needed  no  change ;  since  there,  from  the 
earliest  times,  every  authority  originated  in  the  people,  by  whom  all 
public  officers  were  chosen,  as  well  those  to  whom  were  intrusted 


BOOK  VI.  THK    AMRRtCAN    W^PL  .VI 5 

the  legislative,  as  those  who  exercised  the  executive  powers.  Mary- 
land, Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  hesitated ;  but  at  length  yielded 
to  the  necessity  of  the  times.  Thus  the  people  of  the  colonies  set 
about  framing  new  constitutions  j  but,  with  the  exception  of  the  parts 
which  relate  to  regal  authority,  all  preserved  those  forms  which  aie 
peculiar  and  appropriate  to  the  English  constitution. 

The  throe  powers,  legislative,  executive  and  judiciary,  were  care- 
fully separated  from  eacnroner ;  and  great  jealousy  was  manifested 
of  the  executive. 

In  some  colonies,  the  legislature  was  divided  into  two  branches ;  in 
others  it  formed  but  one  corps ;  but  in  all,  those  who  held  offices  of 
trust  or  power  under  the  executive  were  excluded.  The  judges 
were  paid  either  by  the  legislature  or  by  the  executive.  In  some  their 
tenure  of  office  was  for  a  limited  period,  in  others  during  good  beha- 
vior. The  governors  were  elected  for  a  longer  or  shorter  term  of 
time,  according  to  the  greater  or  less  jealousy  of  the  people.  In 
some  colonies  they  possessed  the  right  of  veto ;  in  others  not.  Here 
the  governor  was  made  responsible  for  all  his  acts,  there  for  none, 
because  he  was  subject  to  the  decisions  of  an  executive  council.  In 
all  these  deHberationsr  so  important  to  the  happiness  of  the  united 
colonies,  no  threats,  discord,  or  reproaches,  were  heard }  and  it  ap- 
peared as  if  all,  laying  aside  ambition)  aspired  to  nothing  but  the 
prosperity  and  liberty  of  their  country — a  memorable  example  of 
prudence,  moderation,  and  concord !  Let  other  nations  reflection 
this,  and  blush,  for  having  acted  in  all  times  so  differently  from  the 
Americans ;  if,  indeed,  corruption  of  morals  has  left  still  the  power 
of  blushing  to  those  who  rush  from  conflicts  of  opinion  to  discord, 
and  from  discord  to  the  effusion  of  blood. 

The  congress  had  found  all  minds  disposed  to  adopt  the  resolution 
they  meditated ;  but  to  accomplish  the  work  they  had  commenced, 
it  was  requisite  that  they  should  be  formally  authorized  by  the  col- 
onies to  proclaim  independence. 

This  great  business  was  conducted  with  so  much  prudence,  and 
the  people  were  so  much* inclined  to  favor  the  design,  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  provincial  assemblies  invested  their  representatives  in 
congress  with  full  powers  to  carry  it  into  effect.  Some  also  author- 
ized them  to  conclude  alliances  with  foreign  princes.  Pennsylvania 
and  Maryland  alone  remained  in  opposition. 

Such  was  tho  state  of  tilings,  when,  in  the  sitting  of  congress  of 
the  eighth  of  June,  a  motion  having  been  made  to  declare  indepen- 
dence, Richard  Henry  Lee,  one  of  the  deputies  from  Virginia,  spoke 
as  follows,  unci  was  heard  wkh  profound  attention : 

'  I  know  w*t  whether,  amonijall  the  civil  discords  which  have  been 


$46  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI 

recorded  by  historians,  and  whicn  have  been  excited  either  by  the 
love  of  liberty  in  the  people,  or  by  the  ambition  of  princes,  there  has 
ever  been  presented  a  deliberation  more  interesting  or  more  impor- 
tant than  that  which  now  engages  our  attention ;  whether  we  con- 
sider the  future  destiny  of  this  free  and  virtuous  people,  or  that  of 
our  enemies  themselves,  who,  notwithstanding  their  tyranny  and  this 
cruel  war,  are  still  our  brethren,  and  descended  from  a  common 
stock  -r  or  finally,  that  of  the  other  nations  of  the  globe,  whose  eyes 
are  intent  upon  this  great  spectacle,  and  who  anticipate  from  our 
success  more  freedom  for  themselves,  or  from  our  defeat  apprehend 
heavier  chains  and  a  severer  bondage.  For  the  question  is  not 
whether,  we  shall  acquire  an  increase  of  territorial  dominion,  or  wick- 
edly wrest  from  others  their  just  possessions;  but  whether  we  shall 
preserve,  or  lose  forever,  that  liberty  which  we  have  inherited  from 
our  ancestors^  which  we  have  pursued  across  tempestuous  seas,  and 
which  we  have  defended  in  this  land  against  barbarous  men,  fero- 
cious beasts,  and  an  inclement  sky.  And  if  so  many  and  distinguish- 
ed praises  have  always  been  lavished  upon  the  generous  defenders  of 
Greek  and  of  Roman  liberty,  what  will  be  said  of  us,  who  defend  a 
liberty  which  is  founded  not  upon  the  capricious  will  of  an  unstable 
multitude,  but  upon  immutable  statutes  and  tutelary  laws ;  not  that 
which  was  the  exclusive  privilege  of  a  few  patricians,  but  that  which 
s  the  property  of  all;  not  that  which  was  stained  by  iniquitous  os- 
tracisms, or  the  horrible  decimation  of  armies,  but  that  which  is 
pure,  temperate,  and  gentle,  and  conformed  to  the  civilization  of  the 
present  age.  Why  then  do  we  longer  procrastinate,  and  wherefore 
are  these  delays?-  Let  us  complete,  the  enterprise  already  so  well 
commenced ;  and  since  our  union  with  England  can  no  longer  con- 
sist with  that  liberty  and  peace  which  are  our  chief  deMght,  let  us 
dissolve  these  fatal  ties,  and  conquer  forever  that  good  which  we 
already  enjoy ;  an  entire  and  absolute  independence. 

<  But  ought  I  not  to  begin  by  observing,  that  if  we  have  reached 
that  violent  extremity,  beyond,  which:  nothing  can  any  longer  exist 
between  America  and  England,  but  either  such  war  or  such  peace 
as  are  made  between  foreign  nations,  this  can  only  be  imputed  to  the 
insatiable  cupidity,  the  tyrannical  proceedings,  and  the  outrages,  for 
ten  years  reiterated,  of  the  British  ministers  ?  What  have  we  not 
done  to  restore  peace,  to  re-establish  harmony  ?  Who  has  not  heard 
our  prayers,  and  who  is  ignorant  of  our  supplications  ?  They  have 
wearied  the  universe.  England  alone  was  deaf  to  our  complaints, 
and  wanted  that  compassion  towards  us  which  we  have  found  among 
all  other  nations.  And  as  at  first  our  forbearance,  and  then  our  re 
sistance,  have  proved  equally  insufficient,  since  our  prayers  were  un 


BOOK  VJ.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  347 

availing,  as  well  as  the  blood  lately  shed ,  we  must  go  further,  and 
proclaim  our  independence.  Nor  let  any  one  believe  that  we  have 
any  other  option  left.  The  time  will  certainly  come  when  the  fated 
separation  must  take  place,  whether  you  will  or  no ;  for  so  it  is  decreed 
by  the  very  nature  of  things,  the  progressive  increase  of  our  population, 
the  tertility  of  our  soil,  the  extent  of  our  territory,  the  industry  of  our 
countrymen,  and  the  immensity  of  the  ocean  which  separates  the  two 
states.  And  if  this  be  true,  as  it  is  most  true,  who  does  not  see  that 
the  sooner  it  takes  place  the  better;  and  that  it  would  be  not  only 
imprudent,  but  the  height  of  folly,  not  to  seize  the  present  occasion, 
when  British  injustice  has  filled  all  hearts  with  indignation,  inspired 
all  minds  with  courage,  united  all  opinions  in  one,  and  put  arms  in 
every  hand  ?  And  how  long  must  we  traverse  three  thousand  miles 
of  a  stormy  sea,  to  go  and  solicit  of  arrogant  and  insolent  men,,  either 
counsels  or  commands  to  regulate  our  domestic  affairs  ?  Does  it  not 
become  a  great,  rich,  and  powerful  nation,  as  we  are,  to  look  at  home, 
and  not  abroad,  for  the  government  of  its  own  concerns  ?  And 
how  can  a  ministry  of  strangers  judge,  with  any  discernment,  of  our 
interests,  when  they  know  not,  and  when  it  little  imports  them  to 
know,  what  is  good  for  us,  and  what  is  not  ?  The  past  justice  of  the 
British  ministers  should  warn  us  against  the  future,  if  they  should 
ever  seize  us  again  in  their  cruel  claws.  Since  it  has  pleased  our 
barbarous  enemies  to  place  before  us  the  alternative  of  slavery  or  of 
independence,  where  is  the  generous  minded  man  and  the  lover  of 
his  country,  who  can  hesitate  to  choose  ?  With  these  perfidious  men 
no  promise  is  secure,  no  pledges  sacred.  Let  us  suppose,  which 
Heaven  avert,  that  we  are  conquered ;  let  us  suppose  an  accommoda- 
tion. What  assurance  have  we  of  the  British  moderation  in  victory 
or  good  faith  in  treaty  ?  Is  it  their  having  enlisted  and  let  loose 
against  us  the  ferocious  Indians,  and  the  merciless  soldiers  of  Germa- 
ny ?  Is  it  that  faith,  so  often  pledged  and  so  often  violated  in  the  course 
of  the  present  contest ;  this  British  faith,  which  is  reputed  more  false 
than  Punic  ?  We  ought  rather  to  expect,  that  when  we  shall  have 
fallen  naked  and  unarmed  into  their  hands,  they  will  wreak  upon  us 
their  fury  and  their  vengeance ;  they  will  load  us  with  heavier  chains, 
in  order  to  deprive  us  not  only  of  the  power,  but  even  of  the  hope 
of  again  recovering  our  liberty.  But  I  am  willing  to  admit,  although 
it  is  a  thing  without  example,  that  the  British  government  will  forget 
past  offenses  and  perform  its  promises ;  can  we  imagine,  that  after  so 
long  dissensions,  after  so  many  outrages,  so  many  combats,  and  so 
much  bloodshed,  our  reconciliation  could  be  durable,  and  that  every 
day,  in  the  midst  of  so  much  hatred  and  rancor,  would  not  afford 
some  fresh  subject  of  animosity  ?     The  two  nations  are  already  sep 


348  f  HE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  Tf. 

arated  iff  interest  and  affections ;  the  one  is  conscious  of  its  ancient 
strength,  the  other  has  become  acquainted  with  its  newly  exerted 
force ;  the  one  desires  to  rule  in  an  arbitrary  manner,  the  other  will 
not  obey  even  if  allowed  its  privileges.  In  such  a  state  of  things, 
what  peace,  what  concord^  can  be  expected  ?  The  Americans  may 
become  faithful  friends  to  the  English,  but  subjects,  never.  And 
even  though  union  could  be  restored  without  rancor,  it  could  not 
without  danger.  The  wealth  and  power  of  Great  Britain  should  in- 
spire prudent  men  with  fears  for  the  future.  Having  reached  such 
a  height  of  grandeur  that  she  has  no  longer  any  thing  to  dread  from 
foreign  powers,  in  the  security  of  peace  the  spirit  of  her  people  will 
decay,  manners  will  be  corrupted,  her  youth  w  II  grow  up  in  the 
midst  of  vice,  and  in  this  state  of  degeneration,  England  will  become 
the  prey  of  a  foreign  enemy,  or  an  ambitious  citizen.  If  we  remain 
united  with  her,  we  shall  partake  of  her  corruptions  and  misfor- 
tunes, the  more  to  be  dreaded  as  they  will  be  irreparable ;  separated 
from  her,  on  the  contrary,  as  we  are,  we  should  neither  have  to  fear 
the  seductions  of  peace  nor  the  dangers  of  war.  By  a  declaration 
of  our  freedom,  the  perils  would  not  be  increased ;  but  we  should 
add  to  the  ardor  of  our  defenders,  and  to  the  splendor  of  victory. 
Let  us  then  take  a  firm  step,  and  escape  from  this  labyrinth ;  we 
have  assumed  the  sovereign  power,  and  dare  not  confess  it ;  we  dis- 
obey a  king,  and  acknowledge  ourselves  his  subjects ;  wage  war 
against  a  people,  on  whom  we  incessantly  protest  our  desire  to  de- 
pend. What  is  the  consequence  of  so  many  inconsistencies  ?  Hesi- 
tation paralyzes  all  our  measures ;  the  way  we  ought  to  pursue,  is 
not  marked  out ;  our  generals  are  neither  respected  nor  obeyed ;  our 
soldiers  have  neither  confidence  nor  zeal ;  feeble  at  home,  and  little 
considered  abroad,  foreign  princes  can  neither  esteem  nor  succor  so 
timid  and  wavering  a  people.  But  independence  once  proclaimed, 
and  our  object  avowed,  more  manly  and  decided  measures  will  be 
adopted  ;  all  minds  will  be  fired  by  the  greatness  of  the  enterprise, 
the  civil  magistrates  will  be  inspired  with  new  zeal,  the  generals  with 
fresh  ardor,  and  the  citizens  with  greater  constancy,  to  attain  so  high 
and  so  glorious  a  destiny.  There  are  some  who  seem  to  dread  the 
effects  of  this  resolution.  But  will  England,  or  can  she,  manifest 
against  us  greater  vigor  and  rage  than  she  has  already  displayed  ? 
She  deems  resistance  against  oppression  no  less  rebellion  than  inde- 
pendence itself.  And  where  are  those  formidable  troops  that  are 
to  subdue  the  Americans  ?  What  the  English  could  not  do,  can  it 
be  done  by  Germans  ?  Are  they  more  brave,  or  better  disciplined  ? 
The  number  of  our  enemies  is  increased  ;  but  our  own  is  not  dimin- 
ished, and  the  battles  we  have  sustained  have  given  us  the  practice 


BOOK  VI  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  349 

of  arms  and  the  experience  of  war.  Who  doubts,  then,  that  a  decla- 
ration of  independence  will  procure  us  allies  ?  All  nations  are  de- 
sirous of  procuring,  by  commerce,  the  productions  of  our  exuberant 
soil;  they  will  visit  our  ports*,  hitherto  closed  by  the  monopoly  of 
insatiable  England.  They  are  no  less  eager  to  contemplate  the  re- 
duction of  her  hated  power  ;  they  all  loathe  her  barbarous  dominion ; 
their  succors  will  evince  to  our  brave  countrymen  the  gratitude  they 
bear  them  for  having  been  the  first  to  shake  the  foundations  of  this 
Colossus.  Foreign  princes  wait  only  for  the  extinction  of  all  hazard 
of  reconciliation,  to  throw  off  their  present  reserve.  If  this  measure 
is  useful,  it  is  no  less  becoming  our  dignity.  America  has  arrived  at 
a  degree  of  power  which  assigns  her  a  place  among  independent  na- 
tions ;  we  are  not  less  entitled  to  it  than  the  English  themselves.  If 
they  have  wealth,  so  also  have  we  ;  if  they  are  brave,  so  are  we ;  if 
they  are  more  numerous,  our  population,  through  the  incredible  fruit- 
fulness  of  our  chaste  wives,  will  soon  equal  theirs  ;  if  they  have  men 
of  renown  as  well  in  peace  as  In  war,  we  likewise  have  such  ;  politi- 
cal revolutions  usually  produce  great,  brave,  and  generous  spirits. 
From  what  we  have  already  achieved  in  these  painful  beginnings,  it 
is  easy  to  presume  what  we  shall  hereafter  accomplish ;  for  experi- 
ence is  the  source  of  sage  counsels,  and  liberty  is  the  mother  of  great 
men.  Have  you  not  seen  the  enemy  driven  from  Lexington  by  thir- 
ty thousand  citizens  armed  and  assembled  in  one  day  ?  Already 
their  most  celebrated  generals  have  yielded  in  Boston  to  the  skill  of 
ours  ;  already  their  seamen,  repulsed  from  our  coasts,  wander  over  the 
ocean,  where  they  are  the  sport  of  tempest,  and  the  prey  of  famine. 
Let  us  hail  the  favorable  omen,  and  fight  not  for  the  sake  of  know- 
ing on  what  terms  we  are  to  be  the  slaves  of  England,  but  to  secure 
to  ourselves  a  free  existence,  to  found  a  just  and  independent  govern- 
ment. Animated  by  liberty,  the  Greeks  repulsed  the  innumerable 
army  of  Persians ;  sustained  by  the  love  of  independence,  the  Swiss 
and  the  Dutch  humbled  the  power  of  Austria  by  memorable  defeats, 
and  conquered  a  rank  among  nations.  But  the  sun  of  America  also 
shines  upon  the  heads  of  the  brave ;  the  point  of  our  weapons  is  no 
less  formidable  than  theirs  ;  here  also  the  same  union  prevails,  the 
same  contempt  of  dangers  and  of  death  in  asserting  the  cause  of 
country. 

1  Why  then  do  we  longer  delay,  why  still  deliberate  ?  Let  this 
most  happy  day  give  birth  to  the  American  republic.  Let  her  arise, 
not  to  devastate  and  conquer,  but  to  re-establish  the  reign  of  peace 
and  of  the  laws.  The  eyes  of  Europe  are  fixed  upon  us ;  she  de- 
mands of  us  a  living  example  of  freedom,  that  may  contrast,  by  the 
felicity  of  the  citizens,  with  the  ever  increasing  tyranny  which  deso- 

30 


350  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI. 

lates  her  polluted  shores.  She  invites  us  to  prepare  an  asylum  where 
the  unhappy  may  find  solace,  and  the  persecuted  repose.  She  en- 
treats us  to  cultivate  a  propitious  soil,  where  that  generous  plan* 
which  first  sprung  up  and  grew  in  England,  but  is  now  withered  by 
tne  poisonous  blasts  of  Scottish  tyranny,  may  revive  and  flourisn, 
sheltering  under  its  salubrious  and  interminable  shade  all  the  unfor- 
tunate of  the  human  race.  This  is  the  end  presaged  by  so  many 
omens,  by  our  first  victories,  by  the  present  ardor  and  union,  by  the 
flight  of  Howe,  and  the  pestilence  which  broke  out  among  Dun- 
more's  people,  by  the  very  winds  which  baffled  the  enemy's  fleets 
and  transports,  and  that  terrible  tempest  which  ingulfed  seven  hun- 
dred vessels  upon  the  coasts  of  Newfoundland.  If  we  are  not  this 
day  wanting  in  our  duty  to  country,  the  names  of  the  American 
legislators  will  be  placed,  by  posterity,  at  the  side  of  those  of  The- 
seus, of  Lycurgus,  of  Romulus,  of  Numa,  of  the  three  Williams  of 
Nassau,  and  of  all  those  whose  memory  has  been,  and  will  be,  for- 
ever dear  to  virtuous  men  and  good*  citizens.' 

Lee  had  scarcely  ceased  speaking,  when  no  dubious  signs  of  ap- 
probation were  manifested  on  all  parts.  But  the  deputies  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  Maryland  not  being  present,  and  the  congress  desirous, 
by  some  delay,  to  evidence  the  maturity  of  their  deliberations,  ad- 
journed the  further  consideration  of  the  subject  to  the  first  of  July. 
Meanwhile,  the  patriots  labored  strenuously  to  induce  the  two  dis- 
senting provinces  also  to  decide  for  independence.  They  employed 
the  most  earnest  persuasions,  to  which  they  added  also  threats,  inti- 
mating that  not  only  would  the  other  colonies  exclude  them  from  the 
confederation,  but  that  they  would  immediately  treat  them  as  ene- 
mies. The  provincial  assembly  of  Pennsylvania  remained  inflexible. 
At  length,  the  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  formed  a  convention,  in 
which  the  debates  and  disputes  upon  the  question  of  independence 
were  many  and  vehement. 

John  Dickinson,  one  of  the  deputies  of  the  province  to  the  gene- 
ral congress,  a  man  of  prompt  genius,  of  extensive  influence,  and 
one  of  the  most  zealous  partisans  of  American  liberty,  restricted, 
howeverr,  to  the  condition  of  union  with  England,  harangued,  it  is 
said,  in  the  following  manner  against  independence. 

'It  too  often  happens,  fellow-citizens,  that  men,  heated  by  the 
spirit  of  party,  give  more  importance  in  their  discourses  to  the  sur- 
face and  appearance  of  objects,  than  either  to  reason  or  justice ; 
thus  evincing  that  their  aim  is  not  to  appease  tumults,  but  to  excite 
them;  not  to  repress  the  pa&sions,  but  to  inflame  them  ;  not  to  com- 
pose ferocious  discords,  but  to  exasperate  and  embitter  them  more 
and  more.     They  aspire  but  to  please  the  powerful,  to  gratify  their 


BOOR    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  35 L 

own  ambition,  to  flatter  the  caprices  of  the  multitude,  in  order  to 
captivate  their  favor.  Accordingly,  in  popular  commotions,  the  par- 
ty of  wisdom  and  of  equity  is  commonly  found  in  the  minority  ;  and 
perhaps  it  would  be  safer,  in  difficult  circumstances,  to  consult  the 
smaller  instead  of  the  greater  number.  Upon  this  principle  1  invite 
the  attention  of  those  who  hear  me,  since  my  opinion  may  differ 
from  that  of  the  majority  ;  but  I  dare  believe  it  will  be  shared  by  all 
impartial  and  moderate  citizens,  who  condemn  this  tumultuous  pro- 
ceeding, this  attempt  to  coerce  our  opinions,  and  to  drag  us  with  so 
much  precipitation  to  the  most  serious  and  important  of  decisions. 
But  coming  to  the  subject  in  controversy,  I  affirm,  that  prudent  men 
do  not  abandon  objects  which  are  certain,  to  go  in  pursuit  of  those 
which  offer  only  uncertainty.  Now  it  is  an  established  fact,  that 
America  can  be  well  and  happily  governed  by  the  English  laws, 
under  the  same  king,  and  the  same  parliament.  Two  hundred  years- 
of  happiness  furnish  the  proof  of  it ;  and  we  find  it  also  in  the  pres- 
ent prosperity  which  is  the  result  of  these  venerable  laws  and  of  this- 
ancient  union.  It  is  not  as  independent,  but  as  subjects ;  not  as. 
republic,  but  as  monarchy ;  that  we  have  arrived  at  this  degree  e# 
power  and  of  greatness.  1 

'.What  then  is  the  object  of  these  chimeras  hatched  in  the  days- 
of  discord  and  war  ?  Shall  the  transports  of  fury  have  more  power 
over  us  than  the  experience  of  ages  ?  Shall  we  destroy,  in  a  moment 
of  anger,  the  work  cemented  and  tested  by  time  ? 

'  I  know  the  name  of  liberty  is  dear  to  each  one  of  us ;  but  have 
we  not  enjoyed  liberty  even  under  the  English  monarchy  ?  Shall 
we  this  day  renounce  that,  to  go  and  seek  it  in  I  know  not  what 
form  of  republic,  which  will  soon  change  into  a  licentious  anarchy 
and  popular  tyranny  ?  In  the  human  body  the  head  only  sustains 
and  governs  all  the  members,  directing  them,  with  admirable  harmo- 
ny, to  the  same  object,  which  is  self-preservation  and  happiness ;  so 
the  head  of  the  body  politic,  that  is,  the  king  in  concert  with  the  par- 
liament, can  alone  maintain  the  union  of  the  members  of  this  empire, 
lately  so  flourishing,  and  prevent  civil  war  by  obviating  all  the  evils 
produced  by  variety  of  opinion  and  diversity  of  interests.  And  so 
firm  is  my  persuasion  of  this,  that  I  fully  believe  the  most  cruel  war 
which  Great  Britain  could  make  upon  us,  would  be  that  of  not  ma- 
king any  ;  and  that  the  surest  means  of  bringing  us  back  to  her  obe- 
dience, would  be  that  of  employing  none.  For  the  dread  of  the 
English  arms  once  removed,  provinces  would  rise  up  against  provinces, 
and  cities  against  cities  ;  and  we  should  be  seen  to  turn  against  our- 
selves the  arms  we  have  taken  up  to  combat  the  common  enemy. 

f  Insurmountable  necessity  would  then  compel  us  to  resort  to  th# 


$52  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  TI 

tutelary  authority  which  we  should  have  rashly  abjured,  and  if  it 
consented  to  receive  us  again  under  its  Egis,  it  would  be  no  longer 
as  free  citizens,  but  as  slaves.  Still  inexperienced,  and  in  our  in- 
fancy, what  proof  have  we  given  of  our  ability  to  walk  without  a 
guide  ?  none  ;  and  if  we  judge  of  the  future  by  the  past,  we  must 
conclude  that  our  concord  will  continue  as  long  as  the  danger,  and 
no  longer. 

'  Even  when  the  powerful  hand  of  England  supported  us,  for  the 
paltry  motives  of  territorial  limits  and  distant  jurisdictions,  have  we 
not  abandoned  ourselves  to  discords,  and  sometimes  even  to  violence  ? 
And  what  must  we  not  expect  now  that  minds  are  heated,  ambitions 
roused,  and  arms  in  the  hands  of  all? 

'  If,  therefore,  our  union  with  England  offers  us  so  many  advan- 
tages for  the  maintenance  of  internal  peace,  it  is  no  less  necessary 
to  procure  us  with  foreign  powers  that  condescension  and  respect 
which  are  so  essential  to  the  prosperity  of  our  commerce,  to  the  en- 
joyment of  any  consideration,  and  to  the  accomplishment  of  any  en- 
terprise. Hitherto,  in  our  intercourse  with  the  different  nations  of 
the  world,  England  has  lent  us 4he  support  of  her  name  and  of  her 
arms;  we  have  presented  ourselves  in  all  the  ports  and  in  all  the 
cities  of  the  globe,  not  as  Americans,  a  people  scarcely  heard  of,  but 
as  English ;  under  the  shadow  of  this  respected  name,  every  port 
was  open  to  us,  every  way  was  smooth,  every  demand  was  heard 
with  favor.  From  the  moment  when  our  separation  shall  take  place, 
every  thing  will  assume  a  contrary  direction.  The  nations  will  ac- 
custom themselves  to  look  upon  us  with  disdain ;  even  the  pirates 
of  Africa  and  Europe  will  fall  upon  our  vessels,  will  massacre  our 
seamen,  or  lead  them  into  a  cruel  and  perpetual  slavery. 

1  There  is  in  the  human  species,  often  so  inexplicable  in  their  af- 
fections, a  manifest  propensity  to  oppress  the  feeble  as  well  as  to  flat- 
ter the  powerful.  Fear  always  carries  it  against  reason,  pride  against 
moderation,  and  cruelty  against  clemency. 

*  Independence,  I  am  aware,  has  attractions  for  all  mankind  ;  but 
I  maintain,  that  in  the  present  quarrel  the  friends  of  independence 
are  the  promoters  of  slavery,  and  that  those  who  desire  to  separate 
us,  would  but  render  us  more  dependent ,  if  independence  means 
the  right  of  commanding,  and  not  the  necessity  of  obeying,  and  if 
being  dependent  is  to  obey,  and  not  to  command.  If  in  rendering 
ourselves  independent  of  England,  supposing,  however,  that  we 
should  be  able  to  effect  it,  we  might  be  so  at  the  same  time  of  all 
other  nations,  I  should  applaud  the  project ;  but  to  change  the  con- 
dition of  English  subjects  for  that  of  slaves  to  the  whole  world,  is  a 
atep  that  could  only  be  counseled  by  insanity.     If  you  would  reduce 


BOOK  VI. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  353 


yourselves  to  the  necessity  of  obeying,  in  all  things,  the  mandates  of 
supercilious  France,  who  is  now  kindling  fire  under  our  feet,  declare 
yourselves  independent.  If  to  British  liberty  you  prefer  the  liberty 
of  Holland,  of  Venice,  of  Genoa,  or  of  Ragusa,  declare  yours*  Ives 
independent.  But  if  we  would  not  change  the  signification  of  words, 
let  us  preserve  and  carefully  maintain  this  dependence,  which  has 
been  down  to  this  very  hour  the  principle  and  source  of  our  pios- 
perity,  of  our  liberty,  of  our  real  independence. 

I  But  here  I  am  interrupted,  and  told  that  no  one  questions  tho 
advantages  which  America  derived  at  first  from  her  conjunction  with 
England  ;  but  that  the  new  pretensions  of  the  ministers  have  changed 
all,  have  subverted  all.  If  I  should  deny  that,  for  the  last  twelve 
years,  the  English  government  has  given  the  most  fatal  direction  to 
the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  and  that  its  measures  towards  us  savor  of 
tyranny,  I  should  deny  not  only  what  is  the  manifest  truth,  but  even 
what  I  have  so  often  advanced  and  supported.  But  is  there  any 
doubt  that  it  already  feels  a  secret  repentance  ?  These  arms,  these 
soldiers,  it  prepares  against  us,  are  not  designed  to  establish  tyranny 
upon  our  shores,  but  to  vanquish  our  obstinacy,  and  compel  us  to 
subscribe  to  conditions  of  accommodation.  In  vain  is  it  asserted 
that  the  ministry  will  employ  all  means  to  make  themselves  quite 
sure  of  us,  in  order  to  exercise  upon  us,  with  impunity,  all  the  rigor 
of  their  power ;  for  to  pretend  to  reduce  us  to  an  absolute  impossi- 
bility of  resistance  in  cases  of  oppression,  would  be,  on  their  part,  a 
chimerical  project.  The  distance  of  the  seat  of  government,  the 
vast  extent  of  intervening  seas,  the  continual  increase  of  our  pop- 
ulation, our  warlike  spirit,  our  experience  in  arms,  the  lakes,  the 
rivers,  the  forests,  the  defiles  which  abound  in  our  territory,  are  our 
pledges  that  England  will  always  prefer  to  found  her  power  upon 
moderation  and  liberty,  rather  than  upon  rigor  and  oppression. 
An  uninterrupted  succession  of  victories  and  of  triumphs  could 
alone  constrain  England  to  acknowledge  American  independence ; 
which,  whether  we  can  expect,  whoever  knows  the  instability  of 
fortune  can  easily  judge. 

'  If  we  have  combated  successfully  at  Lexington  and  at  Boston, 
Quebec  and  all  Canada  have  witnessed  our  reverses.     Every  one 
sees  the  necessity  of  opposing  the  extraordinary  pretensions  of  the 
ministers ;  but  does  every  body  see  also  that  of  fighting  for  inde 
Dendence  ? 

1  It  is  to  be  feared,  that  by  changing  the  object  of  the  war,  true 

present  harmony  will  be  interrupted,  that  the  ardor  of  the  people  will 

be  chilled  by  apprehensions  for  their  new  situation.     By  substituting 

a  total  dismemberment  to  the  revocation  of  the  laws  we  complain  of, 

vol.  i.  •&• 


S54  THE    AME11ICAN    WAi-  BOOK  Vi 

we  should  fully  justify  the  ministers  ;  we  should  merit  the  infamoug 
name  of  rebels,  and  all  the  British  nation  would  arm,  with  an  unan- 
imous impulse,  against  those  who,  from  oppressed  and  complaining 
subjects,  should  have  become  all  at  once  irreconcilable  enemies. 
The  English  cherish  the  liberty  we  defend  ;  they  respect  the  dignity 
of  our  cause ;  but  they  will  blame,  they  will  detest,  our  recourse  to 
independence,  and  will  unite  with  one  consent  to  combat  us. 

'  The  propagators  of  the  new  doctrine  are  pleased  to  assure  us, 
that  out  of  jealousy  towards  England,  foreign  sovereigns  will  lavish 
their  succors  upon  us ;  as  if  these  sovereigns  could  sincerely  applaud 
rebellion ;  as  if  they  had  not  colonies,  even  here  in  America,  in 
which  it  is  important  for  them  to  maintain  obedience  and  tranquillity. 
Let  us  suppose,  however,  that  jealousy,  ambition,  or  vengeance* 
should  triumph  over  the  fear  of  insurrections ;  do  you  think  these 
princes  will  not  make  you  pay  dear  for  the  assistance  with  which  they 
flatter  you  ?  Who  has  not  learnt,  to  his  cost,  the  perfidy  and  the 
cupidity  of  Europeans?  They  will  disguise  their  avarice  under 
pompous  words ;  under  the  most  benevolent  pretexts  they  will  de- 
spoil us  of  our  territories,  they  will  invade  our  fisheries  and  obstruct 
our  navigation,  they  witl  attempt  our  liberty  and  our  privileges. 
We  shall  learn  too  late  what  it  costs  to  trust  in  those  European 
flatteries,  and  to  place  that  confidence  in  inveterate  enemies  which 
has  been  withdrawn  from  long  tried  friends. 

1  There  are  many  persons,  who,  to  gain  their  ends,  extol  the  advan- 
tages of  a  republic  over  monarchy.  I  will  not  here  undertake  to 
examine  which  of  these  two  forms  of  government  merits  the  pref- 
erence. I  know,  however,  that  the  English  nation,  after  having 
tried  them  both,  has  never  found  repose  except  in  monarchy.  I 
know,  also,  that  in  popular  republics  themselves,  so  necessary  is 
monarchy  to  cement  human  society,  it  has  been  requisite  to  institute 
monarchical  powers,  more  or  less  extensive,  under  the  names  of 
Archons,  of  Consuls,  of  Doges,  of  Gonfaloniers,  and  finally  of 
Kings.  Nor  should  f  here  omit  an  observation,  the  truth  of  which 
appears  to  me  incontestable ;  the  English  constitution  seems  to  be 
the  fruit  of  the  experience  of  all  anterior  time ;  in  which  monarchy 
is  so  tempered,  that  the  monarch  finds  himself  checked  in  his  efforts 
to  seize  absolute  power ;  and  the  authority  of  the  people  is  so  regu- 
lated, that  anarchy  is  not  to  be  feared.  But  for  us  it  is  to  be  appre- 
hended, that  when  the  counterpoise  of  monarchy  shall  no  longer 
exist,  the  democratic  power  may  carry  all  before  it,  and  involve  the 
whole  state  in  confusion  and  ruin.  Then  an  ambitious  citizen  may 
vise,  seize  the  reins  of  power,  and  annihilate  liberty  forever '  for 


BOOK  VI. 


THE    AMERICAN    WA*.  3$| 


*uch  is  the  ordinary  career  of  ill-balanced  democracies,  they  fall 
into  anarchy,  and  thence  under  despotism. 

'  Such  are  the  opinions  which  might  have  been  offered  you  with 
more  eloquence,  but  assuredly  not  with  more  zeal  or  sincerity.  May 
Heaven  grant  that  such  sinister  forebodings  be  not  one  day  accom- 
plished !  May  it  not  permit  that,  in  this  solemn  concourse  of  the 
friends  of  country,  the  impassioned  language  of  presumptuous  and 
ardent  men  should  have  more  influence  than  the  pacific  exhorta- 
tions of  good  and  sober  citizens ;  prudence  and  moderation  found 
and  preserve  empires,  temerity  and  presumption  occasion  their 
downfall.' 

The  discourse  of  Dickinson  was  heard  with  attention ;  but  the 
current  flowed  irresistibly  strong  in  a  contrary  direction,  and  feaT 
acting  upon  many  more  powerfully  than  even  their  opinion,  the 
majority  pronounced  in  favor  of  independence.  The  deputies  of 
Pennsylvania  were  accordingly  authorized  to  return  to  congress,  and 
to  consent  that  the  confederate  colonies  should  declare  themselves 
free  and  independent  states. 

The  formal  opposition  of  Dickinson  caused  him  to  be  excluded. 
The  same  things  took  place  in  Maryland ;  this  province,  feeble  by 
itself,  and  situated  in  the  midst  of  the  others,  also  empowered  its 
deputies  to  resume  their  seats  in  congress,  and  to  approve  indepen- 
dence. Consequently,  the  fourth  of  July,  1776,  upon  the  report  of 
Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sherman, 
and  Philip  Livingston,  the  thirteen  confederate  colonies  dissolved  all 
their  allegiance  towards  the  British  crown,  and  declared  themselves 
free  and  independent,  under  the  name  of  the  thirteen  United  States 
of  America,  The  manifesto  which  the  congress  caused  to  be  pub- 
lished to  justify  their  resolution  in  the  sight  of  all  mankind,  was 
attributed  particularly  to  Jefferson;  it  was  drawn  up  with  great 
energy  of  style  and  argument.  The  writers  of  the  time  bestowed 
the  highest  encomiums  on  this  declaration,  which  laid  the  foundation 
of  the  independence  of  a  rich  and  powerful  nation. 

It  commenced  with  these  words : 

1  When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary  fo? 
one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  connected  them 
with  another,  and  to  assume,  among  the  powers  of  the  earth,  the 
separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  nature's 
God  entitle  them,  a  decen*  regard  to  the  opinions  of  mankind  re- 
quires that  they  should  declare  the  causes  which  impel  them  to  tht 
separation. 

*  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident ;  that  all  men  are  created 


356  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Tl. 

equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  unaliena- 
ble rights;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights,  governments  are  instituted 
among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed ;  that  whenever  any  form  of  government  becomes  destruc- 
tive of  these  ends,  it  is  the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it, 
and  to  institute  a  newr  government,  laying  its  foundations  on  such 
principles,  and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall 
seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence, 
indeed,  will  dictate  that  governments  long  established  should  not  be 
changed  for  light  and  transient  causes ;  and  accordingly  all  experience 
hath  shown,  that  mankind  are  more  disposed  to  suffer,  while  evils 
are  sufferable.,  than  to  right  themselves  by  abolishing  the  forms  to 
which  they  are  accustomed.  But  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and 
usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to 
reduce  them  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty, 
to  throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for  their 
future  felicity.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of  these  colo- 
nies, and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains  them  to  alter 
their  former  systems  of  government.' 

After  an  exact  enumeration  of  the  wrongs  received,  and  of  the 
oppression  sustained,  it  was  added,  that  '  a  prince,  whose  character 
is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a  tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be 
the  ruler  of  a  free  people.'  Then,  having  recounted  the  public  ap- 
peals made  at  different  times  to  the  English  people,  their  constant 
refusal  to  hear  the  voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity,  the  mani- 
festo concluded  with  these  words : 

'  We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the  necessity  which  denounces 
our  separation,  and  hold  them  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  ene- 
mies in  war,  in  peace  friends. 

'  We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of  Ameri- 
ca, in  general  congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Supreme  Judge 
of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions,  and  by  authority  of 
the  good  people  of  these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare, 
That  these  united  colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and 
independent  states  ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown,  and  thatali  political  connection  between  them  and  the 
state  of  Great  Britain  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dissolved  ;  and  that, 
as  free  and  independent  states,  they  ho'e  full  power  to  levy  war, 
conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  *21 
other  acts  and  things  which  independent  states  may  of  right  *1o. 
And  for  the  support  of  this  declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  th« 


BOOK  VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  357 

protection  of  Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  othei 
our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor.'* 

Such  was  this  famous  declaration  of  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  which,  if  it  was  necessary,  as  it  appears 
to  have  been,  was  not,  however,  exempt  from  peril.  For  although 
the  greater  part  of  the  Americans  perceived  that  the  course  of 
things  must  have  led  them  to  this  extremity,  there  were  still  many 
who  openly  manifested  contrary  sentiments.  They  were  unfortu- 
nately more  numerous  in  the  provinces  menaced  by  the  English 
than  in  any  other.  The  American  armies  were  feeble,  the  treasury 
poor,  foreign  succors  uncertain,  and  the  ardor  of  the  people  mighl 
abate  all  at  once. 

It  was  known  that  England  was  determined  to  exert  all  her  forces 
for  the  reduction  of  the  colonies,  before  they  should  have  time  to 
become  confirmed  in  their  rebellion;  or  to  form  alliances  with  for- 
eign powers.  If  the  American  arms,  as  there  was  but  too  much 
reason  to  fear,  should  prove  unfortunate  in  the  ensuing  campaign, 
it  could  not  be  disguised  that  the  people  would  lay  it  to  the  charge 
of  independence ;  and  that,  according  to  the  ordinary  movement  of 
the  human  mind,  they  would  rapidly  retrograde  towards  the  opin- 
ions they  had  abjured.  When  despair  once  begins,  the  prostration 
of  energy  follows  as  its  immediate  consequence.  But  the  war  was 
inevitable,  all  arrangement  impossible,  and  the  congress  urged  by 
necessity  to  take  a  decisive  resolution.  On  every  side  they  saw 
dangers,  but  they  preferred  to  brave  them  for  the  attainment  of  a 
determinate  object,  rather  than  trust  any  longer  to  the  uncertain 
hope  of  the  repeal  of  the  laws  against  which  they  were  in  arms. 

For  it  was  even  difficult  to  designate  which  of  these  laws  were  to 
be  revoked.  Some  desired  to  have  all  those  repealed  which  had 
been  passed  since  the  year  1763  ;  others  only  proscribed  a  part  of 
them ;  and  there  were  still  others  whom  a  total  abrogation  would 
not  have  satisfied,  and  who  wished  also  for  the  abolition  of  some  an- 
cient statutes.  In  the  heat  of  debates,  propositions  had  been  ad- 
vanced to  which  it  was  impossible  that  Great  Britain  should  ever 
consent.  Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  the  declaration  of  independence 
was  conformable  to  the  nature  of  things.  Circumstances  would  not 
have  endured  much  longer  that  a  people  like  that  of  America,  nu- 
merous, wealthy,  warlike,  and  accustomed  to  liberty,  should  depend 
upon  another,  at  a  great  distance,  and  little  superior  in  power.  The 
English  ministry  could  not  shut  their  eyes  upon  it;  and  such  was 
perhaps  the  secret  reason  of  their  obduracy  in  attempting  to  load 

•  See  Note  I. 


358  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI, 

the  Americans  with  heavier  chains.  It  is  also  certain  that  foreign 
princes  would  not  have  consented  to  succor,  or  to  receive  into  their 
alliance,  a  people  who  acknowledged  themselves  the  subjects  of 
another  power;  whereas  it  might  be  expected,  that  they  would 
unite  their  efforts  to  those  of  a  nation  determined,  at  all  hazards, 
to  obtain  the  recognition  of  its  liberty  and  independence.  In  the 
first  case,  even  victory  would  not  have  given  allies  to  the  Ameri- 
cans ;  in  the  second,  they  were  assured  of  them  only  by  showing 
themselves  resolved  to  sustain  their  cause  with  arms  in  hand. 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  the  declaration  was  received 
by  the  people  with  transports  of  joy.  Nor  were  any  of  those  pub- 
lic demonstrations  omitted  which  governments  are  accustomed  to 
employ  on  similar  occasions,  to  conciliate  the  favor  of  the  people 
to  their  determinations.  Independence  was  proclaimed,  with  great 
solemnity,  at  Philadelphia,  the  eighth  of  July.  The  artillery  was 
fired,  bonfires  were  kindled ;  the  people  seemed  actually  delirious 
with  exultation.  On  the  eleventh,  the  manifesto  of  congress  was 
published  in  New  York,  and  was  read  to  each  brigade  of  the  Ameri- 
can army,  which,  at  that  time,  was  assembled  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
city  ;  it  was  received  with  universal  acclamations.  The  same  even- 
ing, the  statue  of  king  George  III.,  which  had  been  erected  in  1770, 
was  taken  down  and  dragged  through  the  streets,  by  the  sons  of 
liberty.  It  was  decided,  that  the  lead  of  which  it  was  composed, 
should  be  converted  into  musket  balls.  These  excesses,  however 
blamable  in  themselves,  were  not  without  utility  if  considered  po- 
litically ;  they  excited  the  people,  and  hurried  them  on  to  the  object 
that  was  desired.  At  Baltimore,  independence  having  been  pro- 
claimed in  the  presence  of  cannoniers  and  militia,  the  people  could 
not  contain  their  enthusiasm.  The  air  resounded  with  salutes  of 
artillery,  and  the  shouts  that  hailed  the  freedom  and  happiness 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  The  effigy  of  the  king  became 
the  sport  of  the  populace,  and  was  afterwards  burnt  in  the  public 
square. 

The  rejoicings  at  Boston  were  the  greatest  of  all.  Independence 
was  there  proclaimed  from  the  balcony  of  the  State  House,  in  the 
presence  of  all  the  authorities,  civil  and  military,  and  of  an  immense 
concourse  of  people,  as  well  from  the  city  itself  as  from  the  country. 

The  garrison  was  drawn  up  in  order  of  battle  in  King  street,  which 
from  that  moment  took  the  name  of  State  street ;  the  troops  formed 
in  thirteen  detachments,  to  denote  the  thirteen  United  States.  At 
a  given  signal,  a  salute  of  thirteen  cannon  was  fired  upon  Fort  Hill, 
which  was  immediately  answered  by  an  equal  number  from  the  bat- 
teries of  the  Castle,  of  the  Neck,  of  Nantasket,  and  of  Point  Alder- 


BOOK    VI.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  359 

ton.  The  garrison,  in  their  turn,  fired  thirteen  salutes  of  musketry, 
each  detachment  firing  in  succession.  The  authorities  and  most  con^ 
siderable  inhabitants  then  convened  at  a  banquet  prepared  in  the 
council  chamber,  when  they  drank  toasts  to  the  perpetuity  and  pros- 
perity of  the  United  Siates,  to  the  American  congress,  to  general 
Washington,  to  the  success  of  the  arms  of  the  confederacy,  to  the 
destruction  of  tyrants,  to  the  propagation  of  civil  and  religious  lib- 
erty, to  the  friends  of  the  United  States  in  all  parts  of  the  world. 
All  the  bells  rung  in  token  of  felicitation  ;  the  joy  was  universal,  and 
its  demonstrations  were  incessantly  renewed.  In  the  evening,  all 
the  ensigns  of  royalty,  liorts,  scepters  or  crowns,  whether  sculptured 
or  painted,  were  torn  in  pieces  and  burnt  in  State  street. 

But  in  Virginia,  it  would  be  impossible  to  describe  the  exultation 
that  was  manifested. 

The  Virginian  convention  decreed  that  the  name  of  the  king 
should  be  suppressed  in  all  the  public  prayers.  They  ordained  that 
the  great  seal  of  -he  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  should  represent 
Virtue  as  the  tutelary  genius  of  the  province,  robed  in  drapery  of  an 
Amazon,  resting  one  hand  upon  her  lance,  and  holding  with  the 
other  a  sword,  trampling  upon  tyranny,  under  the  figure  of  a  pros- 
trate man,  having  near  him  a  crown  fallen  from  his  head,  an  J  bear- 
ing in  one  hand  a  broken  chain,  and  in  the  other  a  scourge.  At  foot 
was  charactered  the  word  Virginia,  and  round  the  effigy  of  Virtue 
was  inscribed — Sic  semper  tyrannis.  The  reverse  represented  a 
group  of  figures ;  in  the  middle  stood  Liberty  with  her  wand  and 
cap ;  on  one  side  was  Ceres,  with  the  horn  of  plenty  in  the  right 
hand,  and  a  sheaf  of  wheat  in  the  left ;  upon  the  other  appeared 
Eternity,  with  the  globe  and  the  phoenix.  At  foot  were  found  these 
words — Deus  nobis  hcec  otia  fecit. 

In  the  midst  of  these  transports,  nothing  was  forgotten  that  might 
tend  to  inspire  the  people  with  affection  for  the  new  order  of  things, 
and  a  violent  hatred,  not  only  towards  tyranny,  but  also  against 
monarchy ;  the  republicans  using  all  their  address  to  confound  the 
one  with  the  other  as  eternally  inseparable  by  their  essence. 

Thus,  on  the  one  hand,  the  American  patriots,  by  their  secret 
maneuvers,  and  then  by  a  daring  resolution  ;  and  on  the  other,  the 
British  ministers,  at  first  by  oppressive  laws,  and  afterwards  by  hesi 
tating  counsels  and  the  employment  of  an  inadequate  force,  gave 
origin  to  a  crisis  which  eventually  produced  the  entire  dismember- 
ment of  a  splendid  and  powerful  empire.  So  constant  are  men  in 
the  pursuit  of  liberty ;  and  so  obstinate  in  ambition.  But  also  so 
timid  are  they  in  their  resolutions,  and  even  more  prompt  to  warn 


S60  *H£    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI 

their  enemy  of  his  danger  by  threats,  than  to  overwhelm  him  by 
force. 

It  is  certain  that  the  English  ministers  wanted  either  sagacity  to 
foresee  the  evil,  or  energy  to  remedy  it.  The  tumults  of  America 
broke  out  unobserved,  and  grew  without  obstacle,  till  at  length, 
swollen  like  an  overflowing  river,  they  acquired  such  an  impetuosity 
as  to  sweep  before  them  the  impotent  dikes  with  which  it  was  at 
tempted  too  late  to  oppose  them. 


END    Of    BOOK    SIXTH 


NOTE   TO   BOOK   VI 


NOTE    I. PAGE  357. 


THE  MEMBERS  WHO  COMPOSED  THE  CONGRESS,  AND  WHO 
ALL  SIGNED  THE  DECLARATION,  ARE  THE  FOLLOWING: 


John  Hancock,  President. 


NEW  HAMPSHIRE. 

JOSIAH  BaRTLETT, 

William  Whipple, 
Matthew  Thornton. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams, 
Robert  Treat  Paine, 
Elbridge  Gerrt. 

RHODE  ISLAND. 

Stephen  Hopkins, 
William  Ellery. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Roger  Sherman, 
Samuel  Huntington, 
William  Williams, 
Oliver  Wolcott. 


•  NEW  YORK. 

William  Flotd, 
Philip  Livingston-, 
Francis  Lewis, 
Lewis  Morris. 


NEW  JERSEY. 

Richard  Stockton, 
John  Witherspoon, 
Francis  Hopkinson, 
John  Hart, 
Abraham  Clark. 


PENNSYLVANIA. 

Robert  Morris, 
Benjamin  Rush, 
Benjamin  Franklin, 
John  Morton, 
George  Clymer, 
VOL.  I.       , 


James  Smith, 
George  Taylor, 
James  Wilson, 
George  Ross. 


DELAWARE. 

Cesar  Rodney, 
George  Read, 
Thomas  M'Kean. 


MARYLAND. 

Samuel  Ghase, 
William  Paca, 
Thomas  Stone, 
Charles  Carroll,  (of  Carroltoo. 

VIRGINIA. 

George  Wythe, 
Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Thomas  Jefferson, 
Benjamin  Harrison, 
Thomas  Nelson,  Jun. 
Francis  Lightfoot  Lee, 
Carter  Braxton. 


NORTH  CAROLINA. 

William  Hooper, 
Joseph  Hewes, 
John  Penn. 

SOITH  CAROLINA. 

Edward  Rutledge, 
Thomas  Heyward,  Jup. 
Thomas  Lynch,  Jun. 
Arthur  Middleton. 


GEORGIA. 

Button  Gwin>ett. 
Lyman  Hall, 
George  Walton. 


31 


362  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 


BOOK    SEVENTH. 

1776.  Hav.ng  sketched  the  first  two  periods  of  this  obstinate 
contest,  in  the  first  of  which  we  have  seen  the  British  ministers  pro- 
voking the  Americans,  by  oppressive  laws,  to  resistance  and  revolt ; 
and  in  the  second,  conducting  the  war  which  ensued  with  feeble 
counsels  and  insufficient  means  ;  the  order  of  history  requires  that 
we  should  now  proceed  to  the  recital  of  the  events  which  signalized 
the  third,  wherein,  at  length,  displaying  all  their  force,  they  pro- 
posed to  suppress  the  rebellion  entirely,  and  to  reduce  the  colonists 
to  subjection. 

General  Howe,  having  arrived  from  Halifax,  landed  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  June  at  Sandy  Hook,  a  point  of  land  situated  at  the  entrance 
of  the  Gulf,  comprehended  between  the  main  land  of  New  Jersey, 
the  mouth  of  the  Rariton,  Staten  Island,  and  the  opening  of  the  bay 
of  New  York,  on  the  one  side,  and  Long  Island  on  the  other.  On 
the  second  of  July,  he  took  possession  of  Staten  Island.  The  reso- 
lution of  independence  may,  therefore,  be  praised  for  its  boldness, 
or  blamed  for  its  temerity;  which  was  taken,  as  is  seen,  at  the  very 
instant  when  England  was  preparing  to  attack,  with  formidable 
forces,  the  most  vulnerable  parts  of  America.  The  general  would 
have  preferred  waiting  at  Halifax  till  the  arrival  of  the  reinforce- 
ments expected  from  Europe,  with  the  fleet  of  his  brother,  the  ad- 
miral, in  order  to  repair,  in  concert  with  him,  to  the  waters  of  New 
York,  and  to  terminate  the  war  by  a  sudden  and  decisive  blow.  But 
the  English  fleet  delayed  to  appear,  and  the  quarters  of  Halifax  were 
as  inconvenient,  as  provisions  were  scarce  there ;  a  part  of  the  troops 
had  been  compelled  to  remain  on  board  the  ships.  The  season  for 
operations  also  advancing,  general  Howe  determined  to  go  and  wait 
for  his  rc-inforcernents  in  the  vicinity  of  New  York ;  the  squadron 
of  convoy  was  commanded  by  admiral  Shuldam. 

He  was  joined  in  the  passage  by  some  regiments  that,  having  been 
separated  from  the  fleet  by  contrary  winds,  were  steering  alone  for 
Halifax.  Other  corps  fell  into  the  power  of  the  American  cruisers. 
The  inhabitants  of  Staten  Island  received  the  English  general  with 
great  demonstrations  of  joy;  the  soldiers,  being  quartered  about  in 
the  villages,  found,  in  abundance,  the  refreshments  of  which  they 
were  in  the  greatest  need.  Here  general  Howe  was  visited  by  gov- 
ernor Tryon,  who  gave  him  precise  information  with  respect  to  the 
state  of  the  province,  as  also  with  regard  to  the  forces  and  prepa- 
rations of  the  enemy.     Many  inhabitants  of  New  Jersey  came  to 


BOCK  VII  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  363 

offer  themselves  to  be  enrolled  for  the  royal  service  ;  even  those  of 
Staten  Island  were  forward  to  enlist  under  the  English  standard ; 
every  thing  announced  that  the  army  had  only  to  show  itself  in  the 
provinces  to  be  assured  of  a  prompt  victory.  Admiral  Howe,  after 
touching  at  Halifax,  where  he  found  dispatches  from  his  brother, 
who  urged  him  to  come  and  join  him  at  New  York,  made  sail  again 
immediately,  and  landed,  without  accident,  at  Staten  Island,  the 
twelfth  of  July.  General  Clinton  arrived  there  about  the  same  time, 
with  the  troops  he  re-conducted  from  the  unfortunate  expedition  of 
Charleston.  Commodore  Hotham  also  appeared  there  with  the  re- 
inforcements under  his  escort ;  so  that  in  a  short  time  the  army 
amounted  to  about  twenty-four  thousand  men,  between  English, 
Hessians,  and  Waldeckers.  Several  regiments  of  Hessian  infantry 
were  expected  to  arrive  shortly,  when  the  army  would  be  carried  to 
the  number  of  thirty-five  thousand  combatants,  of  the  best  troops  of 
Europe.     America  had  never  seen  such  a  display  of  forces. 

It  began  now  to  appear  that  the  ministers  had  at  length  adopted 
vigorous  measures^  hoping  to  terminate  (he  war  at  a  blow,  and  to 
repair  the  evils  produced  by  their  long  hesitation  and  delays. 

General  and  admiral  Howe,  both  officers  of  high  distinction,  were 
to  combine  their  efforts  against  the  province  of  New  York ;  which, 
feeble  by  itself,  broken  by  a  great  number  of  islands  and  large  rivers, 
and  offering  a  great  extent  of  coasts,  was  more  exposed  than  any 
other  to  the  attacks  of  an  er-r.iy  that  was  master  at  sea. 

The  English  army  was  abundantly  provided:  with  arms  and  muni- 
tions, and  the  soldiers  manifested  an  extreme  ardor  for  the  service 
of  the  king.  The  English,  besides  their  particular  hatred  against 
the  insurgents,  were  also  stimulated  by  their  national  jealousy  towards 
the  Germans ;  they  considered  the  confidence  placed  by  the  gov- 
ernment in  these  strangers  as  indicating  a  want  of  it  in  them. 
They  were  eager  to  prove  to  the  world  that,  without  their  assistance, 
they  were  capable  of  subduing  America.  The  Germans,  on  their 
part,  who  justly  thought  themselves  not  inferior  to  the  English, 
would  by  no  means  appear  to  yield  to  them,  and  this  reciprocal  emu- 
lation warranted  the  expectation  of  extreme  efforts  on  the  one  part 
and  on  the  other.  When  the  submission  of  the  province  of  New  York 
should  have  given  the  English  a  firm  footing  in  America,  small  gar- 
risons, supported  by  a  formidable  maritime  force,  would  be  sufficient 
to  defend  it  against  the  insults  of  the  enemy,  and  the  army  might 
safely  proceed  to  the  conquest  of  the  adjacent  provinces. 

New  York  forming  the  center  of  the  American  colonies,  the  Eng- 
lish army  would  be  able  to  turn  at  will,  either  upon  the  right,  in  or- 
der to  carry  the  war  into  Connecticut  and  all  New  England,  or  upon 


364  THE    AMERICA       WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

the  left,  to  scour  New  Jersey  and  menace  Philadelphia  itself.  It  was 
besides  very  easy,  by  means  of  frigates  and  other  smaller  vessels,  to 
maintain  the  communication  between  the  two  parts  of  the  army  upon 
the  right  and  left  banks  of  the  Hudson,  and  even  to  pass  it  upon 
occasion,  and  promptly  transport  troops  from  one  side  to  the  other. 

Finally,  this  position  of  New  York,  as  well  by  its  nature  as  by 
reason  of  the  numerous  marine  of  the  English,  was  for  them  a  place 
of  arms,  whence  they  could  infest  the  neighboring  places,  attack 
their  enemies  at  their  own  time,  combat  them  with  success,  and  re- 
treat without  danger. 

They  resolved,  accordingly,  to  make  it  the  center  of  their  opera- 
tions ;  the  loyalists  were  also  very  numerous  there,  and  in  no  city 
of  America  was  the  party  of  the  congress  more  feeble. 

There  occurred,  also,  another  consideration  of  the  highest  impor- 
tance. If  general  Carleton,  after  having  passed,  as  was  hoped,  the 
lakes  of  Canada,  could  penetrate  to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  and 
descend  this  river  at  the  same  time  that  general  Howe  should  as- 
cend it,  their  conjunction  would  have  the  immediate  effect  of  inter- 
rupting all  communication  between  the  provinces  of  New  England, 
situated  upon  the  left  bank,  and"  those  of  the  middle  and  south, 
which  are  found  upon  the  rights  and  such  had  always  been  the 
favorite  plan  of  the  ministry. 

Finally,  it  was  considered  that  Long  Island,  separated:  from  the 
island  of  New  York  only  by  the  East  river,  and  being  abundant  in 
grains  and  in  cattle,  offered  the  means  of  subsistence  for  the  most 
numerous  army.  Its  inhabitants,  besides,  were  believed  to  be  well 
inclined  towards  the  royal  cause. 

While  general  Howe  was  seconded  in  his  invasion  of  New  York 
by  the  twelve  or  thirteen  thousand  men  coming  from  Canada  under 
governor  Carleton,  general  Clinton  was  to  operate  in  the  provinces  of 
the  south,  and  to  attack  Charleston.  The  American  troops  being 
thus  divided,  and  their  generals  surprised  and  pressed  on  so  many 
sides  at  once,  it  was  not  doubted  but  that  the  British  arms  would 
soon  obtain  a  complete  triumph.  But  there  happened  in  this  oc- 
currence what  is  often  seen  in  the  execution  of  human  designs,  when 
their  success  depends  upon  the  concurrence  of  a  great  number  of 
parts  ;  one  proceeds  towards  the  object,  another  recedes  from  it,  and 
all  equally  miss  it. 

A  prosperous  event  in  this  business  appeared  the  less  probable, 
since  independently  of  the  obstacles  raised  by  men,  it  was  necessary 
also  to  combat  the  winds  and  the  seasons.  Would  it  not  have  been 
calculating  upon  a  scarcely  possible  contingency,  to  have  expected 
the  arrival  of  three  distinct  corps  of  the  army  at  their  places  of  des- 


BOOK  VII. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  365 


tination  at  the  hour  prefixed,  so  as  to  operate  in  perfect  concert? 
Was  it  even  certain  that  all  the  three  would  prove  victorious  ?  This, 
however,  was  necessary  to  secure  the  execution  of  the  plan  of  the 
campaign. 

It  happened,  therefore,  on  the  one  part,  that  admiral  Howe,  having 
been  retarded  by  contrary  winds,  did  not  land  his  re-inforcements 
till  after  the  expedition  of  Charleston  had  totally  miscarried,  as  we 
have  related.  And  on  the  other,  the  army  of  Canada  encountered 
so  many  obstacles  to  the  passage  of  the  lakes,  that  it  was  not  able 
to  make  its  way  this  year  to  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  Whence  it 
resulted  not  only  that  Washington  was  not  compelled  to  weaken  the 
already  feeble  army  which  he  had  upon  the  coasts,  in  order  to  send 
succors  into  South  Carolina,  or  towards  Canada,  but  that  the  same 
soldiers  who  had  so  valiantly  defended  Charleston,  went  to  re-in- 
force  those  who  guarded  the  passage  of  ihc  lakes,  or  joined  the 
principal  army.  But  notwithstanding  these  failures,  it  was  still  con- 
fidently hoped  that  general  Howe  would  be  able  alone  to  make  a 
decisive  campaign.  This  hope  was  not  perhaps  devoid  of  all  foun- 
dation. It  is  plain,  therefore,  how  many  probabilities  the  British 
ministers  and  generals  would  have  united  in  their  favor,  if,  instead 
of  having  scattered  their  forces  upon  several  points,  they  had  con- 
centrated them  in  a  single  mass,  leaving  only  sufficient  garrisons  in 
the  places  necessary  to  their  operations. 

The  Americans,  on  their  part,  had  neglected  no  preparative  in 
order  to  resist  the  storm  with  which  they  were  menaced.  The  con- 
gress had  ordained  the  construction  of  rafts,  of  gun  boats,  of  galleys, 
and  of  floating  batteries,  for  the  defense  of  the  port  of  New  Yc,rk 
and  the  mouths  of  the  Hudson.  But  it  could  not  be  hoped  that 
such  feeble  preparations  were  competent  to  oppose,  with  any  chance 
of  success,  the  formidable  marine  of  England. 

The  congress  had  also  decreed  that  thirteen  thousand  of  the  pro- 
vincial militia  should  go  and  join  the  army  of  Washington,  who,  being 
seasonably  apprised  of  the  danger  of  New  York,  had  made  a  movement 
into  that  quarter  ;  they  also  directed  the  organization  of  a  corps  of  ten 
thousand  men,  destined  to  serve  as  a  reserve  in  the  provinces  of  the 
center.  All  the  weakest  posts  had  been  carefully  intrenched,  and 
furnished  with  artillery.  A  strong  detachment  occupied  Long  Island, 
to  prevent  the  English  from  landing  there,  or  to  repulse  them  if  they 
should  effect  a  debarkation.  But  the  army  of  the  congress  was  very 
far  from  having  all  the  necessary  means  to  support  the  burthen  of  so 
terrible  a  war.  It  wanted  arms,  and  it  was  wasted  by  diseases. 
The  reiterated  instances  of  the  commander-in-chief  had  drawn  into 
his  camp  the  militia  of  the  neighboring  provinces,  and  some  regular 

3U 


H66  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  Vll 

regiments  from  Maryland,  from  Pennsylvania,  and  from  New  Eng- 
land, which  had  carried  his  army  to  the  number  of  twenty-seven 
thousand  men  ;  but  a  fourth  part  of  these  troops  was  composed  of 
invalids,  and  scarcely  was  another  fourth  furnished  with  arms.  The 
greatest  part,  without  order,  as  without  discipline,  could  inspire 
little  confidence. 

These  inconveniences,  so  seriously  alarming  for  the  success  of  the 
American  cause,  proceeded  partly  from  the  want  of  money,  which 
prevented  the  congress  from  paying  regular  troops  and  providing 
for  their  equipment,  and  partly  from  an  impolitic  parsimony  con- 
tracted during  peace,  which  withheld  them  from  incurring,  with 
promptitude,  the  expenses  rendered  necessary  by  a  state  of  war. 
Their  rooted  jealousy  of  standing  armies  contributed  also  to  the 
same  effect ;  it  had  even  inspired  them  with  the  idle  hope  of  being 
able  to  organize  every  year  an  army  sufficient  to  resist  the  forces  of 
the  enemy. 

Perhaps,  finally,  many  of  the  colonists  were  reluctant  to  take 
arms,  because  they  still  flattered  themselves  that  the  commissioners 
of  the  king,  being  at  the  same  time  chiefs  of  the  troops,  and  nego- 
tiators of  peace,  might  succeed  in  effecting  a  general  reconciliation. 

The  American  army,  such  as  it  was,  occupied  the  positions  most 
suitable  to  cover  the  menaced  points.  The  corps  which  had  been 
stationed  on  Long  Island  was  commanded  by  major-general  Greene, 
who,  on  account  of  sickness,  was  afterwards  succeeded  by  general 
Sullivan.  The  main  body  of  the  army  encamped  on  the  island  of 
New  York,  which,  it  appeared,  was  destined  to  receive  the  first 
blows  of  the  English. 

Two  feeble  detachments  guarded  Governor's  Island,  and  the  point 
of  Paulus'  Hook,  situated  in  front  of  New  York,  upon  the  right 
bank  of  the  Hudson.  The  militia  of  the  province,  commanded  by 
the  American  general,  Clinton,  were  posted  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Sound,  where  they  occupied  the  two  Chesters,  East  and  West,  and 
New  Rochelle.  For  it  was  to  be  feared  that  the  enemy,  landing  in 
force  upon  the  north  shore  of  the  Sound,  might  penetrate  to  Kings- 
bridge,  and  thus  entirely  lock  up  all  the  American  troops  on  the 
island  of  New  York. 

All  being  prepared  on  the  one  side  for  attack,  on  the  other  for 
defense,  and  the  two  parties  appearing  equally  decided  to  refer  the 
destiny  of  America  to  the  chance  of  battles,  the  English  commis- 
sioners, before  coming  to  this  appeal,  wished  to  make  trial  of  the 
pacific  powers  with  which  they  were  invested.  Already,  in  the 
month  of  June,  lord  Howe,  being  upon  the  coasts  of  Massachusetts 
in  the  Eagle  ship  of  the  line,  had,  in  the  name  of  the  king,  addressed 


BOOK  VII.  TB£    AMERICAN    WAR.  361 

a  letter  to  all  the  governors  who  had  been  expelled  from  their  prov- 
inces, enjoining  them  to  use  all  possible  means  to  spread  it  among 
the  inhabitants. 

He  therein  announced  that  the  king  had  authorized  two  commis- 
sioners to  grant  general  or  particular  pardons  to  all  those  who,  dur- 
ing the  troubles,  had  departed  from  the  obedience  due  to  the  crown, 
but  who  now  desired  to  return  to  their  duty,  and  participate  in  the 
benefits  of  the  royal  clemency.  He  also  declared  that  the  commis- 
sioners were  empowered  to  proclaim  any  province  or  city  whatso- 
ever to  be  in  the  king's  peace*  which  immediately  sheltered  them 
from  the  effect  of  the  penal  laws  against  rebellion.  Finally,  he  prom- 
ised large  recompense  to  such  as,  by  their  services,  should  contribute 
re-establish  the  royal  authority.  These  writings,  commonly  brought 
by  flags,  circulated  in  the  country ;  and  general  Washington  sent 
Dy  express  to  congress  a  proclamation  which  had  bee  a  addressed  to 
the  city  of  Amboy.  That  assembly  took  the  noble  resolution  of 
causing  it  to  be  printed  in  all  the  public  papers,  in  order  that  the 
good  people  of  the  United  States — such  were  the  words  of  the  reso- 
lution— might  be  informed  of  the  powers  of  the  commissioners,  and 
of  the  means  by  which  Great  Britain  hoped  to  lull  them  into  securi- 
ty and  to  disarm  them ;  and  also  that  the  most  obstinate  might  be 
convinced  that  they  could  no  longer  expect  the  preservation  of  their 
privileges,  but  from  their  arms  alone. 

In  the  meantime,  a  letter  was  brought  from  lord  Howe,  directed 
simply  to  George  Washington,  Esq.  The  general  refused  to  receive 
it,  alledging,  that  whoever  had  written  it  had  not  expressed  his  pub- 
lic station,  and  that  as  a  private  individual  he  could  not,  and  would 
not,  hold  any  communication,  whether  written  or  verbal,  with  the 
commanders  of  the  king.  His  conduct  in  this  instance  was  much 
applauded  by  the  congress ;  and  they  decreed  that  in  future  none 
of  their  officers  should  receive  letters  or  messages,  on  the  part  of  the 
enemy,  that  were  not  addressed  to  them  according  to  their  respective 
rank. 

The  English  commissioners  were  unwilling  that  a  mere  point  of 
ceremonial  should  interrupt  negotiations  from  which  they  expected 
some  advantage.  They  could  not,  on  the  other  hand,  consent  to 
acknowledge  in  the  generalissimo  of  congress  a  rank  which  had 
been  conferred,  as  they  believed,  by  an  unlawful  authority. 

They  had  recourse,  therefore,  to  an  expedient  by  which  they 
hoped  to  obviate  all  difficulty ;  they  changed  the  address  of  their  let- 
ter for  the  superscription  following  ;  to  George  Washington,  fyc.  fyc. 
Adjutant-general  Patterson  was  sent  with  this  dispatch.  Being  in- 
troduced to  Washington,  he  gave  him  in  conversation  the  title  of 


368  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII 

Excellency.  The  general  received  him  with  great  politeness,  but  at 
the  same  time  with  much  dignity.  The  adjutant  expressed  great 
concern  in  the  behalf  of  his  principals,  on  account  of  the  difficulties 
that  had  arisen  about  the  superscription  of  the  letter ;  assured  him 
of  their  high  regard  for  his  personal  character,  and  that  they  had  no 
intention  to  undervalue  his  rank.  It  was  hoped,  therefore,  that  the 
et  ceteras,  being  in  use  between  ambassadors  when  they  were  not 
perfectly  agreed  upon  points  of  etiquette,  would  remove  all  obstruc- 
tions to  their  mutual  intercourse. 

Washington  answered,  that  a  letter  written  to  a  person  invested 
with  a  public  character  should  specify  it,  otherwise  it  could  not  be 
distinguished  fron\  a  private  letter ;  that  it  was  true  the  et  ceteras 
implied  every  thing ;'  but  it  was  no  less  true  that  they  implied  any 
thing ;  and  that,  as  to  himself,  he  would  never  consent  to  receive 
any  letter,  relating  to  public  affairs,  that  should  be  directed  to  him, 
without  a  designation  of. his  rank  and  office.  Patterson  requested 
that  this  question  might  be  waved  ;  and  turned  the  conversation  up- 
on prisoners  of  war.  i  He  expatiated  in  magnificent  terms  upon  the 
goodness  and  clemency  of  the  king,  who  had  chosen  for  negotiators 
lord  and  general  Howe.  He  affirmed  that  their  desire  to  terminate 
the  differences  which  had  arisen  between  the  two  people  was  as  ear- 
nest as  their  powers  were  ample ;  and  that  he  hoped  the  general 
would  consider  this  visit  as  the  first  step  towards  it.  Washington 
replied,  that  he  was  not  authorized  to  negotiate  ;  but  that  it  did  not 
appear  that  the  powers  of  the  commissioners  consisted  in  any  more 
than  in  granting  pardons  ;  that  America,  not  having  committed  any 
offense,  asked  for  no  forgiveness,  and  was  only  defending  her  un- 
questionable rights.  Patterson  exclaimed  that  this  subject  would 
open  too  vast  a  field  of  discussion ;  and  repeating  his  regrets  that 
a  strict  observation  of  formalities  should  interrupt  the  course  of  so 
important  an  affair,  he  took  leave  of  the  general,  and  withdrew. 
This  conference  thus  remained  without  result,  and  all  thoughts  were 
again  concentrated  in  war.  The  congress  were  perfectly  aware,  on 
the  one  hand,  of  the  shame  they  must  incur  by  departing  from  the 
resolution  so  recently  taken  of  asserting  independence,  and  they  feared 
on  the  other  that  the  propositions  of  England  might  contain  some 
secret  poison.  They  caused  an  exact  relation  to  be  printed  of  the 
interview  between  the  commander-in-chief  and  the  English  adjutant- 
general. 

The  British  general0,  seeing  that  the  obstinacy  of  the  Americans 
left  them  no  loD^r  any  hope  of  an  accommodation,  directed  their 
entire  attention  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  resolved  to  strike 
the  first  blows  without  longer  delay.     Wishing,  in  the  first  place,  to 


m 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    V/AIt. 

secure  a  post  which  might  serve  in  case  of  need  as  a  place  of  re- 
treat, and  to  furnish  the  means  of  subsistence  for  so  powerful  an 
army,  they  decided  to  attack  Long  Island,  in  which  they  depended 
for  success  upon  the  superiority  of  military  talents  which  they  be- 
lieved themselves  to  have,  and  which  they  really  had,  over  the 
Americans.  Accordingly,  having  made  all  their  dispositions,  the 
twenty-second  of  August,  the  fleet  approached  the  west  coast  of  the 
island  near  the  strait,  called  the  Narroics,  which  separates  it  from 
Staten  Island  ;  all  the  troops  found  an  easy  and  secure  landing 
place  between  the  villages  of  Gravesend  and  New  Utrecht,  where 
they  debarked  without  meeting  any  resistance  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans. 

A  great  part  of  their  army,  under  the  commandof  general  Putnam, 
encamped  at  Brookland-  or  Brooklyn,  on  a  part  of  the  island  itself 
which  forms  a  sort  of  peninsula.  He  had  strongly  fortified  the  en- 
trance of  it  with  moats  and  intrenchments ;  his  left  wing  rested 
upon  the  Wallabout  bay,  and;  his  right  was  covered  by  a  marsh  con- 
tiguous to  another  bay,  called  (rowan's  Cove.  Behind  him  he  had 
Governor's  Island,  and  the  arm  of  the  sea  which  separates  Long 
Island  from  the  island  of  New  York,  and;  which  gave  him  a  direct 
communication  with  the  city,  where  the  other  part  of  the  army  was 
stationed  under  Washington  himself.  The  commander-in-chief, 
perceiving  that  battle  was  approaching,  continually  exhorted  his  men 
to  keep  their  ranks,  and  summon  all  their  courage ;  he  reminded  them 
that  in  their  valor  rested  the  only  hope  that  remained  to  American 
liberty  ;  that  upon  their  resistance  depended  the  preservation  or  the 
pillage  of  their  property  by  barbarians ;  that  they  were  about  to 
combat  in  defense  of  their  parents,  their  wives,  their  children,  from 
the  outrages  of  a  licentious  soldiery  -r  that  the  eyes  of  America  were 
fixed  upon  her  champions,  and  expected  from  their  success  on  this 
day  either  safety  or  total  destruction. 

The  English,  having  effected  their  landing,  marched  rapidly  for- 
ward. The  two  armies  were  separated  by  a  chain  of  hills,  covered 
with  woods,  called  the  heights  of  Guan,  and  which,  running  from 
west  to  east,  divide  the  island  into  two  parts.  They  are  only  prac- 
ticable upon  three  points ;  one  of  which  is  near  the  Narrows,  the 
road  leading  to  that  of  the  center  passes  by  a  village  named  Flat- 
bush,  and  the  third  is  approached^  far  to  the  right,  by  the  route  of 
another  village  called  Flatland.  Upon  the  summit  of  the  hills  is 
found  a  road  which  follows  the  length  of  the  range,  and  leads  from 
Bedford  to  Jamaica,  which  is  intersected  by  the  two  roads  last  de- 
scribed ;  these  ways  are  all  interrupted  by  precipices,  and  by  exces 
sively  difficult  and  narrow  defiles. 


370  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

The  American  general,  wishing  to  arrest  the  enemy  upon  these 
heights,  had  carefully  furnished  them  with  troops,  so  that  if  all  had 
done  their  duty,  the  English  would  not  have  been  able  to  force  the 
passages  without  extreme  difficulty  and  danger.  The  posts  were  so 
frequent  upon  the  road  from  Bedford  to  Jamaica,  that  it  was  easy  to 
transmit,  from  one  of  these  points  to  the  other,  the  most  prompt  in 
telligence  of  what  passed  upon  the  three  routes. 

Colonel  Miles,  with  his  battalion,  was  to  guard  the  road  of  Flat- 
land,  and  to  scour  it  continually  with  his  scouts,  as  well  as  that  of 
Jamaica,  in  order  to  reconnoiter  the  movements  of  the  enemy. 
Meanwhile,  the  British  army  pressed  forward,  its  left  wing  being  to 
the  north,  and  its  right  to  the  south  ;  the  village  of  Falmouth  was 
found  in  its  center.  The  Hessians,  commanded  by  general  Heister, 
formed  the  main  body ;  the  English  under  major-general  Grant, 
the  left ;  and  other  corps,  conducted  by  general  Clinton,  and  the 
two  lords,  Percy  and  Comwallis,  composed  the  right.  In  this  wing 
the  British  generals  had  placed  their  principal  hope  of  success ;  they 
directed  it  upon  Flatland.  Their  plan  was,  that  while  the  corps  of 
general  Grant,  and  the  Hessians  of  general  Heister,  should  disquiet 
the  enemy  upon  the  first  two  defiles,  the  left  wing,  taking  a  circuit, 
should  march  through  Flatland,  and  endeavor  to  seize  the  point  of 
intersection  of  this  road  with  that  of  Jamaica  ;  and  then,  rapidly  de- 
scending into  the  plain  which  extends  to  the  foot  of  the  heights,  upon 
the  other  side,  should  fall  upon  the  Americans  in  flank  and  rear. 
The  English  hoped,  that  as  this  post  was  the  most  distant  from  the 
center  of  the  army,  the  advanced  guards  would  be  found  more  feeble 
there,  and  perhaps  more  negligent ;  finally,  they  calculated  that,  in 
all  events,  the  Americans  would  not  be  able  to  defend  it  against  a 
force  so  superior.  This  right  wing  of  the  English  was,  in  effect,  the 
most  numerous,  and  entirely  composed  of  select  troops. 

The  evening  of  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  general  Clinton  com- 
manding the  vanguard,  which  consisted  in  light  infantry  ;  lord  Percy 
the  center,  where  were  fousiid  the  grenadiers,  the  artillery,  and  the 
cavalry  ;  and  Cornwall  is  the  rear  guard,  followed  by  the  baggage, 
some  regiments  of  infantry  and  of  heavy  artillery  ;  all  this  part  of 
the  English  army  put  itself  in  motion  with  admirable  order  and 
silence,  and  leaving  Flatland,  traversed  the  country  called  New  Lots. 
Colonel  Miles,  who  this  night  performed  his  service  with  little  exact- 
ness, did  not  perceive  the  approach  of  the  enemy ;  so  that  two  hours 
before  day  the  English  were  already  arrived  within  half  a  mile  of  the 
road  of  Jamaica,  upon  the  heights.  Then  general  Clinton  halted, 
and  prep'ared  himself  for  trie  attack.  He  had  met  one  of  the  enemy'i 
patrols,  and  made  him  prisoner 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  371 

General  Sullivan,  who  commanded  all  the  troops  in  advance  of 
the  camp  of  Brooklyn,  had  no  advice  of  what  passed  in  this  quarter. 
He  neglected  to  send  out  fresh  scouts ;  perhaps  he  supposed  the 
English  would  direct  their  principal  efforts  against  his  right  wing, 
as  being  the  nearest  to  them. 

General  Clinton,  learning  from  his  prisoners  that  the  road  of  Ja- 
maica was  not  guarded,  hastened  to  avail  himself  of  the  circum- 
stance, and  occupied  it  by  a  rapid  movement.  Without  loss  of 
time,  he  immediately  bore  to  his  left  towards  Bedford,  and  seized 
an  important  defile  which  the  American  generals  had  left  unguard- 
ed. From  this  moment  the  success  of  the  day  was  decided  in  favor 
of  the  English. 

Lord  Percy  came  up  with  his  corps ;  and  the  entire  column  de- 
scended by  the  village  of  Bedford  from  the  heights  into  the  plain 
which  lay  between  the  hills  and  the  camp  of  the  Americans.  During 
this  time  general  G  rant,  in  order  to  amuse  the  enemy  and  divert  his 
attention  from  the  events  which  took  place  upon  the  route  of  Flat- 
land,  endeavored  to  disquiet  him  upon  his  right ;  accordingly,  as  if 
he  intended  to  force  the  defile  which  led  to  it,  he  had  put  himself  in 
motion  about  midnight,  and  had  attacked  the  militia  of  New  York 
and  of  Pennsylvania,  who  guarded  it.  They  at  first  gave  ground : 
but  general  Parsons  being  arrived,  and  having  occupied  an  eminence, 
he  renewed  the  combat,  and  maintained  his  position  till  brigadier- 
general  lord  Sterling  came  to  his  assistance  with  fifteen  hundred 
men.  The  action  became  extremely  animated,  and  fortune  favored 
leither  the  one  side  nor  the  other.  The  Hessians,  on  their  part, 
had  attacked  the  center  at  break  of  day ;  and  the  Americans,  com- 
manded by  general  Sullivan  in  person,  valiantly  sustained  their 
efforts.  At  the  same  time  the  English  ships,  after  having  made 
several  movements,  opened  a  very  brisk  cannonade  against  a  bat- 
tery established  in  the  little  island  of  Red  Hook,  upon  the  right 
flank  of  the  Americans,  who  combated  against  general  Grant. 

This  also  was  a  diversion,  the  object  of  which  was  to  prevent  them 
from  attending  to  what  passed  in  the  center  and  on  the  left.  The 
Americans  defended  themselves,  however,  with  extreme  gallantry, 
ignorant  that  so  much  valor  was  exerted  in  vain,  since  victory  was 
already  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  General  Clinton,  being  descended 
into  the  plain,  fell  upon  the  left  flank  of  the  center,  which  was 
engaged  with  the  Hessians.  He  had  previously  detached  a  strong 
corps,  in  order  to  intercept  the  Americans. 

As  soon  as  the  appearance  of  the  English  light  infantry  .apprised 
them  of  theii  danger,  they  sounded  the  retreat,  and  retired  in  good 
order  towards  their  camp,  bringing  off  their  artillery.    But  they  soon 


372  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  VII. 


fell  in  with  the  party  of  royal  troops  which  had  occupied  the  ground 
on  their  rear,  and  who  now  charged  them  with  fury ;  they  were 
compelled  to  throw  themselves  into  the  neighboring  woods,  where 
they  met  again  with  the  Hessians,  who  repulsed  them  upon  the 
English,  and  thus  the  Americans  were  driven  several  times  by  the 
one  against  the  other  with  great  loss. 

They  continued  for  some  time  in  this  desperate  situation,  till,  at 
length,  several  regiments,  animated  by  an  heroic  valor,  opened  their 
way  through  the  midst  of  the  enemy,  and  gained  the  camp  of  general 
Putnam ;  others  escaped  through  the  woods.  The  inequality  of  the 
ground,  the  great  number  of  positions  which  it  offered,  and  the 
disorder  which  prevailed  throughout  the  line.  v.  ere  the  cause  that 
for  several  hours  divers  partial  combats  were  maintained,  in  which 
many  of  the  Americans  fell. 

Their  left  wing  and  center  being  discomfited,  the  English,  desirous 
of  a  complete  victory,  made  a  rapid  movement  against  the  rear  of 
the  right  wing,  which,  in  ignorance  of  the  misfortune  which  had 
befallen  the  other  corps,  was  engaged  with  general  Grant.  Finally, 
having  received  the  intelligence,  they  retired.  But  encountering  the 
English,  who  cut  off  their  retreat,  a  part  of  the  soldiers  took  shelter 
in  the  woods ;  others  endeavored  to  make  their  way  through  the 
marshes  of  Gowan's  Cove ;  but  here  many  were  drowned  in  the 
waters,  or  perished  in  the  mud;  a  very  small  number  only  escaped 
the  hot  pursuit  of  the  victors,  and  reached  the  camp  in  safety.  The 
total  loss  of  the  Americans,  in  this  battle,  was  estimated  at  more  than 
three  thousand  men  in  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  Among  the 
last,  were  found  general  Sullivan,  and  brigadier-generals  lord  Ster- 
ling and  Woodhull.  Almost  the  entire  regiment  of  Maryland,  con- 
sisting of  young  men  of  the  best  families  in  that  province,  was  cut 
in  pieces.  Six  pieces  of  cannon  fell  into  Oe  power  of  the  victors. 
The  loss  of  the  English  was  very  inconsiderable ;  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  prisoners,  it  did  not  amount  to  four  hundred  men. 

The  Americans,  in  this  day,  assuredly  committed  a  great  fault, 
since  they  were  forced  to  combat  with  a  part  of  their  forces  against 
all  those  of  the  enemy.  They  omitted  to  use  the  requisite  diligence 
to  inform  themselves  of  the  quantity  of  troops  disembarked  ;  they 
neglected  to  cause  the  roads  of  the  heights  to  be  properly  scoured 
by  their  scouts,  and  especially  those  upon  their  left,  which  was  the 
menaced  part ;  finally,  they  had  not  sufficiently  guarded  the  difficult 
passes  upon  the  road  of  Jamaica.  There  even  arose  some  rumors 
which  threw  suspicions  of  treachery  upon  those  who  were  charged 
with  this  guard ;  but  it  is  certain  that  they  were  culpable  rather  of 
negligence  than  of  evil  intentions.     Colonel  Miles  enjoyed  a  reputa- 


UOOX  VII.  THE    AMElttCAN    WAR.  373 

tion  that  placed  him  above  suspicion.  It  appears,  indeed,  that 
general  Sullivan,  either  from  too  much  confidence  or  too  much 
mildness,  did  not  employ  all  the  rigorous  means  which  so  important 
a  circumstance  exacted,  to  prevent  the  secret  intelligence  of  the 
loyalists  with  the  English  ;  these  were,  therefore,  diligently  informed 
of  the  weakest  places,  and  of  the  negligence  with  which  the  service 
was  performed.  The  English  and  the  Hessians  combated  not  only 
with  courage,  but  even  with  an  impetuous  ardor,  excited  by  their 
reciprocal  emulation,  and  by  the  desire  to  efface  the  stains  of  former 
defeats. 

In  the  height  of  the  engagement,  general  Washington  had  crossed 
over  to  Brooklyn  from  New  York,  and  seeing  some  of  his  best  troops 
slaughtered  or  taken,  he  uttered,  it  is  said,  an  exclamation  of 
anguish.  He  could,  if  he  saw  fit,  draw  out  of  their  encampment  all 
the  troops,  and  send  them  to  succor  the  corps  that  were  engaged 
with  the  enemy ;  he  might  also  call  over  all  the  forces  he  had  in 
New  York,  and  order  them  to  take  part  in  the  battle.  But  all 
these  re-inforcements  would  by  no  means  have  sufficed  to  render  his 
army  equal  to  that  of  the  English.  Victory  having  already  declared 
in  their  favor,  the  courage  with  which  it  inspired  them,  and  the 
superiority  of  their  discipline,  cut  off  all  hope  of  being  able  to  restore 
the  battle.  If  Washington  had  engaged  all  his  troops  in  the  action, 
it  is  probable  that  the  entire  army  would  have  been  destroyed  on 
this  fatal  day,  and  America  reduced  to  subjection.  Great  praise, 
therefore,  is  due  him  for  not  having  allowed  himself,  in  so  grave  an 
occurrence,  to  be  transported  into  an  inconsiderate  resolution,  and 
for  having  preserved  himself  and  his  army  for  a  happier  future. 

The  English  were  so  elated  with  victory,  that,  eager  to  profit  by 
their  advantages,  they  would  fain  have  immediately  assaulted  the 
American  camp.  But  their  general  manifested  more  prudence  ; 
whether  he  believed  the  intrenchments  of  the  enemy  stronger  than 
they  really  were,  or  whether  he  considered  himself  already  sure  of 
entering  New  York  without  encountering  new  perils,  he  repressed 
the  ardor  of  his  troops.  Afterwards,  having  encamped  in  front  of 
the  enemy's  lines  in  the  night  of  the  twenty-eighth,  he  broke  ground 
within  six  hundred  paces  of  a  bastion  upon  the  left.  His  intention 
was  to  approach  by  means  of  trenches,  and  to  wait  till  the  fleet  could 
co-operate  with  the  land  troops. 

The  situation  of  the  Americans  in  their  camp  became  extremely 
critical.  They  had  in  front  an  enemy  superior  in  number,  and  who 
could  attack  them  at  every  moment  with  a  new  advantage.  Their 
intrenchments  were  of  little  moment,  and  the  English,  pushing  their 
works  with  ardor,  had  every  probability  of  success  in  their  favor. 

32 


374  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  V1J 

For  two  days  and  two  nights  the  rain  had  fallen  by  torrents :  the 
arms  and  ammunition  suffered  from  it  alike.  The  soldiers,  over* 
whelmed  with  fatigue  and  discouraged  by  defeat,  would  have  made 
but  a  feeble  resistance.  The  English  ships  were  in  readiness  to 
enter  the  East  river.  They  had  hitherto  been  prevented  by  a  north- 
east wind,  which  for  them  was  as  contrary  as  it  was  propitious  for 
the  Americans.  But  it  might  change  the  next  moment,  and  the 
English  once  masters  of  this  river,  retreat  was  intercepted  to  the 
soldiers  of  congress,  and  the  whole  army  would  have  incurred  the 
danger  of  being  forced  to  surrender  to  the  superior  force  of  the 
enemy.  The  council  of  war  being  assembled,  the  American  generals 
resolved  to  evacuate  their  position,  and  to  withdraw  into  New  York. 
All  the  dispositions  having  been  made,  the  retreat  across  the  East 
river  was  undertaken.  Colonel  Glover  commanded  the  vessels  and 
flat  boats  of  transport,  general  Macdougall  was  charged  with  the 
embarkation,  and  colonel  Mifflin  was  to  cover  the  rear  guard.  The 
twenty-ninth,  at  eight  in  the  evening,  the  troops  began  to  move  with 
the  greatest  silence.  But  they  were  not  on  board  before  eleven. 
A  violent  northeast  wind  and  the  ebb  tide,  which  rendered  the  cur- 
rent very  rapid,  prevented  the  passage ;  the  time  pressed,  however. 
Fortunately,  the  wind  suddenly  veered  to  the  northwest;  they  im- 
mediately made  sail  and  landed  in  New  York.  Providence  ap- 
peared to  have  watched  over  the  Americans ;  about  two  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  a  thick  fog,  and  at  this  season  of  the  year  extraordi- 
nary, covered  all  Long  Island,  whereas  the  air  was  perfectly  clear 
on  the  side  of  New  York. 

Notwithstanding  the  entreaties  of  his  officers,  Washington  re- 
mained the  last  upon  the  shore ;  he  refused  to  embark  till  he  saw 
his  troops  all  on  board.  They  amounted  in  all  to  nine  thousand 
men. 

The  artillery,  baggage,  camp  equipage,  munitions,  every  thing 
was  safely  transported  to  the  other  side.  It  was  not  till  the  nex. 
morning,  the  sun  being  already  high,  and  after  the  mist  was  dissi- 
pated, that  the  English  discovered,  to  their  great  surprise,  th^it  the 
Americans  had  abandoned  their  camp,  and  were  already  sheltered 
from  all  pursuit.  They  perceived  only  a  part  of  the  rear  guard,  out 
of  reach  in  their  boats,  who  had  returned  to  carry  away  some  mu- 
nitions which  had  been  left  on  the  island. 

Whoever  will  attend  to  all  the  details  of  this  retreat,  wiii  easily 
believe  that  no  military  operation  was  ever  conducted  by  great 
captains  with  more  ability  and  prudence,  or  under  more  tavorable 
auspices. 

It  &till  remained  to  evacuate  Governor's  Island,  situated  at  the 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


375 


mouth  of  the  East  river ;  it  was  occupied  by  two  regiments,  with  a 
numerous  artillery  and  abundant  munitions.  The  Americans  had 
fortified  it  to  interdict  the  entrance  of  this  river  to  the  English.  But 
after  the  loss  of  Long  Island,  it  could  not  be  hoped  to  defend  the 
passage,  and  the  garrison  was  in  danger  of  falling  into  the  power  of 
the  enemy.  The  evacuation  of  Governor's  Island  was  also  effected 
without  accident,  notwithstanding  the  vicinity  of  the  English  ships. 
Thus  all  the  American  army,  after  the  defeat  of  Long  Island,  found 
tself  united  on  the  island  of  New  York. 

The  check  of  Brooklyn  had  made  upon  the  Ame»  leans  a  profound 
impression  of  terror,  and  their  position  actually  became  very  alarming. 

Until  then,  they  had  flattered  themselves  that  Heaven  would  con- 
stantly favor  their  arms ;  and  it  was,  in  truth,  the  first  time  that 
fortune  had  betrayed  them  so  cruelly.  But  not  having  been  accus- 
tomed to  her  rigors,  from  the  excess  of  confidence  which  intoxicated 
them  in  prosperity,  they  fell  all  at  once  into  that  of  dejection. 

They  had  persuaded  themselves  that  personal  valor  completely 
supplied  the  want  of  discipline ;  and  they  had  gone  so  far  as  even 
to  hold  in  derision  the  European  system  of  tactics.  But  sincG  thtj 
had  found,  by  fatal  experience,  of  how  much  utility  it  was  in  regulai 
battles,  their  eyes  were  opened,  and  they  had  lost  all  confidence  in 
themselves.  At  first  they  had  believed  that  courage,  without  disci- 
pline, could  do  all ;  they  now  thought  it  could  do  nothing.  At  every 
moment  they  were  apprehensive  of  some  new  surprise ;  at  every  step 
of  falling  into  an  ambuscade.  Thus,  from  discouragement,  they 
became  stiil  more  negligent  of  order.  The  militia,  especially,  ac- 
cording to  the  usage  of  multitudes  armed  in  moments  of  emergency, 
became  every  day  more  disorderly  and  intractable.  Not  content 
with  enjoying  a  liberty  without  bounds  in  the  camp,  they  abandoned 
their  colors  by  hundreds,  and  entire  regiments  deserted  to  return  to 
their  provinces.  Their  example  became  fatal  to  the  regular  troops 
themselves  ;  their  subordination  diminished,  and  desertion  enfeebled 
them  daily.  Their  engagement  was  but  for  one  year,  and  even  in 
some  corps  only  for  a  few  weeks ;  the  hope  of  soon  returning  to 
their  families  and  friends  so  acted  upon  these  soldiers,  that  they 
avoided  dangers.  Ardor  and  enthusiasm  had  at  first  overruled  these 
domestic  affections  ;  but  they  now  triumphed  over  a  zeal  extinguish- 
ed by  ill  fortune. 

The  fidelity  of  the  generals  was  not  suspected,  but  their  talents 
were  distrusted,  and  every  thing  appeared  to  threaten  a  total  dissolu- 
tion. Confounded  by  the  blows  of  fortune,  and  little  used  to  sup- 
port them,  the  Americans  thus  gave  themselves  up  for  lost.  Wash- 
ington contended  earnestly,  with  exhortations,  with  persuasions,  and 


316  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII, 

with  promises,  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  disorganization.  Wherein, 
if  he  did  not  succeed  according  to  his  desires,  he  obtained,  however, 
more  than  his  hopes.  The  greater  part,  yielding  to  his  authority, 
and  the  benevolence  they  bore  him,  consented  to  remain.  He  had 
not  neglected  to  address  the  congress  an  energetic  picture  of  the 
deplorable  situation  of  his  army;  he  represented  to  them  how  impor- 
tant it  was  to  accept  no  more  engagements,  but  for  the  total  duration 
of  the  war :  and  he  assured  them  that  he  must  despair  of  American 
liberty,  unless  he  was  furnished  with  an  army  that  should  stand  by 
him  till  the  conclusion  of  the  enterprise.  The  remonstrances  and 
instances  of  the  commander-in-chief,  were  seconded  by  all  the  mili- 
tary chiefs  of  distinction  that  were  found  at  that  time  in  America, 
and  the  congress  at  length  yielded  to  their  desires.  They  decreed 
that  a  regular  army  should  be  formed,  in  which  the  soldiers  should 
be  enlisted  to  serve  during  the  present  war ;  and  that  it  should  bo 
composed  of  eighty-eight  battalions,  to  be  raised  in  all  the  provinces 
according  to  their  respective  abilities.*  To  induce  the  inhabitants 
to  enlist,  the  congress  decreed,  besides,  that  a  bounty  of  twenty 
dollars  should  be  given  to  each  man  at  the  time  of  engagement,  and 
portions  of  unoccupied  lands  were  promised  to  the  officers  and  sol- 
diers.f  But  from  the  difficulty  of  finding  men  who  would  enlist  for 
the  whole  term  of  the  war,  this  resolution  was  afterwards  modified, 
so  as  to  admit  of  engagements  either  for  three  years  or  during  the 
war ;  specifying,  however,  that  such  as  enlisted  only  for  three  yea  rs 
tad  no  right  to  grants  of  land.  This  measure  was  of  great  utility. 
Here  also  is  seen  the  power  of  good  or  ill  fortune  over  nations.  If 
those  who  allow  themselves  to  be  over  elated  by  prosperity,  are 
without  courage  in  adversity,  those  who  use  the  favors  of  fortune 
with  moderation,  are  able  fo  support  its  reverses  with  fortitude. 

General  Howe,  wishing  to  take  advantage  of  the  terror  which 
victory  inspires,  and  persuading  himself  that  the  Americans,  dis- 
heartened by  so  many  checks,  would  be  more  modest  in  their  pre- 
tensions, dispatched  general  Sullivan  to  the  congress  with  a  message 
purporting,  that  though  he  could  not  consistently  treat  with  that  as- 
sembly in  the  character  they  had  assumed,  yet  he  would  gladly  con- 
fer with  some  of  their  members  in  their  private  capacity,  and  would 

*  The  eighty-eight  battalions  decreed  by  congress,  were  to  be  furnished  in  the  follow- 
ing proportion  :  Three  in  New  Hampshire,  fifteen  in  Massachusetts,  two  in  Rhode 
Island,  eight  in  Connecticut,  four  in  New  York,  four  in  New  Jersey,  twelve  in  Penn- 
iylvania,one  in  Delaware, eight  in  Maryland,  fifteen  in  Virginia,  nine  in  North  Caro- 
lina, six  in  South  Carolina,  and  one  in  Georgia. 

t  The  grant  of  lands  was  thus  regulated :  Five  hundred  acres  to  a  colonel,  foa* 
hundred  to  a  major,  three  hundred  to  a  captain,  two  hundred  to  a  lieutenant,  one  hnn 
dred  and  i\fiy  to  an  ensign,  and  one  hundred  to  non-commissioned  officers  and  soldier* 


COOK    VII. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  377 


meet  theru  at  any  place  they  would  appoint.  He  informed  them  that 
he  was  empowered,  with  the  admiral  his  brother,  to  terminate  the 
contest  between  Great  Britain  and  America,  upon  conditions  equally 
advantageous  to  both  ;  these  conditions,  he  added,  he  had  not  been 
able  to  obtain  till  after  two  months'  delay,  which  had  prevented  him 
from  arriving  before  the  declaration  of  independence.  He  express- 
ed an  earnest  desire  that  an  arrangement  might  take  place  before 
the  events  of  the  war  became  so  decisive  as  to  render  it  no  longer  a 
matter  of  choice  for  one  of  the  parties  to  treat.  He  assured  them, 
that  if  they  were  inclined  to  enter  into  an  agreement,  much  might 
be  granted  to  them  which  they  had  not  required.  He  concluded  by 
saying,  that  should  the  conference  produce  the  probability  of  an  ac- 
commodation, the  authority  of  congress  would  be.  acknowledged  in 
order  to  render  the  treaty  valid  and  complete  in  every  respect.  The 
commissioners  hoped  thus,  by  insidious  words,  to  dispose  the  Amer- 
icans to  resume  the  yoke  of  England  without  dread. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  decide  whether  these  propositions  announc- 
ed, on  the  part  of  the  English,  more  hope  than  despair  of  victory. 
Perhaps  the  commissioners,  not  being  authorized  to  grant  all  the 
conditions  they  offered,  merely  threw  them  out  to  create  parties,  or 
to  amuse  the  Americans  and  to  divert  them  from  their  preparations 
of  war.  However  this  may  be,  the  congress  deliberated  maturely 
upon  this  overture.  Their  refusal  to  listen  to  the  proffered  terms 
might  alienate  the  minds  of  many ;  and  their  consenting  to  enter 
into  negotiation  was  a  tacit  admission  that  the  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence was  not  irrevocable,  or  that  ill  fortune  began  to  shake 
their  constancy.  The  congress,  to  avoid  either  of  these  inconve- 
niences, though  persuaded  of  the  insincerity  of  the  commissioners, 
decided  for  a  middle  course.  They  made  answer,  through  general 
Sullivan,  that  the  congress  of  the  free  and  independent  states  of 
America,  could  not,  consistently  with  the  trust  reposed  in  them, send 
their  members  to  confer  with  any  one  whomsoever,  otherwise  than 
in  their  public  capacity.  But  that  as  they  desired  that  peace  might  be 
concluded  upon  equitable  conditions,  they  would  depute  a  commit- 
tee of  their  body  to  learn  whether  the  commissioners  were  authoriz- 
ed to  treat,  and  what  proposals  they  had  to  offer.  Washington  wa* 
instructed,  at  the  same  time,  to  answer  any  overtures  that  might  be 
made  him,  by  saying  that  the  United  States  having  taken  arms  to 
defend  their  existence  and  their  liberty,  would  willingly  consent  to 
peace,  provided  the  terms  of  it  were  reasonable,  and  drawn  up  first 
in  writing,  in  order  to  be  laid  before  congress. 

Thus  the  Americans  appeared  to  incline  for  independence,  with- 
out insisting,  however,  upon  this  point  as  an  indispensable  condition 
VOL.  I.  S3« 


$78  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  buu&  V 

tf  peace,  in  order  to  reserve  a  way  open  to  reconciliation  if  the  fate 
jr.f  arms  should  prove  too  adverse.  The  deputies,  appointed  oy 
congress  to  hear  the  propositions  of  the  commissioners,  were  Benja- 
min Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  all  three  zealous 
partisans  of  independence.  The  interview  took  place  the  eleventh 
of  September,  on  Staten  Island,  opposite  Amboy.  Admiral  Howe 
spoke  the  first,  saying,  that  though  he  could  not  treat  with  them  as  a 
committee  of  congress,  yet  as  he  was  authorized  to  confer  with  any 
gentlemen  of  influence  in  the  colonies,  on  the  means  of  restoring 
peace,  he  felt  a  real  gratification  in  the  present  occasion  to  discourse 
with  them  upon  this  important  subject. 

The  deputies  replied,  that  since  they  were  come  to  hear  him,  he 
was  at  liberty  to  look  upon  them  in  what  light  he  pleased  ;  that  they 
could  not,  however,  consider  themselves  in  any  other  character  than 
that  in  which  the  congress  had  placed  them.  Howe  then  entered 
upon  the  subject  of  the  meeting ;  he  demanded  that  the  colonies 
shou  J  return  to  their  allegiance  and  duty  towards  the  British  crown ; 
he  assured  them  of  the  earnest  desire  of  the  king  to  make  his  gov- 
ernment easy  and  acceptable  to  them  in  every  respect ;  that  those 
acts  of  parliament  which  were  so  obnoxious  to  them  would  undergo 
a  revisal,  and  the  instructions  to  governors  would  be  reconsidered ; 
that  if  any  just  causes  of  complaint  were  found  in  the  acts  or  in- 
structions, they  might  be  removed. 

After  having  recounted  the  tyrannical  acts  of  parliament,  of 
which  all  their  supplications  had  failed  to  procure  the  repeal,  the 
ieputies  added,  in  reply,  that  a  return  to  the  domination  of  Greal 
Britain  was  not  now  to  be  expected.  'There  was  no  doubt,  they 
►aid,  that  the  Americans  were  inclined  to  peace,  and  willing  to  enter 
into  any  treaty  with  Britain  that  might  be  advantageous  to  both 
countries.  If  there  was  the  same  good  disposition  on  her  part,  it 
would  be  easier  for  the  commissioners,  though  not  empowered  at 
present  to  treat  with  them  as  independent  states,  to  obtain  fresh 
powers  from  their  government  for  that  purpose,  than  it  would  be 
for  the  congress  to  procure  them  from  the  colonies  to  consent  to 
submission.' 

Howe  then  put  an  end  to  the  conference,  by  saying  that  he  deeply 
regretted  there  was  no  longer  any  hope  of  an  accommodation. 

The  three  deputies  made  their  report  to  congress  of  the  issue  of 
this  interview,  observing  that  the  powers  of  the  English  commission- 
ers were  insufficient,  and  that  it  was  impossible  to  place  any  depen- 
dence upon  their  offers  or  their  promises.  The  congress  approved 
their  conduct.  This  attempt  at  negotiation,  therefore,  served  only 
to  demonstrate,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  congress,  persevering  in 


BOOK  VII. 


THE    A3IER1CA.N    WAR.  3"79 


their  resolution  and  undaunted  by  reverses,  were  determined  not  to 
receive  conditions  from  their  enemies  ;  and  on  the  other,  how  greatly 
the  English  government  was  still  deceived  with  respect  to  the  spirit 
which  prevailed  in  America,  and  as  to  the  means  proper  to  be  em- 
ployed for  the  re-establishment  of  the  ancient  order  of  things. 

But  it  seems  in  this  revolution  to  have  been  the  destiny  of  things, 
that  the  remedies  should  always  arrive  after  the  evils  were  become 
incurable ;  and  that  the  government,  refusing,  out  of  pride,  at  the  fa- 
vorable moment,  to  acquiesce  in  useful  concessions,  should  after- 
wards have  to  submit  to  the  rejection  of  its  useless  propositions. 

The  English  generals,  convinced  by  experience,  that  they  must 
renounce  all  hope  of  accommodation,  now  turned  their  attention  ex- 
clusively to  military  operations.  The  royal  army  found  itself  sepa- 
rated from  that  of  the  congress  only  by  the  East  river,  which,  com- 
municating with  Harlem  Creek,  flows  between  Long  Island  and 
Morrisania  on  the  one  part,  and  the  island  of  New  York  on  the 
other.  The  intention  of  the  English  was  to  land  on  some  part  of 
this  last,  where  the  least  resistance  could  be  opposed  to  them.  Their 
ships  cruised  along  the  coasts,  threatening  sometimes  one  place  and 
sometimes  another,  in  order  to  keep  the  enemy  at  all  points  in 
uncertainty,  and  afterwards  to  attack  upon  one  only  with  more  ad- 
vantage. A  part  of  the  fleet,  having  doubled  Long  Island,  appeared 
in  the  Sound,  a  gulf  of  great  breadth  which  separates  this  island 
from  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  and  communicates  with  the  East 
river,  by  means  of  a  narrow  channel,  which  a  very  dangerous  navi- 
gation and  frequent  shipwrecks  have  caused  to  receive  the  name 
of  Hell  Gate. 

The  English  had  taken  possession  of  the  island  of  Montesoro, 
situated  in  this  strait,  where  they  had  erected  a  battery  to  answer 
that  which  the  Americans  had  planted  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river  at  Hovenshook.  Two  frigates,  passing  between  Governor's 
Island  and  the  point  of  Red  Hooky  had  ascended  into  the  East  river, 
without  receiving  any  injury  from  the  artillery  of  the  enemy,  and 
had  anchored  out  of  its  reach  near  a  little  island.  The  main  body 
of  the  English  fleet  was  moored  in  the  waters  of  Governor's  Island, 
ready  to  attack  the  city  of  New  York  itself,  or  to  enter  either  the 
East  river,  or  the  Hudson. 

Meanwhile,  the  ships  were  continually  engaged  with  the  batteries 
on  shore,  and  frequent  actions  ensued  for  the  possession  of  the  little 
islands  which  are  found  in  the  first  of  these  rivers.  The  English 
had  need  of  them  for  the  execution  of  their  projects,  and  the  Amer- 
icans saw  the  necessity  of  defending  them.  Bu*  whether  the  Eng- 
lish artillery  was  better  served,  or  that  the  soldiers  of  this  nation 


.J80  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOR  Vlt. 

had  acquired  more  confidence  from  their  victory,  and  especially 
owing  to  the  assistance  of  their  ships,  they  succeeded  in  carrying, 
one  after  another,  such  of  these  islands,  as  their  convenience  re- 
quired, and  thus  secured  for  themselves  the  entrance  of  the  East 
river. 

Washington  had  furnished  the  two  shores  of  the  island  of  New 
York  with  a  numerous  artillery,  and  had  thrown  up  intrcnchments 
in  different  places.  He  had  four  thousand  five  hundred  men  in  the 
city  ;  six.thousand  five  hundred  at  Harlem,  a  village  situated  in  front 
of  the  opening  of  the  sound  ;  and  twelve  thousand  at  Kingsbridgo. 
at  the  extremity  of  the  island.  He  had  been  particularly  careful  to 
fortify  this  passage,  in  order  to  secure  a  free  communication  with  \m 
continent,  and  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  seizing  it  by  surprise,  and 
thus  entirely  locking  up  the  American  army  within  the  island  it- 
self. But  the  commander-in-chief  felt  extreme  apprehensions  for 
the  city,  and  began  to  despair  of  preserving  it  in  the  power  of  the 
confederation.  The  enemy  being  considerably  re-inforced  in  the 
northern  parts  of  Long  Island,  and  having  tbe  command  of  the 
sound,  it  was  to  be  feared  he  might  disembark  on  the  center  of  the 
island  of  New  York,  near  the  mouth  of  the  sound,  in  which  case 
•  the  garrison  of  the  city,  and  all  the  troops  encamped  in  its  environs, 
having  their  retreat  intercepted,  would  have  been  compelled  to  sur- 
render ;  or  else  that,  traversing  the  sound  and  Morrisania,  he  would 
go  and  establish  himself  with  the  greater  part  of  his  army  in  the 
rear  of  Kingsbridge. 

In  this  last  hypothesis  the  Americans,  losing  all  communication 
with  the  continent,  would  be  forced  either  to  capitulate,  or  to  fight 
a  battle  whose  success  appeared  secure  in  advance  to  the  English 
by  the  choice  of  ground  and  of  time,  and  'he  discouragement  which 
still  prevailed  among  the  troops  of  the  congress. 

The  fortune  of  the  Americans  would  then  be  past  all  hope,  as  well 
in  consequence  of  the  terror  with  which  they  would  be  seized,  as 
from  the  loss  of  arms,  of  munitions,  and  of  baggage.  Washington 
had,  therefore,  signified  to  congress  his  apprehensions,  praying  them 
to  inform  him  of  their  intentions  relative  to  the  city  of  New  York,  if 
he  found  himself  constrained  to  evacuate  it.  The  congress  humane- 
ly replied,  that  it  should  be  left  entire  and  safe.  Having  afterwards 
assembled  a  council  of  war,  he  invited  them  to  deliberate  upon  the 
necessity  of  an  immediate  evacuation  of  the  city,  and  it  evidently 
appeared  that  he  was  himself  in  favor  of  this  measure.  Some  were 
of  the  same  opinion,  for  the  reasons  above  mentioned,  in  which  they 
were  confirmed  by  another  consideration  ;  they  calculated,  that  by 
retiring  further  into  the  country,  the  English  would  be  deprived  of 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  3t.) 

the  important  advantage  they  derived  from  the  co-operation  of  the  r 
fleets.  Other  members  of  the  council  manifested  a  contrary  sent  - 
ment,  because  they  considered  that  the  defense  of  New  York  woul  i 
cause  the  enemy  to  consume  time,  and  that,  in  the  meanwhile,  tho 
season  for  military  operations  would  have  elapsed.  They  also  though  t 
that  the  evacuation  of  New  York  would  have  too  much  the  appearanc  * 
of  cowardice,  and  that  it  might  have  the  most  fatal  influence  upo;  \ 
the  spirit  of  the  soldiers  and  of  the  inhabitants  ;  the  opinion  of  these 
prevailed.  But  at  length  the  English,  having  re-inforced  themselve i 
greatly  at  the  entrance  of  the  sound,  and  in  the  islands  of  Montcaor  * 
and  of  Buchanan,  a  second  council  of  war  decided  that  it  was  not 
only  prudent  but  even  necessary  to  abandon  New  York.  Accord 
ingly,  no  time  was  lost  in  removing,  by  way  of  the  Hudson  river,  th  3 
sick,  the  baggage,  and  the  munitions,  which  were  landed  far  above  , 
upon  the  shore  of  New  Jersey.  Some  days  after,  the  garrison  march 
ed  out  of  the  city,  leaving  it  entirely  m  the  power  of  the  enemy. 

While  this  evacuation  was  effected  with  great  order  on  the  part  of 
the  troops,  but  with  much  terror  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants;  a 
report  was  suddenly  spread  that  the  enemy  had  landed  on  the  island . 
The  soldiers  hastened  to  make  their  junction  with  those  stationed 
at  Harlem. 

While  some  of  the  English  ships  had  entered  the  Hudson  river,  in 
order  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  American  generals  on  that  side, 
and  to  interrupt  the  transportation  of  baggage  and  munitions,  the  first 
division  of  the  British  army,  commanded  by  general  Clinton,  had 
embarked  at  the  head  of  the  bay  at  Newtown,  and  proceeding  by  tha 
sound,  entered  the  East  river  through  Hell  Gate  ;  thence  descending 
with  the  current,  it  had  gone  to  disembark  at  Kipps  Bay,  three  miles 
m.-rth  of  New  York.  This  point  was  the  weakest  of  all  ;  and  thd 
English  troops,  protected  by  the  fire  of  the  ships,  effected  a  landing 
there  almost  without  resistance.  When  Washington  was  apprised  c  f 
the  debarkation,  he  detached  the  brigades  of  generals  Parsons  an  i 
Fellows  to  re-inforce  the  corps  that  defended  Kipps  Bay.  But  they 
had  already  turned  their  backs;  the  others  imitated  them,  and  shame- 
fully fled,  in  defiance  of  the  efforts  of  t'v  ir  officers  to  retain  them. 
Washington  arrived  himself,  and  rallied  them  ;  but  at  sight  of  the 
English  troops  these  militia  disbanded  anew.  If  the  English  had 
immediately  pressed  forward,  they  would,  without  any  doubt,  have 
intercepted  the  retreat  of  the  garrison  of  New  York.  But  whether 
their  generals  could  not  credit  so  much  pusillanimity  on  the  part  of 
the  Americans,  and  were  unwilling  to  risk  themselves  between  two 
fires  ;  or  whether,  as  some  writers  assert,  being  elated  with  their  suc- 
cess, they  halted  for  the  space  of  full  two  hours  to  divert  themselves 


382  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    VII, 


in  the  house  of  a  gentlewoman  of  the  country,  it  is  certain  that  they 
gave  time  to  general  Putnam,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  to  de- 
file and  to  rejoin  the  rest  of  the  army.  The  Americans,  however, 
left  in  the  power  of  the  enemy  their  heavy  artillery,  a  great  propor- 
tion of  their  baggage  and  munitions,  and  particularly  their  tents,  of 
which  they  had  the  greatest  need.  They  lost  but  few  soldiers,  and 
those  in  a  skirmish  near  Bloomingdale. 

The  British  army  having  dispatched  a  strong  detachment  to  take 
possession  of  the  city  of  New  York,  which  affords  accommodation 
for  aconsiderable  garrison,  went  to  encamp  in  the  center  of  the  island. 
its  right  wing  being  posted  at  Horen's  Hook,  upon  the  East  river,  and 
its  left  at  Bloomingdale,  upon  the  Hudson.  It  thus  occupied  the 
entire  breadth  of  the  island,  from  one  shore  to  the  other,  which  in 
this  place  is  more  than  a  mile.  The  Americans  were  strongly  in- 
trenched in  the  northern  part  of  the  island,  and  especially  at  Kings- 
bridge  ;  they  had,  besides,  a  position  upon  the  heights  of  Harlem, 
distant  only  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  English  outposts.  They 
occupied  another  difficult  passage  between  Harlem  and  Kingsbridge, 
as  well  as  the  fort  they  had  named  Washington,  upon  the  left  bank 
>f  the  Hudson. 

There  resulted,  from  the  respective  situation  of  the  armies,  fre- 
quent rencounters,  in  which  the  Americans  gradually  resumed  cour- 
age, and  accustomed  themselves  anew  to  look  the  enemy  in  the  face. 
Washington  ardently  desired  that  his  troops  should  often  have  these 
affairs  with  the  English.  Among  others,  there  ensued  a  very  hot 
action  in  the  plain  of  Harlem,  where  some  corps  of  English  and 
Hessians,  led  on  too  far  by  their  ardor,  fell  into  an  ambuscade  which 
the  Americans  had  laid  for  them,  and  were  handled  very  roughly. 
Washington,  in  his  official  letters,  highly  commended  the  valor  dis- 
played by  his  troops  on  this  occasion. 

A  few  days  after  the  important  position  of  New  York  had  come 
into  the  power  of  the  royal  troops,  there  broke  out  in  it  a  conflagra- 
tion, which  some  attributed  to  the  malice  of  certain  individuals  amon^ 
the  inhabitants  themselves,  to  deprive  the  English  of  the  resources; 
offered  them  by  this  great  city ;  others  merely  to  chance.  It  was 
published  at  the  time,  that  the  fire  had  been  kindled  in  various  places 
at  once,  by  means  of  combustibles  disposed  with  great  dexterity  ; 
but  the  Americans  positively  denied  it.  Such  was  the  rapidity  of 
the  flames,  the  wind  being  violent  and  the  weather  very  dry,  that 
notwithstanding  the  speed  and  activity  with  which  the  garrison  exert- 
ed themselves,  a  fourth  part  of  the  city  was  consumed.  In  the  fury 
which  transported  thtm;  they  seized  several  of  those  whom  they  con- 


no'L  v;;.*  the  a.mk::jc.vn  war.  6dS 

sidered  as  the  authors  of  this  disaster,  and  precipitated  them  into 
fhe  midst  of  the  fire. 

The  English  general,  perceiving  that  the  strength  of  the  enemy's 
i  ltrenchments  was  such  as  to  render  the  attempt  to  dislodge  him  by 
:  n  attack,  both  extremely  hazardous  and  of  doubtful  success,  took 

le  resolution  which,  perhaps,  he  should  have  taken  at  first,  that  is, 
i  )  go  and  encamp  behind  the  position  which  the  Americans  occupied 
i  t  Kingsbridge,  and  thus  compel  him  to  combat  with  disadvantage, 
i  >  retire  with  loss,  or  to  remain  with  peril.  Accordingly,  having  left 
>rd  Percy  with  two  English  brigades,  and  one  of  Hessians  in  the 
»  ncampment  of  Harlem,  for  the  protection  of  New  York,  he  embark- 
ed with  the  rest  of  the  army  in  fiat-bottomed  boats;  and  having 
s  ifely  entered  the  sound  through  Hell  Gate,  proceeded  to  disembark 
u  i  Frogs  Neck,  in  the  vicinity  of  West  Chester,  upon  the  confines  of 
New  York  and  Connecticut. 

This  movement  of  general  Howe  has  been  the  object  of  some 
c  riticisms;  it  was  pretended  that  the  Americans  might  have  over- 
whelmed, by  a  sudden  attack,  the  corps  left  at  Harlem,  and  thus  re- 
covered possession  of  New  York.  But,  perhaps,  he  founded  the 
.»  access  of  his  operation  upon  the  discouragement  of  the  colonial 
u*ot>ps,  and  upon  the  presence  of  the  fleet,  which  in  any  event  could 
afford  a  shelter  to  the  corps  of  Harlem,  if  they  should  find  them- 
selves too  hard  pressed.  General  Howe  had  also  strongly  fortified 
Gowans  Hill  in  order  to  cover  the  city.  Then,  with  a  view  to  pre- 
vent the  enemy  from  receiving  provisions  from  New  Jersey  by  means 
of  the  Hudson  river,  he  had  ordered  three  frigates  to  pass  up  the 
river  above  forts  Washington  and  Lee ;  the  first  situated  upon  the 
left  bank,  and  the  second  upon  the  right.  This  order  was  executed 
with  extreme  ability,  notwithstanding  the  artillery  of  the  two  forts, 
and  the  obstructions  with  which  the  Americans  had  endeavored  to 
impede  the  navigation. 

The  English  general  remained  several  days  at  Frogs  Neck,  as  well 
to  repair  the  bridges  which  the  enemy  had  broken,  as  to  wait  for  a 
considerable  re-inforcement  which  he  had  called  from  Staten  Island. 
The  road  from  Frogs  Neck  to  Kingsbridge  is  excessively  rough  with 
continual  masses  of  small  stones,  and  the  Americans  had  also  ob- 
structed it  in  many  places.  Washington,  who  had  assembled  all  his 
army  at  Kingsbridge,  sent  forward  his  light  infantry  to  scour  the 
country,  and  to  harass  the  enemy  in  his  march. 

General  Howe,  having  received  his  re-inforcements,  put  himself  in 
motion  with  all  his  troops ;  he  crossed  Pelham  Manor,  and  went  to 
encamp  at  New  Rochelle,  where  he  was  joined  by  the  second  divis- 
ion of  Hessians,  and  of  the  troops  of  Waldeck  under  general  Knyp- 


334 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK  VII. 


hausen,  and  by  a  regiment  of  cavalry  lately  arrived  at  New  York 
from  Ireland.  As  the  principal  project  of  the  expedition  was  to  in- 
tercept the  communication  of  Washington  with  the  eastern  provinces, 
and  then,  if  he  declined  to  venture  an  engagement;  to  shut  him  up 
on  the  island  of  New  York,  consequently  it  was  necessary  to  occu- 
py the  two  roads  leading  into  Connecticut ;  the  one  upon  the  coast 
of  the  sound,  and  the  other  more  inland.  The  first  was  already  in 
the  power  of  the  English  ;  but  in  attempting  to  occupy  the  second, 
it  was  requisite  to  traverse  the  difficult  country  of  which  we  have 
already  made  mention,  in  order  to  secure  the  post  of  the  highlands, 
known  by  the  name  of  White  Plains,  upon  the  rear  of  Kingsbridge. 

General  Howe  determined  to  take  this  route  ;  he  marched,  how- 
ever, slowly  and  with  extreme  caution,  after  leaving  at  New  Ro- 
chelle  the  German  corps,  lately  arrived,  to  secure  the  lower  road, 
and  the  communication  with  those  places  whence  stores  and  neces- 
saries were  to  arrive. 

Washington  examined,  with  attention,  the  danger  of  his  position. 
He  penetrated  the  designs  of  the  enemy,  and  consequently  decided 
to  abandon,  with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  the  encampment  of 
Kingsbridge.  Extending,  therefore,  his  left  wing,  he  took  post  with 
it  in  the  White  Plains,  while  the  right  occupied  the  heights  of  Val- 
entine's Hill,  near  Kingsbridge  ;  the  center  exactly  filled  the  space 
comprehended  between  these  tv.  o  points.  Here  he  intrenched  him 
self  with  the  greatest  care.  His  army  thus  formed  a  well  secured 
line,  parallel  to  the  river  Bru'ix,  which  lay  on  its  front,  and  separated 
it  from  the  English,  who  marched  up  along  the  left  bank  of  this 
stream. 

Washington  had  behind  him  the  great  river  Hudson,  into  which 
the  English  frigates  had  not  yet  been  able  to  penetrate  so  far  as  to 
intercept  the  supplies  of  provisions  which  he  received  from  the  up- 
per parts.  With  his  left  wing  he  occupied  the  upper  road  of  Con- 
necticut, by  which  he  was  also  abundantly  supplied  with  provisions 
and  munitions.  He  had  left  sufficient  garrisons  at  Kingsbridge,  at 
Harlem,  and  in  fort  Washington  ;  in  this  last  place,  however,  against 
his  own  opinion.  Meanwhile,  he  detached  numerous  parties,  over 
the  Brunx,  in  order  to  retard  the  motions  of  the  enemy.  Hence 
frequent  skirmishes  ensued,  and  though  the  royalists  had  generally 
the  advantage  in  these  rencounters,  they  still  served  to  dissipate  the 
.error  of  the  Americans,  who  every  day  showed  themselves  more 
>old  in  defying  the  enemy. 

Upon  the  approach  of  the  English  to  the  White  Plains,  Washing- 
on,  all  at  once,  called  in  his  detachments,  and  abandoning  the  posi- 
ions  he  had  occupied  along  the  Brunx,  assembled  all  his  troops  in 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICA',     'V  YR  385 

strong  camp  upon  the  heights,  near  these  plains,  in  front  of  the  ene- 
my. His  right  flank  was  protected  by  the  Brunx,  which,  by  its 
windings,  also  covered  the  front  of  the  right  wing.  The  main  body 
was  nearly  parallel  to  the  river,  and  the  left  wing  being  placed  at  a 
right  angle  upon  the  center,  and  consequently  parallel  to  the  right, 
extended  towards  the  north  upon  the  hills,  as  much  as  was  necessary 
to  guard  the  defiles  leading  ^o  the  upper  mountainous  regions,  into 
which  the  army,  if  expedient,  might  retire.  But  the  right  wing., 
being  posted  in  more  level  and  less  difficult  ground,  found  itself 
more  exposed  :  wherefore  general  Macdougall  was  ordered  to  oc- 
cupy, with  a  strong  detachment,  a  mountain  about  a  mile  distant 
from  the  camp ;  he  intrenched  himself  there  as  well  as  the  time 
would  admit  of. 

Such  was  the  position  of  the  American  army  when  the  English 
arrived  within  seven  or  eight  miles  of  White  Plains,  and  prepared 
themselves  to  attack  without  loss  of  time.  On  the  morning  of  the 
twenty-eighth  of  October,  they  advanced  in  two  columns,  the  right 
commanded  by  general  Clinton,  and  the  left  by  general  Heister. 
At  noon,  all  the  outposts  being  driven  back  by  the  English  and 
Hessian  light  infantry,  the  British  army  appeared  before  the  Ameri- 
can camp.  Immediately  there  ensued  a  cannonade,  but  to  very 
little  effect.  The  English  drew  up  in  order  of  battle  ;  their  right 
occupied  the  road  which  leads  to  Merrineck,  about  a  mile  distant 
from  the  center  of  the  enemy ;  while  the  left,  equally  distant  from 
his  right,  bordered  the  Brunx.  The  English  general  having  observed 
the  importance  of  the  position  taken  by  general  Macdougall,  and 
being  persuaded  that  the  right  of  the  enemy,  which  was  his  only 
assailable  point,  could  not  be  forced  so  long  as  it  should  be  protected 
by  a  post  of  such  strength,  resolved  to  wrest  it  from  the  Americans. 
He  ordered  a  Hessian  regiment,  commanded  by  colonel  Ralle,  to 
ford  the  Brunx,  and  by  a  circuitous  movement  to  fall  upon  the  flank 
of  general  Macdougall,  while  general  Leslie  should  attack  him  in 
front  with  a  brigade  of  English  and  Hessians.  Colonel  Ralle  having 
arrived  at  the  point  indicated,  Leslie,  who  had  also  crossed  the 
Brunx,  furiously  assaulted  the  intrenchments  of  Macdougall.  The 
militia  soon  fled,  but  the  regular  troops  made  a  valiant  resistance. 
A  regiment  of  Maryland,  conducted  by  colonel  Smallwood,  and  a 
regiment  of  New  York,  under  colonel  Ratzem?>r,  ventured  even  to 
come  out  of  the  lines,  and  to  charge  the  enemy  at  the  very  foot  of 
the  mountain,  but  they  were  overpowered  by  number  and  forced  to 
retire.  Then  the  English  and  Hessians  ascended  the  heights  with 
singular  intrepidity,  and  took  possession  of  them  after  a  vigorous 
struggle.     The  Americans,  however,  continued  for  some  time  to  fire 

VOL.    I.  33 


£88  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VH, 

from  behind  the  walls  of  inclosures,  and  thus  retarded  the  progress 
of  the  assailants.  But  general  Putnam,  who  had  been  sent  to  their 
succor,  could  not  arrive  in  season.  The  loss  of  men  in  this  action 
was  great  on  the  one  part  as  well  as  on  the  other. 

Washington,  calmly  expecting  that  the  enemy  would  come  to 
attack  him  next,  had  already  sent  into  his  rear  the  sick  and  the 
baggage*;  but  as  it  grew  towards  the  close  of  day,  the  English 
general  determined  to  defer  the  assault  till  the  next  morning.  He 
caused  his  troops  to  encamp  within  cannon  shot  of  the  American 
lines.  Washington  took  advantage  of  the  night  to  strengthen  them 
with  additional  works,  and  to  occupy  a  stronger  position  in  the  rear 
with  his  left  wing,  which,  by  the  loss  of  the  mountain,  had  become 
more  exposed.  When  the  light  appeared,  general  Howe  rcconnoi- 
tered  the  intrenchments  of  tho  enemy,  and  found  them  sufficiently 
formidable  to  determine  him  to  wait  the  arrival  of  some  battalions 
that  had  been  left  at  New  York,  under  the  command  of  lord  Percy, 
and  of  several  companies  from  Merrineck.  These  re-inforcemenfs 
being  received  on  the  evening  of  the  thirtieth,  he  appointed  the  fol- 
lowing morning  for  the  assault,  but  the  excessive  rain  which  fell  during 
the  night  and  also  in  the  morning,  compelled  him  to  defer  it.  The 
American  general,  in  the  mean  time,  examined  his  position  with 
his  accustomed  prudence  ;  he  was  decided  not  to  risk  a  pitched  bat- 
tle without  the  strongest  hope  of  success.  He  perceived  that  the 
English  had  already  erected  four  or  five  batteries,  and  that  by  turn- 
ing his  right  flank  they  might  get  possession  of  the  heights  situated 
upon  his  rear.  He  concluded,  therefore,  to  break  up  his  camp  in 
the  night  of  the  first  of  November.  He  removed  it  into  a  country 
still  more  mountainous  in  the  vicinity  of  North  Castle  ;  having  pre- 
viously set  fire  to  the  houses  in  White  Plains,  and  the  neighborhood, 
and  to  the  forage  that  was  found  in  the  camp.  He  immediately 
detached  a  strong,  corps  to  occupy  the  bridge  over  the  Croton  river, 
which  leads  to  the  upper  parts  of  the  Hudson.  On  the  following 
morning  the  English  took  possession  of  the  American  camp. 

General  Howe,  perceiving  that  his  enemy  declined  an  engage- 
ment, and  that  from  the  situation  of  the  country,  and  his  knowledge 
of  every  advantageous  position,  it  would  be  impossible  to  compel 
him  to  fight  but  upon  the  most  unequal  and  hazardous  terms,  took 
the  determination  to  discontinue  the  pursuit,  and  to  turn  his  atten- 
tion to  the  reduction  of  the  forts  and  fastnesses  still  occupied  by  the 
Americans  in  the  neighborhood  of  New  York.  His  views  were 
particularly  directed  upon  fort  Washington,  which  was  its  principa. 
bulwark.  But,  though  the  ground  where  this  fortress  had  been 
erected  was  very  rough  and  difficult,  its  fortifications  were  not  suffi 


BOOK  VII. 


THE     A. '-IK  III  CAN    WAR.  387 


ciently  strong  to  resist  heavy  artillery.  It  was  incapable,  from  its 
little  extent,  of  containing  more  than  a  thousand  defenders  ;  the  out- 
works that  surrounded  it,  especially  to  the  south,  towards  New  York, 
might  lodge,  it  is  true,  a  much  stronger  garrison. 

The  commander-in-chief,  as  if  he  had  foreseen  the  event,  had 
written  to  general  Greene,  who  commanded  in  this  part,  enjoining 
him  to  reflect  maturely  upon  his  position,  and  in  case  he  should  find 
that  fort  Washington  was  not  in  a  situation  to  sustain  an  assault,  to 
cause  it  to  be  forthwith  evacuated  ;  and  to  transport  the  garrison  to 
the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson.  But  this  general,  either  believing 
that  the  strength  of  the  place  and  the  valor  of  the  troops  would 
assure  him  a  long  defense,  or  from  the  apprehension  that  his  retreat 
would  increase  the  already  too  general  discouragement  of  the  Amer- 
icans, took  the  resolution  to  hold  out  to  the  last.  /  He  was  herein 
the  more  easily  determined,  as  he  believed  that  the  garrison  would 
always  be  able  to  retreat  into  fort  Lee,  situated  upon  the  other 
bank  of  the  river.  But  Washington  judged  less  favorably  of  the 
future ;  he  was  persuaded  that  the  English  would  not  remain  satis- 
fied with  the  reduction  of  the  first  fort ;  but  that,  crossing  the  river, 
and  making  themselves  masters  of  the  second,  which  was  not  tenable, 
they  would  spread  themselves  in  the  province  of  New  Jersey.  He 
left  therefore  general  Lee,. with  the  militia  of  the  eastern  provinces, 
upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Iljdson,  and  having  secured  the  strong 
positions  towards  the  Crotorc  t'ver,  and  especially  that  of  Peeks  Kill, 
near  the  Hudson  itself,  he  crossed  that  river  with  the  main  body  of 
his  army,  and  went  to  rejoin  general  Greene  in  his  camp  under  fort 
Lee.  General  Lee  himself  had  orders  to  come  with  all  speed  and 
join  him,  in  case  the  enemy,  after  having  taken  the  forts,  should 
show  himself  upon  the  right  bank  of  the  Hudson.  He  afterwards 
wrote  to  the  governor  of  New  Jersey,  requesting  him  to  remove 
the  magazines  of  provisions  into  the  most  remote  parts,  and  to  call 
out  all  the  militia.  All  these  dispositions  being  made  to  his  wish, 
Washington  watched  with  an  attentive  eye  the  movements  of  the 
enemy. 

Meanwhile,  general  Howe  had  ordered  general  Knyphausen  to 
march  from  New  Rochelle,  and  to  occupy  Kingsbridge.  This  he 
executed  without  obstacles,  the  Americans,  who  guarded  this  posi- 
tion, having  fallen  back  upon  fort  Washington.  The  corps  of  gen- 
eral Knyphausen  consequently  penetrated  into  the  island  of  New 
York,  and  proceeded  to  invest  the  fort,  on  the  part  of  the  north. 

A  short  time  after,  the  English  general  himself  abandoned  the 
White  Plains,  and  descending  along  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  con- 
ducted the  rest  of  the  army  to  Kingsbridge.     He  pitched  his  camp 


388  TUE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII. 

upon  the  heights  of  Fordham,  his  right  wing  being  covered  by  the 
Hudson,  and  his  left  by  the  Brunx. 

The  royalists  then  prepared  to  attack  fort  Washington ;  its  inte- 
rior and  appertenances  were  defended  by  full  three  thousand  men, 
under  the  command  of  colonel  Magaw,  a  brave  and  experienced 
officer.  He  was  summoned  in  vain  to  surrender.  The  besiegers 
proceeded  to  the  assault  in  four  divisions,  the  first  from  the  north, 
commanded  by  general  Knyphausen,  and  consisting  of  Hessians 
itnd  the  troops  of  Waldeck  ;  the  second  from  the  east,  composed  of 
English  light  infantry  and  two  battalions  of  guards,  conducted  by 
general  Matthews.  This  corps  was  to  attack  the  intrenchments 
which  extended  from  fort  Washington  almost  to  the  East  river ;  the 
third,  commanded  by  colonel  Sterling,  was  destined  to  pass  this  riv- 
er lower  down  than  the  second,  in  order  to  assail  the  fort  more  to 
the  south  ;  but  this  was  only  a  feint.  The  fourth,  which  obeyed  the 
orders  of  1*  rd  Percy,  a  very  strong  corps,  was  directed  to  aim  its  as- 
sault against  the  western  flank  of  the  fortress.  These  different  di- 
visions were  provided  with  a  numerous  and  excellent  artillery.  Tha 
Hessiaus,  under  general  Knyphausen,  were  to  pass  through  a  very 
thick  forest,  where  colonel  Rawlings  was  already  posted  with  his  regi- 
ment of  riflemen.  An  extremely  warm  affair  was  engaged,  in  which 
the  Germans  sustained  a  severe  1  -i.  The  Americans,  ambushed 
behind  the  trees  and  rocks,  fired  in  security  ;  but  at  last,  the  Hes- 
sians, redoubling  th:  i  efforts,  gained  a  very  steep  ascent,  whence 
they  came  down  %>  on  the  enemy  with  an  irresistible  impetuosity  ; 
the  divisions  whi  i  followed  them  were  thus  enabled  to  land  without 
molestation.  '  olonel  Rawlings  retreated  under  the  cannon  of  the 
fort.  Lord  F  orcy,  on  his  part,  had  carried  an  advanced  work,  which 
facilitated  '.Ae  debarkation  of  the  party  under  colonel  Sterling,  who, 
the  moment  he  had  landed,  forced  his  way  up  a  difficult  height,  which 
was  very  resolutely  defended  ;  he  gained  the  summit,  where  he  took 
a  considerable  number  of  prisoners,  notwithstanding  their  gallant 
resistance.  Colonel  Cadwallader,  who  was  charged  with  the  defense 
of  this  part,  retired  also  into  the  fort. 

Colonel  Ralle,  who  led  the  right  column  of  general  Knyphausen's 
attack,  surmounted  all  obstacles  with  admirable  valor,  and  lodged 
his  column  within  one  hundred  yards  of  the  fort.  Soon  after  gene- 
ral Knyphausen  joined  him  with  the  left  column  ;  having  at  length 
extricated  himself  from  the  difficulties  encountered  in  the  forest. 
The  garrison  having  .nus  lost,  though  not  without  glory,  all  their 
advanced  works,  fov  id  themselves  closely  invested  within  the  body 
of  the  fortress.  7  ne  besiegers  then  summoned  colonel  Magaw  to 
surrender.     He  'iad  already  consumed  neany  all  his  ammunition. 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  389 

The  very  multitude  of  defenders  pressed  into  so  narrow  a  space, 
was  prejudicial  to  defense,  and  every  thing  demonstrated  that  he 
could  net  sustain  an  assault.  Accordingly  he  decided  to  capitulate. 
The  garrison,  amounting  to  two  thousand  six  hundred  men,  inclu- 
sive of  the  country  militia,  surrendered  prisoners  of  war.  The  Amer- 
icans had  few  killed ;  the  royalists  lost  about  eight  hundred,  the 
greater  part  Germans. 

The  reduction  of  fort  Washington  thus  gave  the  royal  army  entire 
possession  of  the  island  of  New  York. 

Wishing  to  avail  himself  to  the  utmost  of  the  defeat  of  the  Amer- 
icans, and  to  prevent  them  from  rallying  at  another  point,  general 
Howe  confided  to  lord  Cornwallis  the  command  of  a  corps  of  about 
six  thousand  men,  directing  him  to  pass  the  Hudson  at  Dobb's  Ferry, 
and  forthwith  to  invest  fort  Lee,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  surprise  the 
garrison,  which  consisted  in  two  thousand  men.  They  had  scarcely 
time  to  save  themselves  by  abandoning  the  place,  the  moment  they 
heard  of  the  surrender  of  fort  Washington,  of  the  passage  of  the 
enemy,  and  of  his  force.  Their  artillery  and  military  stores,  their 
baggage,  and  particularly  their  tents,  a  loss  the  most  sensible,  fell  into 
the  power  of  the  victors.  The  vanquished  retired  to  the  other  side 
of  the  Hackensack.  The  British  could  now  penetrate  into  the  very 
heart  of  New  Jersey. 

These  successive  checks,  the  loss  of  the  two  forts,  Washington 
and  Lee,  and  especially  the  excessive  vigor  of  the  attack,  which  had 
constrained  the  first  to  surrender,  produced  a  deplorable  change  in 
the  fortune  of  the  Americans.  They  beheld  all  at  once  what  the 
fatal  battle  of  Brooklyn  had  not  been  able  to  operate ;  the  dissolution 
of  their  army. 

The  militia  disbanded  and  precipitately  retired  to  their  habita- 
tions ;  even  the  regular  troops,  as  if  struck  with  despair,  also  filedi 
off,  and  deserted  in  parties. 

Every  thing,  at  this  period  of  the  war,  threatened  America  with  an 
inevitable  catastrophe. 

The  army  of  Washington  was  so  enfeebled  that  it  scarcely- 
amounted  to  three  thousand  men,  who  had  lost  all  courage  and 
all  energy,  and  were  exposed  in  an  open  country,  without  instru- 
ments to  intrench  themselves,  without  tents  to  shelter  them  from  the 
inclemency  of  the  season,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  population  little 
zealous,  or  rather  hostile  towards  the  republic. 

The  general  of  congress  had  to  face  a  victorious  army,  more  than 
twenty  thousand  strong,  composed  entirely  of  disciplined  and  vet- 
eran troops.  The  excellent  generals  who  commanded  it,  usin<*  the 
ardor  inspired  by  victory,  pursued  their  advantages  with  vivacity,  and 

33, 


390  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOR  VII. 

flattered  themselves  that  a  few  days  would  suffice  to  crush  the  wrecks 
of  the  republican  army,  and  put  an  end  to  the  war.  To  all  the 
difficulties  against  which  Washington  had  to  contend,  should  be 
added,  that  the  English  cavalry,  though  without  being  very  numer- 
ous, scoured  all  the  flat  country,  whereas  he  had  nothing  to  oppose 
to  it  except  a  few  diminutive  and  feeble  hackneys  from  Connecticut, 
commanded  by  major  Shelden.  So  total  a  deficiency  of  cavalry,  in 
the  immense  plains  of  this  country,  appeared  to  extinguish  for  the 
Americans  their  little  chance  of  success.  They  were  no  better  pro- 
vided with  artillery  than  with  horses.  The  greater  part  of  their 
feeble  army  consisted  in  militia,  almost  all  from  New  Jersey.  These 
were  either  of  suspicious  fidelity,  or  desirous  of  returning  to  their 
habitations,  to  rescue  their  property  and  families  from  the  perils  that 
menaced  them.  The  few  regular  soldiers  who  still  remained  with 
their  colors,  completed  their  term  of  service  with  the  expiration  of 
the  year ;  it  was  therefore  to  be  feared  that  this  phantom  of  an  army 
would  vanish  entirely  in  the  space  of  a  few  days. 

In  so  profound  a  distress,  the  American  general  could  not  hope  to 
receive  prompt  or  sufficient  re-inforcements.  Consternation  reigned 
in  all  the  contiguous  provinces  ;  so  that  each,  trembling  for  himself, 
refused  to  succor  others.  There  still  remained  a  few  regiments  of 
regular  troops  upon  the  frontiers  of  Canada ;  but  they  were  neces- 
sary there  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  enemy ;  and,  besides,  the 
term  of  engagement  was  about  to  dissolve  them  shortly.  Upon  the 
heel  of  so  many  disasters  was  the  imminent  danger  of  seditions  on 
the  part  of  the  disaffected,  who  in  various  places  loudly  invoked  the 
name  of  England.  An  insurrection  appeared  ready  to  explode  in 
the  county  of  Monmouth,  in  this  very  province  of  New  Jersey,  so 
that  Washington  found  himself  constrained  to  detach  a  part  of  his 
army,  already  a  mere  skeleton,  to  overawe  the  agitators.  The  pres- 
ence of  a  victorious  royal  army  had  dissipated  the  terror  with  which 
the  patriots  at  first  had  inspired  the  loyalists.  They  began  to  aban- 
don themselves  without  reserve  to  all  the  fury  which  animated  them 
against  their  adversaries.  The  English  commissioners  determined 
to  avail  themselves  of  this  dis  osition  of  the  inhabitants  to  revolt 
against  the  authority  of  congre  s.  Accordingly  the  two  brothers 
Howe  drew  up  a  proclamation  which  they  circulated  profusely 
throughout  the  country.  They  ommanded  all  those  who  had  arms 
in  hand  to  disperse  and  return  tc  heir  habitations ;  and  all  those  who 
exercised  civil  magistracies  to  cu.se  their  functions  and  divest  them- 
selves of  their  usurped  authority  But,  at  the  same  time,  they  offer- 
ed a  full  pardon  to  all  such  as  v  ilhin  the  space  of  sixty  days  should 
present  themselves  before  the  civ  I  or  military  officers  of  the  crown; 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  H9\ 

declaring  their  intention  to  take  the  benefit  of  the  amnesty,  and 
oromising  a  sincere  return  to  the  obedience  due  to  the  laws  and  to 
the  royal  authority.  This  proclamation  had  the  effect  which  the 
commissioners  had  promised  themselves  from  it^^Ar-daaultitude  of 
persons  of  every  rank,  availing  themselves  of  the  clemency  of  the 
victor,  came  daily  to  implore  his  forgiveness,  and  to  protest  their 
submission.  \i  •*       ^  -R  S  J  *p  T*  i 

It  was  remarked,  however,  that  they  belongefl^mtftiie  greater  part,  *  ■ 
to  the  class  of  the  very  poor,  or  of  the  very  ricnS^yke  inhabitant? 
of  a  middle  condition  manifested  more  constancy  in  ifrefcapuuSftSV 
Several  of  the  nmvly  reconciled  had  occupied  the  first  stations  in  the 
popular  order  of  things ;  they  had  been  members  either  of  the  pro- 
vincial government  or  of  the  council  of  general  safety,  or  of  the 
tribunals  of  justice.  They  excused  themselves  by  saying  that  they 
had  only  acted,  in  what  they  had  hitherto  done,  with  a  view  to  pro- 
mote the  public  welfare,  and  to  prevent  greater  disorders ;  they  al- 
ledged,  finally,  that  they  had  been  drawn  in  by  their  parents  and 
friends,  whom  they  were  unable  to  refuse.  Those  who  had  contem- 
plated them  in  all  their  arrogance,  and  who  saw  them  then  so  meek, 
so  submissive,  and  so  humble  in  their  words,  could  scarcely  persuade 
themselves  that  they  were  indeed  the  same  individuals.  But  men  ot 
this  stamp  dread  much  less  to  be  considered  inconstant  and  per- 
fidious, than  rebels  to  the  laws  of  the  strongest ;  they  much  prefer  to 
escape  danger  with  infamy,  than  to  encounter  it  with  honor.  Nor  was 
it  only  in  New  Jersey,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  victorious  royal  troops, 
that  these  abrupt  changes  of  party  were  observed  ;  the  inhabitants 
of  Pennsylvania  flocked  in  like  manner  to  humble  themselves  at  the 
feet  of  the  English  commissioners,  and  to  promise  them  fealty  and 
obedience.  Among  others  there  came  the  Galloways,  the  family  ot 
the  Aliens,  and  some  others  of  the  most  wealthy  and  reputable. 
The  example  became  pernicious,  and  the  most  prejudicial  effects 
were  to  be  apprehended  from  it.  Every  day  ushered  in  some  new 
calamity ;  the  cause  of  America  seemed  hastening  to  irretrievable 
ruin.  The  most  discreet  no  longer  dissembled  that  the  term  of  the 
war  was  at  hand ;  and  that  the  hour  was  come  in  which  the  colonies 
were  about  to  resume  the  yoke.  But  Washington,  in  the  midst  of 
so  much  adversity,  did  not  despair  of  the  public  safety.  His  con- 
stancy was  an  object  of  admiration.  Far  from  betraying  any  symp- 
toms of  hesitation  or  of  fear,  he  showed  himself  to  his  dejected  sol- 
diers with  a  serene  countenance,  and  radiant,  as  it  were,  with  a  cer- 
tain hope  of  a  better  future.  Adverse  fortune  had  not  been  able  to 
vanquish,  nay,  not  even  to  shake  this  invincible  spirit.  Firmly  re- 
solved to  pursue  their  object  through  every  fortune,  the  congress 


I  m 


395  'ftfE    AMERICAN    WAll.  BOOfc  ni 

manifested  a  similar  constancy.     It  appeared  as  if  the  spirit  of  these 
great  minds  increased  with  adversity. 

America  is  asstiredly  indebted  to  the  magnanimity  oi*  her  chiefs 
for  the  victory  and  independence  which  have  crowned  her  efforts. 

Thus  pressed  by  time  and  circumstances,  Washington  took  all  the 
measures  suggested  by  prudence  in  order  to  re-inforce  his  army,  not 
with  the  hope  of  being  able  to  arrest  the  enemy  in  his  triumphant 
march,  but  at  least  that  he  might  not  appear  to  have  entirely  aban- 
doned the  republic;  andj  finally,  to  keep  his  standard  waving  till 
Divine  Providence,  or  the  benignity  of  fortune,  should  offer  him  an 
occasion  to  retrieve  the  affairs  of  his  country. 

He  had  some  time  before,  as  we  have  already  related,  directed 
general  Lee  to  occupy,  with  a  part  of  the  army,  the  country  watered 
by  the  Upper  Hudson,  in  order  to  be  at  hand  to  succor  the  corps  of 
Canada  which  opposed  general  Carleton  upon  the  lakes.  But  on 
seeing  New  Jersey  unguarded,  and  the  danger  which  instantly  men- 
aced the  city  of  Philadelphia  itself,  he  ordered  him  to  come,  by 
forced  marches,  to  rejoin  him.  This  order  was  the  mose  easy  to  be 
executed,  as  it  was  soon  known  that  general  Carleton,  after  having 
occupied  Crown  Point  and  made  himself  master  of  Lake  Cham  plain, 
as  will  be  seen  in  the  course  of  this  history,  had  retired  without 
having  ventured  to  attack  Ticonderoga.  The  commander-in-chief, 
therefore,  instructed  general  Schuyler  to  send  him,  without  delay, 
the  troops  of  Pennsylvania  and  of  New  Jersey,  that  were  upon  the 
frontiers  of  Canada.  General  Mercer,  who  commanded  a  corps  of 
light,  infantry  at  Berghen,  likewise,  received  orders  to  rejoin  the  prin- 
cipal army  with  all  speed.  Little  calculation,  however,  could  be 
made  upon  these  re-inforcements  in  the  present  state  of  things  ;  the 
march  was  long,  the  road  difficult,  the  engagement  of  the  soldiers 
almost  expired,  and  the  victorious  enemy  menaced  upon  all  points 
at  once.  The  American  general  neglected  not  to  resort  to  the  suc- 
cors of  the  militia.  He  had  represented  to  the  principal  authorities  of 
Pennsylvania  the  critical  situation  of  Philadelphia,  which  could  not 
be  saved  unless  his  army  was  promptly  re-inforced  ;  he  therefore 
earnestly  pressed  them  to  send  him  the  militia  of  the  province. 
Washington,  finding  his  letters  nearly  without  effect,dispatched  gene- 
ral Mifflin,  who  enjoyed  great  popular  favor  in  this  province,  to  paint, 
with  vivid  coloring,  the  urgency  of  the  danger,  and  the  necessity  of 
a  general  effort  to  avert  it.  He  wrote  also  to  the  governor  of  New 
Jersey,  apprising  him  that  unless  he  assembled  the  militia  and  caus- 
ed them  to  join  the  army  immediately,  he  must  expect  to  see  the 
enemy  overrun  the  entire  province  as  a  conqueror,  pass  the  Dela- 
ware, and  seize  Philadelphia. 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  393 

All  his  efforts  were  equally  ineffectual  in  this  part.  The  lower 
districts  of  the  province,  either  wanting  zeal  or  chilled  with  terror, 
made  no  movement ;  and  it  was  not  without  a  sort  of  repugnance 
that  the  inhabitants  of  the  upper  countries  took  arms  for  the  defense 
of  country. 

Reduced  to  the  uncertain  hope  of  these  feeble  re-inforcements, 
the  Americans  saw  their  enemies  redoubling  activity  to  render  their 
triumph  more  complete.  The  army  of  congress,  after  its  retreat, 
had  the  Hackensack  upon  its  front ;  but  this  narrow  stream  could 
not  be  considered  as  a  sufficient  defense  against  the  keen  pursuit  ol 
the  English.  Besides,  as  the  Passaick  flowed  at  no  great  distance 
in  the  rear  of  Washington,  and  the  light  troops  of  the  enemy  inun- 
dated the  country,  he  ran  the  risk  of  being  locked  in  between  these 
two  rivers.  He  therefore  crossed  the  Passaick  over  the  bridge  of 
Aquakannunk,  and  took  up  his  quarters  at  Newark,  upon  the  right 
bank.  The  English  immediately  also  passed  the  Hackensack,  and 
overran  the  country  up  to  the  Passaick.  Washington,  seeing  lord 
Cornwallis  approach  with  rapidity,  abandoned  the  borders  of  this 
river,  and  retiring  behind  the  Rariton,  took  post  at  New  Brunswick. 
Here  the  troops  of  Maryland  and  of  New  Jersey  declart  d  their 
term  of  engagement  was  expired,  and  deserting  the  rest  of  th  J  army, 
retired  to  their  respective  1  omes.  Some  corps  of  the  Pennsylvania 
militia  fallowed  this  example ;  and  the  army,  already  so  feeble,  found 
itself  upon  the  point  of  ceasing  to  exist.  The  English  showed  them- 
selves every  where,  and  always  equally  animated. 

Washington,  with  the  few  regiments  he  had  left,  ventured  to  make 
some  demonstrations  as  if  he  intended  to  resume  the  offensive ;  but 
this  maneuver  was,  in  fact,  designed  to  cover  his  retreat  to  Trenton, 
upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Delaware.  Lord  Sterling  was  left  at 
Princeton,  with  twelve  hundred  men,  to  observe  the  motions  of  the 
enemy.  Having  little  hope  of  being  able  to  maintain  even  this  po- 
sition long,  he  sent  across  the  river  the  sick,  the  baggage,  and  the 
munitions,  and  caused  all  the  boats  to  be  withdrawn  to  the  opposite 
bank,  that  the  English  might  not  use  them  to  effect  their  passage. 
He  determined,  however,  to  remain  upon  the  frontiers  of  New  Jer- 
sey, in  order  to  be  always  at  hand  to  retard  the  progress  of  the  ene- 
my. At  length,  having  received  a  re-inforcement  of  two  thousand 
men,  composed  of  the  armed  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  and  of  the 
German  battalion  already  mentioned,  he  pressed  forward  with  the 
intention  of  returning  to  Princeton.  But  upon  the  rumor,  contin- 
ually increasing,  that  lord  Cornwallis  was  on  his  march  from  New 
Biunswick  with  a  formidable  force,  divided  in  several  columns  so  as 
to  endanger  his  communications  with  the  river,  he  retreated  anew, 


394  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  fflfc 

and  the  eighth  of  December,  leaving  the  frontiers  of  New  Jersey 
entirely  in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  he  withdrew  upon  the  right 
bank  of  the  Delaware,  having  first,  however,  cut  the  bridges,  broken 
the  roads,  and  removed  all  the  ferry  boats.  Scarcely  had  the  rear 
guard  gained  the  right  bank,  when  the  English  light  troops  began 
to  appear  upon  the  left;  but  finding  no  "means  to  cross  the  river, 
they  could  pursue  no  further. 

The  river  Delaware  was  now  the  last  defense  that  remained  to 
the  American  troops ;  if  the  English  could  pass  it,  they  infallibly 
became  masters  of  Philadelphia.  And  the  acquisition  of  a  city  of 
such  importance,  which  was  at  once  the  capital  of  the  confederation, 
the  seat  of  government,  as  well  as  of  the  principal  authorities,  and 
the  central  repository  of  military  stores  and  provisions,  must  have 
produced  such  an  effect  upon  tlie  minds  of  the  people,  as  perhaps 
would  have  given  the  English  a  complete  triumph,  or  at  least  would 
have  authorized  them  to  expect  a  prompt  termination  of  the  war  in 
their  favor. 

But  lord  Cornwallis,  following  the  orders  of  general  Howe,  whe 
did  not  proceed  in  this  operation  with  the  requisite  ardor,  had  re 
mained  too  long  at  New  Brunswick ;  he  thus  left  Washington  aT 
liberty  to  interpose  every  obstacle  to  the  passage  of  the  river.  It  if 
impose  bh  here  not  to  blame  the  neglige  ice  of  the  Engli  ;h  generals. 
who  had  not  seasonably  collected  all  the  materials  for  laying  bridges. 
and  who  even  never  thought  of  constructing  rafts  in  order  to  gain 
the  other  bank.  They  might  have  done  it  in  these  first  moments. 
Perhaps,  no  longer  doubting  of  the  certain  success  of  their  arms, 
they  imagined  they  could  pass  the  river  whenever  they  pleased,  and 
that  Philadelphia  would  immediately  open  its  gates  to  them — a 
memorable  example,  which  proves  that  in  war,  more  than  in  any 
other  circumstance  of  life,  it  should  never  be  thought  that  all  is  done, 
while  there  still  remains  something  to  do !  It  is  perfectly  certain 
that  this  unexpected  delay  of  the  English  operated  to  their  preju- 
dice through  the  whole  course  of  the  war,  and  that  it  was  to  this 
capital  fault  the  Americans  owed  their  safety. 

The  English  general  established  his  head-quarters  at  Trenton,  ex- 
tending his  two  wings,  above  and  below,  along  the  left  bank  of  the 
Delaware.  This  river,  after  having  run  from  northwest  to  southeast 
till  it  reaches  Bordentown,  there  makes  a  sudden  bend,  and  flows 
to  the  southwest  towards  Philadelphia ;  if  the  English,  therefore,  had 
passed  it  above  Trenton,  at  a  place  called  CorieWs  Ferry,  or  in  its 
vicinity,  they  would  have  found  themselves  as  near  to  this  capital  as 
the  Americans  themselves,  who  guarded  the  banks  of  the  Delaware 
opposite  Trenton.     That  they  had  formed  this  design  is  demon- 


frOOK   TKi  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  395 

s , rated  by  the  attempt  they  made  to  seize  certain  boats  at  CorielPi 
Ferry,  which,  however,  was  defeated  by  the  vigilance  of  lord  Ster- 
ling. To  oppose  an  obstacle  to  this  passage,  the  commander-in- 
chief  directed  general  Putnam,  an  engineer  of  great  ability,  to  draw 
lines  from  the  Schuylkill  to  the  heights  of  Springatsburgh.  Out  as  the 
enemy  had  repaired  the  bridges  below  Trenton,  and  the  corps  he 
had  at  Bordentown  were  daily  re-inforced,  the  Americans  became 
apprehensive  that  he  would  attempt  to  pass  the  river  at  once  abovo 
them  at  CorielPs  Ferry  and  below  them  at  Burlington  ;  which  would 
have  enabled  him  to  close  upon  their  rear,  and  thus  to  shut  up  their 
whole  army  in  the  point  of  land  formed  by  the  flexure  of  the  Dela- 
ware. To  obviate  this  danger,  Washington  stationed  his  galleys  in 
places  the  most  proper  to  observe  the  motions  of  the  English,  and 
to  repulse  them  if  they  attempted  the  passage.  The  upper  parts 
being  the  most  menaced,  he  detached  his  best  troops  to  guard  them. 
Redoubts  were  erected  from  distance  to  distance,  and  furnished 
with  artillery.  Finally,  the  order  was  given,  in  case  of  misfortune, 
and  if  the  enemy  passed  the  river,  that  all  the  troops  should  fall  back 
upon  Germantown,  a  large  village,  but  a  few  miles  distant  from 
Philadelphia. 

The  English  generals,  seeing  the  enemy's  preparations  of  defense, 
and  perhaps  hoping  to  be  able  to  pass  the  Delaware  in  safety,  when 
it  should  be  frozen,  which,  as  the  season  was  now  advanced,  might 
be  expected  very  shortly,  instead  of  following  the  Americans  in 
their  retreat,  and  of  allowing  them  no  time  to  rally,  distributed  their 
troops  in  winter  quarters.  Four  thousand  men  took  their  lodgings 
upon  the  very  bank  of  the  river,  at  Trenton,  at  Bordentown,  at  Black 
horse  and  at  Burlington.  Strong  detachments  occupied  Princeton 
and  New  Brunswick,  where  were  found  their  magazines  of  provis- 
ions and  of  munitions.  The  rest  of  the  troops  were  cantoned  about 
in  the  villages  of  New  Jersey. 

While  the  English  army  was  thus  arrested  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Delaware,  either  by  the  negligence  or  presumption  of  its  chiefs,  or 
by  the  firmness  and  prudence  of  Washington,  this  general  omitted 
no  exertions  to  re-inforce  his  army  with  militia,  as  well  as  with 
regular  troops. 

Generals  Mifflin  and  Armstrong,  who  both  enjoyed  a  great  in- 
fluence in  Pennsylvania,  went  through  the  province,  exhorting  the 
people  to  take  arms  and  fly  to  the  defense  of  the  capital,  and  of  the 
country.  Their  exhortations  and  the  approach  of  danger  produced 
the  desired  effect.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  repaired  to  the  republi- 
can standard,  though  without  manifesting  all  of  them  a  very  ardent 
Sfieal.     That  the  regular  troops  might  serve  as  a  nucleus,  for  the 


396  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    YIJ. 

militia  to  rally  about,  Washington  ordered  general  Gates  to  bring 
him  promptly  the  best  of  the  troops  he  commanded  in  Canada,  after 
having  posted  the  militia  of  New  England  to  guard  the  most  impor- 
tant passes.  Gates  arrived  the  twentieth  of  December  at  the  army 
of  Pennsylvania.  General  Lee  had  received  the  same  order ;  but  he 
executed  it  with  great  slowness  and  a  sort  of  repugnance ;  whether 
his  ambition  led  him  to  prefer  the  command  of  a  separate  army,  or 
that  he  considered  it  as  more  advisable  to  maintain  himself  in  the 
upper  and  mountainous  parts  of  New  Jersey,  in  order  to  be  always 
ready  to  annoy  the  right  flank  of  the  British  army.  He  was  drawn 
from  this  languor  by  an  event  which  threw  him  into  a  painful  cap- 
tivity, and  which  filled  all  America  with  profound  regret,  where  his 
zeal,  his  intelligence,  and  his  military  skill,  were  held  in  the  highest 
consideration. 

Being  at  a  place  called  Baskinbridge,  distant  about  twenty  miles 
from  the  quarters  of  the  enemy,  he  thought  himself  so  out  of  all 
danger  that  he  neglected  the  usual  precautions.     He  took  up  his 
quarters  at  a  house  considerably  removed  from  the  main  body,  where 
he  remained  with  a  slender  guard.     Colonel  Harcourt,  who  scoured 
the  country  with  his  cavalry,  was  informed  of  this  circumstance  by  a 
loyalist,  and  immediately  galloped  towards  the  place  where  Lee  was 
so  incautiously  lodged.     The  colonel,  appearing  suddenly,  secured 
the  sentinels  without  noise,  and  darting  into  the  house,  arrested  the 
general.     He  caused  him  immediately  to  mount  a  very  swift  horse, 
and  with  the  same  promptness  and  good  fortune  conducted  him 
prisoner  to  New  York.     This  news  spread  as  much  consternation 
among  the  Americans,  as  alacrity  among  the  English ;  who  boasted 
that  they  had  seized  the  Palladium  of  America.     This  capture  of 
general  Lee  occasioned  transports  of  joy  even  at  the  court  of  Saint 
James,  as  if  some  great  victory  had  been  obtained,  or  as  if  this  inci- 
dent was  more  fortunate  than  the  conquest  of  New  Jersey  itself,  and 
the  fair  prospect  opened  of  soon  entering  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
From  this  time  there  arose  a  violent  controversy  between  the  chiefs 
of  the  two  parties,  relative  to  the  manner  in  which  general  Lee  and 
the  other  prisoners  of  war  should  be  treated.     General  Gage,  when 
he  was  invested  with  the  command,  had  always  refused  to  consent 
to  the  exchange  of  prisoners.     There  resulted  from  it  a  deplorable 
system  of  cruelty  on  the  one  part  as  well  as  on  the  other.     But  when 
general  Howe  appeared  at  the  head  of  the  British  army,  either  be- 
cause his  character  was  more  humane  than  that  of  his  predecessor 
or  that  he  had  received  particular  instructions  from  his  government, 
or,  finally,  that  he  was  constrained  to  it  by  the  great  number  of  Eng- 
lisn  who  were  fallen  into  the  power  of  the  Americans,  he  had  agreed 


£Vv,£    rii.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  397 

from  time  to  time  to  make  exchanges.  But  when  he  found  himself 
in  possession  of  general  Lee,  he  refused  to  fulfill  with  respect  to  him 
the  laws  of  war,  and  caused  him  to  be  closely  confined,  as  if  he  had 
been  a  prisoner  of  state.  He  advanced  as  a  reason  for  his  conduct 
that  Lee  being  invested  with  the  rank  of  an  officer  in  the  English 
army,  he  was  to  be  considered  as  a  deserter  and  a  traitor.  He  had 
formerly  received,  it  is  true,  his  half  pay  as  a  British  officer;  but 
upon  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities,  he  had  resigned  his  rank  in  Eng- 
land, to  be  at  liberty  to  enter  the  service  of  America.  But  this  res- 
ignation had  not  perhaps  arrived  seasonably ;  or  the  hatred  borne 
him  by  the  government  and  British  generals  having  more  power  over 
them  than  the  usage  of  civilized  nations,  they  affected  to  consider 
and  treat  him  rather  as  a  prisoner  of  state  than  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 
As  Washington  had  no  British  officer  in  his  power  of  equal  rank 
with  general  Lee,  he  had  proposed  to  general  Howe  to  give  six  Hes- 
sian officers  in  exchange  for  him ;  adding,  that  in  case  this  offer 
should  not  be  accepted,  he  demanded  at  least  that  Lee  should  be 
treated  in  a  manner  suitable  to  his  rank,  and  this  not  only  in  con- 
formity with  the  laws  of  nations,  but  also  in  reciprocity  for  the  good 
treatment  which  the  English  officers  that  were  prisoners  received  on 
the  part  of  the  Americans.  General  Howe  persisted  in  his  refusal ; 
the  congress  then  resorted  to  reprisals.  They  ordered  that  lieuten- 
ant-colonel Campbell  and  five  Hessian  officers  should  be  imprisoned 
and  treated  as  general  Lee.  This  order  was  executed  even  with 
more  rigor  than  it  prescribed.  The  lieutenant-colonel,  being  then 
at  Boston,  was  thrown  into  a  dungeon  destined  for  malefactors. 
Washington  blamed  this  excess :  he  knew  that  Lee  was  detained, 
but  not  ill  treated.  He  also  apprehended  reprisals,  since  there  were 
more  Americans  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  than  English  in  the 
hands  of  the  Americans.  He  wrote  with  great  earnestness  to  con- 
gress upon  this  subject,  but  without  effect ;  lieutenant-colonel  Camp- 
bell and  the  Hessians  were  not  liberated  until  general  Howe  had 
consented  to  consider  Lee  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 

During  these  altercations  the  exchange  of  prisoners  was  entirely 
suspended.  Those  in  the  hands  of  the  English  at  New  York  had 
to  experience  every  sort  of  ill  treatment.  They  were  shut  up  in 
churches  and  in  other  places,  exposed  to  all  the  inclemency  of  the 
air.  They  were  not  allowed  sufficient  nourishment ;  their  fare  was 
scanted  even  of  coarse  bread,  and  certain  aliments  which  excited 
disgust.  The  sick  were  confounded  with  the  healthy,  both  equally 
a  prey  to  the  most  shocking  defect  of  cleanliness,  and  exposed  to 
ihe  outrages  of  the  soldiers,  and  especially  of  the  loyalists.  Nothing 
alleviated  their  sufferings.     A  confined  and  impure  air  engendered 

34 


398  THE    AMERICAN    VVAiv.  fi    CcI    71$ 

mortal  diseases;  moie  than  fifteen  hundred  of  these  unfortunate 
men  perished  in  a  few  weeks.  It  was  believed  that  so  much  cruelty 
was  purposely  exercised  with  a  view  of  constraining  the  prisoners  to 
enlist  under  the  royal  standard.  It  is  certain  at  least,  that  the  offi- 
cers of  the  king  incessantly  exhorted  them  to  it.  But  they  all  re- 
fused ;  preferring  a  certain  death  to  the  desertion  of  their  country. 
The  fate  of  the  officers  was  not  much  less  deplorable.  Despoiled 
of  every  thing  by  the  rapacity  of  the  English  soldiers,  they  were 
abandoned  to  all  wants.  Some  of  them,  though  wounded  and  with- 
out clothing,  were  carted  through  the  streets  of  New  York  for  the 
sport  of  the  populace.  In  the  midst  of  hisses  and  imprecations,  they 
were  denominated  rebels  and  traitors.  Several  were  even  caned  for 
having  attempted  to  procure  some  relief  for  their  soldiers,  who  were 
perishing  with  hunger  and  disease  in  their  infected  dungeons. 
Washington  had  addressed  frequent  and  bitter  complaints  to  general 
Howe  of  this  barbarous  conduct  towards  prisoners  of  war.  The 
English  general  answered  by  denials,  by  excuses,  and  even  by  re- 
criminations. But  that  he  was  culpable,  is  proved  by  his  having 
refused  the  offer  of  the  American  general,  who  proposed  to  send 
an  agent  to  New  York  to  provide  for  the  wants  of  the  prisoners. 
Hence  the  hatred  between  the  two  people  acquired  a  new  degree 
of  violence.  At  length,  those  who  had  survived  so  many  evils,  were 
exchanged,  and  set  at  liberty.  But  such  was  their  miserable  con- 
dition that  many  died  on  the  way  before  they  could  revisit  their 
country  and  all  the  objects  of  their  affection.  There  arose  new 
difficulties  upon  this  subject  between  the  two  generals;  the  English- 
man insisting  that  his  prisoners  should  be  restored  even  in  exchange 
for  the  dead,  and  the  American  refusing  it.  All  this  affair  of  pris- 
oners proves  but  too  clearly  that  in  civil  wars,  friends  become  worse 
than  natural  enemies,  and  the  most  civilized  nations  no  better  than 
barbarians.  But  the  greater  part  of  these  inhuman  excesses  are 
incontestably  attributable  to  the  English. 

After  general  Lee  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  general 
Sullivan,  who  succeeded  him,  manifested  greater  promptitude  in 
obeying  the  orders  of  Washington.  He  crossed  the  Delaware  at 
Phillipsburgh,  and  joined  him  about  the  last  of  December ;  this  re 
inforcement  carried  the  American  army  to  not  far  from  seven  thou- 
sand men.  But  the  greater  part  of  these  troops  completed  their 
engagements  with  the  year,  and  they  were  upon  the  point  of  a  tot;J 
dissolution. 

While  the  English  pursued  the  relics  of  the  American  army 
through  the  plains  of  New  Jersey,  and  the  latter,  happy  in  having 
been  able  to  cross  the  Delaware,  found  itself  rfepst  without  hope. 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  %9Q 

fortune  did  not  show  herself  more  propitious  to  the  cause  of  the 
revolution  upon  the  coasts  of  Rhode  Island.  Admiral  sir  Peter 
Parker,  and  general  Clinton,  with  four  brigades  of  English  as  well 
as  Hessians,  had  undertaken  an  expedition  against  this  province,  on 
board  a  numerous  squadron.  The  provincials,  not  expecting  this 
attack,  were  totally  unprepared  for  defense;  they  consequently 
abandoned  Rhode  Island  without  resistance  to  the  English,  who  oc- 
cupied it  the  same  day  that  Washington  passed  the  Delaware. 
This  loss  was  of  great  importance,  as  well  from  the  situation  of  the 
province  as  because  the  American  squadron,  under  commodore 
Hopkins,  was  compelled  to  withdraw  as  far  up  the  Providence  river 
as  it  was  practicable,  and  to  continue  there  blocked  up  and  useless 
for  a  long  time.  The  English  also  occupied  the  two  neighboring 
islands  of  Conanicut  and  of  Prudence.  Two  pieces  of  cannon  fell 
into  their  power,  but  they  made  few  prisoners.  The  conquest  of 
Rhode  Island  was  of  great  utility  for  their  ulterior  operations  ;  from 
♦his  province  they  could  harass  Massachusetts ;  and  the  reinforce- 
ments that  general  Lincoln  had  assembled  with  the  intention  of  con- 
ducting them  to  the  army  of  Washington,  were  detained  in  that 
province,  to  observe  general  Clinton,  and  prevent  him  from  disturb- 
ing its  tranquillity.  Even  Connecticut  shared  the  alarm,  and  retained 
the  re-inforcements  it  was  upon  the  point  of  sending  to  the  camp  of 
the  Delaware. 

The  English,  in  like  manner  desirous  to  prevent  the  colonies  of  the 
south  from  transmitting  succors  to  those  of  the  middle,  which  they 
intended  to  attack,  renewed,  during  the  summer  of  the  present  year, 
their  negotiations  with  the  loyalists  and  with  the  savages  of  the  upper 
parts,  in  order  to  induce  them  to  act  against  Georgia,  the  two  Caro- 
tinas  and  Virginia.  Notwithstanding  the  little  success  which  had, 
in  the  preceding  year,  attended  the  enterprises  of  the  Regulators 
and  the  Scotch  emigrants,  the  English  agents,  and  particularly  one 
Stuart,  a  man  of  extreme  activity  and  audacity,  flattered  themselves 
with  the  hope  of  obtaining  a  more  efficacious  co-operation  on  the 
part  of  the  Indian  tribes.  They  were  as  lavish  of  exhortations  and 
promises  as  of  gold  and  presents.  They  gave  out  that  a  strong  corps 
of  English  would  disembark  in  West  Florida ;  that  traversing  the 
territory  of  the  Creeks,  the  Chickasaws,  and  the  Cherokees,  they 
would  join  with  the  warriors  of  these  nations,  and  invade  the  two 
Carolinas  and  Virginia ;  while,  at  the  same  time,  a  numerous  fleet 
and  powerful  army  should  attack  the  coasts.  Stuart  addressed  cir- 
culars to  the  loyalists,  inviting  them  to  come  and  put  themselves  un- 
der the  royal  standard,  erected  in  the  country  of  the  Cherokees ;  he 
urged  them  to  bring  with  them  their  horses,  their  cattle,  and  pro  vis- 


400  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII 

ions  of  every  sort,  for  which  they  should  be  paid  a  liberal  price.  The 
loyalists,  who  remembered  too  well  their  recent  defeat,  made  no 
movement  of  importance.  But  the  Indians,  excited  by  the  words 
and  presents  of  the  emissaries,  no  less  than  by  the  probabilities  of 
success,  and  their  thirst  of  pillage,  assembled  in  considerable  num- 
bers, and  manifested  great  animosity  against  the  colonies.  The  Six 
Nations  themselves,  who,  till  this  epoch,  had  observed  a  strict  neu- 
trality, began  to  waver,  and  had  already  committed  hostilities  upon 
their  borders.  The  Creeks,  still  more  audacious,  took  the  field,  and 
displayed  their  accustomed  ferocity.  But  having  found  that  deeds 
did  not  correspond  with  words,  and  that  the  promised  succors  did 
not  appear,  they  desisted,  and  demanded  a  pardon,  which  was  easily 
granted  them.  They  manifested  afterwards  so  much  regard  for  their 
oaths,  or  so  much  distrust  for  the  promises  of  the  English,  or,  finally, 
such  profound  terror,  that  when  the  Cherokees  not  long  after  urged 
them  for  succors,  they  answered  that  they  had  buried  the  hatchet  so 
deep  that  it  could  not  be  found.  But  the  Cherokees  listened  only 
to  their  fury  ;  they  fell  furiously  upon  the  colonies,  exercising  fright- 
ful ravages,  scalping  and  mutilating  their  prisoners.  They  massa- 
cred with  the  same  barbarity  those  who  were  able  to  carry  arms,  and 
those  who  were  not ;  old  men,  women,  and  children,  were  butcher- 
ed without  discrimination.  Their  security  was  increased  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  fleet  under  sir  Peter  Parker,  which  had  arrived  in  the 
waters  of  Charleston.  But  when  this  fleet,  after  the  unsuccessful 
attack  of  fort  Moultrie,  had  abandoned  the  shores  of  Carolina,  the 
Cherokees  found  themselves  in  a  very  critical  situation. 

Having  no  longer  any  thing  to  fear,  upon  their  coasts,  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  two  Carolinas  and  of  Virginia,  devoting  all  their  cares 
to  free  themselves  from  this  scourge,  turned  their  forces  against  the 
savages,  who  devastated  their  country.  These  barbarians  were  not 
only  defeated  in  several  rencounters,  but  the  Americans  pursued 
them  even  into  their  own  territory,  putting  all  to  fire  and  sword, 
burning  their  habitations,  cutting  their  trees,  destroying  their  corn, 
and  slaying  all  those  who  had  borne,  or  still  bore  arms.  This  expe- 
dition was  almost  the  total  ruin  of  the  nation  of  Cherokees.  Those 
who  survived  it,  submitted  to  all  the  conditions  of  the  conqueror,  or, 
wanting  provisions,  took  refuge  with  this  Stuart,  the  author  of  the 
war  and  of  their  disasters,  in  West  Florida,  where  the  British  govern- 
ment was  forced  to  support  them.  Thus  terminated  this  year  the 
campaign  against  the  savages  ;  it  may  be  observed,  that  no  chastise- 
ment was  ever  more  severe,  or  more  deserved,  than  that  which  was 
inflicted  upon  the  nation  of  the  Cherokees.  The  avaricious  and 
cruel  men  who  excited  these  barbarians  to  commit  so  many  hontf'.fs, 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  401 

were  the  more  inexcusable,  inasmuch  as  they  had  received  their  birth 
and  education  under  the  more  clement  sky  of  Europe. 

But  the  order  of  events  recalls  us  to  Canada,  where  military  op- 
erations, far  from  being  suspended,  were  pursued  with  extreme 
vigor.  We  have  related  in  the  preceding  book,  that  the  Americans 
had  been  constrained  by  the  superiority  of  the  British  arms,  to 
evacuate  all  Lower  Canada,  and  even  Montreal  and  fort  St.  John. 
They  had  retired  to  Crown  Point,  whither  the  English  were  unable 
to  follow  them,  for  want  of  the  necessary  vessels,  not  only  to  cross 
Lake  Champlain,  but  also  to  combat  those  the  Americans  had  armed 
for  their  defense.  Such,  however,  was  the  importance  to  the  de- 
signs of  the  English  of  obtaining  an  absolute  control  of  the  lakes,  that 
general  Carleton  set  himself  with  all  diligence  to  the  equipment  of  a 
fleet.  His  plan  was,  according  to  the  instructions  of  the  ministry, 
to  penetrate  by  way  of  the  lakes  to  the  Hudson  river,  and  thus  to 
effect  a  junction  with  the  army  of  New  York,  at  Albany.  By  the 
execution  of  this  plan,  the  provinces  of  New  England  would  have 
found  themselves  separated  from  the  others  by  a  powerful  and 
victorious  army,  and  the  cause  of  America  would  have  been  ex- 
posed to  the  most  imminent  perils.  Long  deliberated  in  the  coun 
cils  of  the  British  ministers,  it  was  their  favorite  scheme.  And,  in 
effect,  the  very  nature  of  the  places  between  Canada  and  New 
York,  appeared  to  favor  this  enterprise.  With  the  exception  of  the 
heights  which  are  found  between  the  upper  extremity  of  Lake 
George  and  the  left  bank  of  the  Hudson,  and  which  only  occupy  a 
space  of  sixteen  miles,  the  entire  passage  from  one  of  these  provinces 
to  the  other,  can  easily  be  made  by  water,  first  by  ascending  from  the 
Saint  Lawrence  into  the  Sorel,  and  then  traversing  the  Lakes  Cham- 
plain  and  George,  or  Wood  Creek,  to  the  lands  which  separate  it 
from  the  Hudson.  This  river  afterwards  leads  directly  to  the  city  of 
New  York.  The  English  having  an  immense  superiority  at  sea,  Can- 
ada being  entirely  in  their  power,  and  as  the  principal  seat  of  resist 
ance  was  found  in  the  provinces  of  New  England,  while  the  coasts 
of  New  York  were  peculiarly  accessible  to  maritime  attacks,  it  can- 
not be  denied  that  this  plan  of  campaign  presented  great  advantages. 
But  the  difficulty  of  the  enterprise  of  general  Carleton  was  equal 
to  us  importance.  It  was  requisite  to  construct,  or  at  least  to  equip 
a  fleet  of  thirty  vessels  of  different  dimensions,  and  to  arm  them 
with  artillery  ;  the  want  of  materials  rendered  either  of  these  objects 
difficult  to  accomplish.  The  transportation  afterwards  in  certain 
places  by  land,  and  drawing  up  the  rapids  of  Saint  Theresa  and 
Saint  John,  of  thirty  large  long  boats,  a  gondola  01  thirty  tons,  a 
number  of  flat  bottomed  boats  of  considerable  burthen,  with  above 
vol,  i.  34* 


402  THE    AMERICAN    WAR,  BOOK    VtU 

four  hundred  batteaux,  was  an  operation  which  offered  not  only  great 
obstacles,  but  even  an  appearance  of  impossibility.  But  the  English 
seamen,  from  their  skill  and  patience,  were  not  intimidated  by  it. 
The  soldiers  seconded  them,  and  the  peasants,  taken  from  their  rustic 
labors,  were  compelled  to  share  the  toil.  The  generals  urged  foi- 
ward  this  laborious  undertaking  on  account  of  the  lateness  of  the 
season  ;  as  the  winter  already  approached.  It  was  necessary  to  pass 
two  lakes  of  considerable  extent ;  they  had  no  certain  intelligence 
respecting  the  force  of  the  enem)  in  the  fortresses  of  Crown  Point 
and  Ticonderoga;  finally,  after  having  worsted  him  upon  Lake 
Champlain,  by  means  of  large  vessels,  it  was  to  be  feared  that  the 
squadron  would  not  be  able  to  pass  the  strait  which  joins  this  lake 
to  Lake  George,  into  which,  however,  it  was  absolutely  necessary 
that  it  should  enter.  Meanwhile,  if  it  should  be  possible  to  surmount 
so  many  obstacles,  there  still  would  remain  to  be  effected  the  pas- 
sage of  the  woods,  the  marshes,  and  the  defiles  which  are  found 
between  the  point  of  debarkation  and  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  in 
order  to  gain  the  city  of  Albany,  where  only  they  could  meet  with 
such  accommodations  as  would  enable  them  to  winter  commodious- 
ly.  But  far  from  appearing  discouraged,  the  English  seemed  to  be 
animated  with  new  ardor,  and  the  soldiers  rivaled  their  officers  in 
zeal.  They  felt  all  the  importance  of  the  enterprise,  and  persuaded 
themselves  that  if  they  could  reach  Albany  before  winter,  their  de- 
finitive success  would  be  secured.  The  brilliant  advantages  obtained 
by  the  army  of  New  Jersey,  filled  them  with  emulation ;  they  were 
eager  to  share  them,  and  fearful  of  arriving  too  late  upon  the  theatre 
of  glory.  They  labored  therefore  with  incredible  activity  ;  but  not- 
withstanding all  their  efforts,  the  preparations  could  not  be  complet- 
ed, nor  the  armament  fully  equipped,  till  the  middle  of  the  month 
of  October.  It  was  numerous,  and  superior  in  strength  to  any  that 
had  ever  been  seen  upon  these  lakes,  and  would  have  made  no 
contemptible  figure  even  upon  the  European  seas.  The  admiral's 
ship,  called  the  Inflexible,  carried  eighteen  twelve  pounders,  and 
was  followed  by  two  stout  schooners,  the  one  mounting  fourteen, 
the  other  twelve  six  pounders ;  a  large  flat  bottomed  radeau,  with 
six  twenty-four  and  six  twelve  pounders.  Twenty  vessels  of  less  size 
carried  each  a  brass  piece  of  ordnance,  from  nine  to  twenty-four 
pounders,  or  howitzers.  Several  long  boats  were  equipped  in  the 
same  manner.  Besides  these,  there  was  a  great  number  of  boats 
and  tenders  of  various  sizes,  to  serve  as  transports  for  the  troops, 
baggage,  warlike  stores,  provisions,  and  arms  of  every  sort. 

The  whole  fleet  was  commanded  by  captain  Pringle,  a  sea  officer 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  403 

of  great  experience ;  it  was  manned  by  a  select  body  of  seamen, 
animated  with  an  extreme  desire  of  victory.  The  land  troops,  en- 
camped in  the  environs,  prepared,  as  soon  as  the  navigation  of  the 
lake  should  be  secured,  to  fall  upon  the  enemy.  Three  thousand 
men  occupied  He  aux  Noix,  and  as  many  were  stationed  at  Fort 
Saint  John ;  the  remainder  were  distributed  either  in  the  vessels  or 
in  the  neighboring  garrisons. 

The  Americans  united  all  their  forces  to  resist  such  formidable 
preparations.  Generals  Schuyler  and  Gates  were  at  their  head,  and 
Arnold  showed  himself  every  where,  inspiring  the  soldiers  with  that 
ardent  courage  for  which  he  was  himself  distinguished. 

As  the  event  of  the  campaign  upon  this  frontier  depended  totally 
upon  naval  operations,  the  Americans  exerted  themselves  to  the 
utmost  of  their  power  to  arm  and  equip  a  fleet  capable  of  opposing 
that  of  the  enemy.  But  their  success  little  corresponded  with  their 
efforts.  Besides  the  want  of  materials  for  construction,  they  had  not 
a  sufficiency  of  other  stores,  and  their  seaports  were  so  occupied  in 
the  building  of  privateers  and  ships  for  the  service  of  congress,  that 
few  carpenters  could  be  spared.  Accordingly,  notwithstanding  the 
activity  and  perseverance  of  the  American  generals,  their  squadron 
amounted  to  no  more  than  fifteen  vessels  of  different  sizes,  two  brigs, 
one  corvette,  one  sloop,  three  galleys,  and  eight  gondolas.  Their 
largest  vessel  mounted  only  twelve  six  and  four  pounders.  But 
that  this  armament  might  not  want  a  chief  whose  intrepidity  equaled 
the  danger  of  the  enterprise,  the  command  of  it  was  given  to  general 
Arnold.  It  was  expected  of  him  to  maintain,  upon  this  new  element, 
the  reputation  he  had  acquired  upon  land.  The  American  army, 
notwithstanding  all  the  obstacles  it  had  encountered,  and  the  ravages 
of  the  small-pox,  still  amounted  to  eight  or  nine  thousand  men ;  it 
was  assembled  under  the  cannon  of  Ticonderoga,  after  having  left  a 
sufficient  garrison  at  Crown  Point. 

All  the  dispositions  being  made  on  both  sides,  general  Carleton, 
impatient  to  conquer,  ordered  all  his  naval  forces  to  advance  towards 
Crown  Point,  intending  to  attack  the  enemy  there.  He  had  already 
reached  the  middle  of  the  lake  without  having  been  able  to  discover 
him,  and  was  proceeding  without  any  distrust,  when  all  at  once  the 
English  perceived  the  American  squadron,  which  was  drawn  up  with 
great  skill,  behind  the  Island  of  Valincour,  and  occupied  the  passage 
between  the  island  and  the  western  shore  of  the  lake.  This  unex- 
pected interview  caused  a  violent  agitation  on  both  sides.  A  fierce 
engagement  immediately  ensued.  But  the  wind  being im favorable 
to  the  English,  they  could  not  display  their  whole  line ;  the  Inflexi- 
ble, and  their  other  vessels  of  the  largest  class,  took  no  p^rt  in  th*. 


404  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VH 

action.  The  brig  Carleton,  accompanied  by  several  gun  boats,  as- 
sailed the  enemy  with  singular  courage  and  ability.  The  Americans 
supported  the  combat  with  equal  bravery  ;  it  lasted  above  four  hours. 
The  wild  continuing  to  be  contrary  for  the  English,  captain  Pringle 
perceived  that  he  could  not  hope  to  obtain  advantages  with  a  part 
of  his  forces  against  all  those  of  the  enemy,  and  accordingly  gave 
the  signal  of  retreat ;  ordering  the  fleet  to  be  anchored  in  a  line,  in 
presence  of  the  American  squadron. 

The  Americans  had  lost  in  the  action  their  largest  brig,  which 
took  fire  and  was  consumed,  as  also  a  gondola  which  went  to  the 
bottom.  They  considered  it  as  extremely  dangerous  to  await  3 
second  engagement  in  the  anchorage  they  occupied,  and  consequent- 
ly determined  to  retire  under  the  walls  of  Crown  Point,  hoping 
that  the  artillery  of  the  fortress  would  counterbalance  the  superiori- 
ty of  the  enemy's  force.  Fortune  seemed  inclined  to  favor  this  de- 
sign of  general  Arnold  ;  and  already  his  vessels,  having  lost  sight  of 
those  of  the  English,  sailed  rapidly  towards  their  new  station  ;  when 
suddenly  the  wind  became  favorable  to  the  enemy,  who  pursued 
and  came  up  with  them  before  their  arrival  at  Crown  Point.  The 
battle  was  immediately  renewed  with  greater  fury  than  at  first ;  it 
continued  upwards  of  two  hours.  Those  vessels  in  the  meanwhile 
which  were  most  ahead,  crowded  sail,  and  passing  Crown  Point,  ran 
for  Ticonderoga.  Only  two  galleys  and  five  gondolas,  remained 
with  general  Arnold.  With  these  he  made  a  desperate  defense ; 
but  his  second  in  command,  brigadier-general  Waterburgh,  being 
taken  with  his  vessel,  and  the  others  making  but  a  faint  resistance, 
he  determined,  in  order  to  prevent  his  people  and  shipping  from  fall- 
ing into  the  power  of  the  enemy,  to  run  these  ashore  and  set  them 
on  fire.  He  executed  his  intention  with  great  address.  He  remain- 
ed on  board  the  vessel  he  commanded,  and  kept  her  colors  flying, 
till  she  was  on  fire.  Though  he  had  been  unsuccessful  on  this  occa- 
sion, the  disparity  of  strength  duly  considered,  he  lost  no  reputation, 
but  rose,  on  the  contrary,  in  the  estimation  of  his  countrymen.  He 
had,  in  their  opinion,  acquitted  himself  with  no  less  ability  in  this 
naval  encounter,  than  he  had  done  at  land  before.  The  Americans, 
having  destroyed  whatever  could  not  be  carried  oflf,  evacuated  Crown 
Point  and  withdrew  to  Ticonderoga.  General  Carleton  occupied 
the  former  immediately,  and  the  rest  of  the  army  came  soon  after  to 
join  him  there. 

Such  was  the  issue  of  the  expedition  which  the  Americans  had 
undertaken  in  Canada,  with  a  view  of  establishing  the  theatre  of  war 
upon  the  territory  of  their  enemies,  before  they  could  attempt  to  in- 
vade their  own.     Completely  masters  of  Lake  Champlain,  the  Eng~ 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN     WAR  405 

lish  had  no  other  obstacle  to  surmount  besides  the  fortress  of  Ticon- 
deroga, in  order  to  penetrate  into  Lake  George.  If  Carleton,  rap- 
idly availing  himself  of  his  advantage,  had  pushed  forward  against 
the  enemy,  thrown  into  confusion  by  defeat,  perhaps  he  might  have 
seized  this  important  place  without  difficulty.  But  he  was  prevent- 
ed from  doing  it  by  a  south  wind,  which  prevailed  for  several  days. 
The  Americans  made  the  best  use  of  this  time  in  preparing  and  in- 
creasing their  means  of  defense.  They  mounted  their  cannon,  con- 
structed new  works,  and  repaired  the  old,  surrounding  them  with 
moats  and  palisades.  The  garrison  was  re-inforced  with  extreme 
expedition  ;  and  conformably  to  the  orders  of  Washington,  the  ox- 
en and  horses  were  removed  into  distant  places,  that  the  English 
might  not  seize  them  for  provision  or  draught.  Meanwhile,  gene- 
ral Carleton  had  not  neglected,  to  detach  scouting  parties  upon  the 
two  banks  of  the  lake ;  and,  when  the  wind  permitted,  some  light 
vessels  were  also  sent  towards  Ticonderoga  to  reconnoiter  the  force 
of  the  enemy  and  the  state  of  the  fortress.  All  the  reports  agreed 
that  the  fortifications  were  formidable,  and  the  garrison  full  of  ardor 
He  reflected,  therefore,  that  the  siege  must  be  long,  difficult,  and  san- 
guinary, and  concluded,  accordingly,  that  the  possession  of  this  for 
tress  would  not  indemnify  him  for  all  it  might  cost.  The  severe  sea- 
son approached  ;  the  want  of  provisions,  the  difficulty  of  direct  com- 
inunication  with  Canada,  and  the  little  hope  of  success  from  an  ex- 
pedition in  the  cold  and  desert  regions  which  separate  the  river  Hud- 
son from  Lake  George,  rendered  the  wintering  upon  this  lake  ex- 
tremely perilous.  In  consequence  of  these  considerations,  the  Eng- 
lish, general  deemed  the  reduction  of  Ticonderoga  of  little  utility  in 
his  present  circumstances,  whereas  the  command  of  the  lakes  secured 
him  a  clear  parage  to  return  in  the  spring  to  the  attack  of  this 
fortress,  without  exposing  his  troops  to  the  hardships  of  a  siege,  un- 
dertaken in  the  midst  of  the  rigors  of  winter.  After  having  taken 
the  advice  of  a  council  of  war,  he  renounced  the  project  of  an  at- 
tack, and  eaity  in  November  conducted  his  army  back  towards 
Montreal,  leaving  his  advanced  posts  in  He  aux  Noix.  But  prior  to 
bis  retreat,  from  the  singular  courtesy  and  humanity  of  his  charac- 
ter, he  sent  to  their  homes  the  American  officers  who  had  fallen  in- 
•o  his  power,  administering  generously  to  all  their  wants.  He  exer- 
cised the  same  liberality  towards  the  common  soldiers.  The  greater 
part  were  almost  naked ;  he  caused  them  to  be  completely  clothed, 
and  set  them  at  liberty,  after  having  taken  their  oath  that  they 
would  not  serve  against  the  armies  of  the  king.  General  Carleton 
was  blamed  for  having  taken  winter  quarters ;  this  resolution  was 
considered  as  a  mark  of  weakness,  and  as  highly  prejudicial  to  th* 


406  TIIL    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VII 

success  of  ulterior  operations ;  since,  if  he  had  immediately  made 
himself  master  of  Ticonderoga,  his  troops,  after  having  passed  the 
winter  in  its  vicinity,  would  have  been  able  to  enter  the  field  early 
the  following  spring.  It  is  probable,  in  effect,  that  the  war  would , 
in  that  case,  have  had  a  very  different  result  from  what  it  actually 
had.  But  the  conquest  of  a  place  so  strong  by  nature  and  by  art  as 
Ticonderoga,  depended  on  the  resistance  which  the  Americans  would 
have  made ;  and  certainly  their  number,  the  valor  they  had  display- 
ed in  the  naval  actions,  the  extreme  confidence  they  had  in  their 
chiefs,  all  announced  that  their  defense  would  have  been  long  and 
obstinate.  Nor  should  the  consideration  be  omitted  of  the  difficul- 
ty of  subsistence,  and  of  the  communications  with  Canada.  Be  this 
as  it  may,  the  retreat  of  the  English  general,  and  his  inaction  during 
the  winter,  had  the  most  happy  results  for  the  Americans.  The  ar- 
my which  had  made  the  campaign  under  general  Lee,  was  enabled 
to  effect  its  junction  with  that  of  Washington,  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Delaware ;  and  a  part  of  the  army  of  Canada  itself  could  take  the 
same  direction,  under  the  conduct  of  general  Gates. 

It  cannot  be  doubted,  however,  that  the  Americans  at  this  time 
trod  upon  the  brink  of  precipices ;  a  single  reverse  might  have  com- 
pleted their  ruin.  Two  important  provinces,  New  York  and  Rhode 
Island,  as  well  as  the  greater  part  of  New  Jersey,  were  fallen  into 
the  power  of  the  victorious  army.  And  though  the  arms  of  Clin- 
ton, equally  successful,  had  arrested  their  course  under  the  walls  of 
Ticonderoga,  it  was  but  too  probable  that  on  the  return  of  spring  he 
would  make  a  new  effort  to  carry  this  fortress,  and  to  penetrate  to 
the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  in  order  to  operate  his  junction  with  the 
army  of  New  York.  As  to  Washington,  it  was  not  to  be  expected 
that,  while  inferior  himself  to  his  adversary,  he  would  be  in  a  situa- 
tion to  sen ti  back  to  the  army  of  Canada  the  troops  that  were  enabled 
by  the  cessation  of  hostilities  upon  the  lakes,  to  come  to  join  him 
upon  the  Delaware. 

Though  he  had  received,  as  we  have  seen,  some  re-inforcements. 
he  was  still  as  far  from  being  able  to  match  the  enemy  either  in  the 
number,  spirit,  or  discipline  of  his  soldiers,  as  in  the  quantity  and 
quality  of  \m  munitions  of  every  sort.  He  was  also  continually 
subject  to  that  scourge  of  the  American  army,  desertion,  authorized 
by  the  expiration  of  engagements,  which  incessantly  menaced  it  with 
an  approaching,  and  almost  total  dissolution.  It  was  no  slight  mo- 
live  of  alarm  for  the  most  influential  members  of  congress,  to  remark 
the  promptitude  with  which  the  inhabitants  of  the  conquered  prov- 
inces, and  especially  of  New  York,  hastened  to  change  sides  and  to 
take  advantage  of  the  proffered  pardon. 


Some  individuals  were  even  seen  to  enroll  themselves  under  the 
royal  standard  ;  it  seemed  that  they  were  determined  to  add  to  Eng- 
lish civil  war,  the  horrors  of  American  civil  war.  It  was  to  be  fear- 
ed that  their  example  would  prove  contagious  for  the  other  provinces, 
and  that  disaffection  would  manifest  itself  on  all  parts. 

The  intrigues  of  governor  Tryon,  to  compass  this  object,  were  no 
longer  a  secret ;  for  this  very  purpose  he  had  been  appointed  briga- 
dier-general, and  his  maneuvers  had  already  succeeded  in  many 
places.  On  the  contrary,  the  business  of  recruiting  moved  very 
heavily  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  whereas  desertion  enfeebled 
their  armies  from  day  to  day.  To  so  many  evils  was  joined  another 
more  fatal  still ;  the  bills  of  credit  began  to  depreciate.  The  govern- 
ment, however,  had  no  other  source  of  revenue.  It  was  not  yet 
sufficiently  confirmed  to  hazard  the  imposition  of  taxes>  payable  in 
specie ;  and  this  measure  would  besides  have  produced  only  an  in- 
crease of  the  evil,  by  augmenting  the  discredit  of  paper ;  it  was 
therefore  much  to  be  apprehended  that  money,  this  principal  sinew 
of  war,  would  ere  long  be  totally  wanting.  The  emission  of  new 
bills  of  credit  would  infallibly  accelerate  their  daily  depreciation ; 
and  yet  it  was  impossible,  by  reason  of  the  ever  increasing  exigen- 
cies of  the  public  service,  to  abstain  from  continual  issues.  Already 
there  were  not  wanting  those  who  refused  not  only  to  receive  them 
at  a  discount,  but  even  at  any  rate  whatever.  The  present  time  was 
painful,  and  the  future  appeared  still  more  alarming.  It  was  feared 
by  all,  and  asserted  by  many,  that  the  tomb  of  independence  was  not 
far  from  its  cradle ;  some  even  openly  blamed  the  congress  for  hav- 
ing declared  independence,  and  thereby  closed  all  avenue  to  an  hon- 
orable accommodation ;  before  this  declaration,  they  said,  we  could 
treat  with  honor,  but  since,  not  without  shame,  and  even  becoming 
the  fable  of  the  universe. 

Surrounded  by  obstacles  so  numerous  and  so  fearful,  the  congress 
lost  none  of  their  firmness,  and  resolved  to  set  fortune  at  defiance. 
Far  from  betraying  any  symptoms  of  despair,  they  manifested  great- 
er confidence  than  ever,  and  appeared  to  admit  no  doubt  respect- 
ing the  eventual  success  of  the  great  enterprise  in  which  they  were 
engaged.  They  knew  that  constancy  triumphs  over  fate.  Full  of 
a  noble  ardor,  they  preferred  the  dangers  of  war  to  those  of  peace. 
The  admirable  fortitude  with  which  they  sustained  the  assaults  of 
adverse  fortune,  when  a  common  ruin  seemed  ready  to  ingulf  them 
with  the  cause  they  supported,  must  eternally  attach  to  their  names 
the  glory  of  having  laid  the  foundations  of  a  new  state.  The  na- 
tions of  the  earth  rendered  the  homage  of  their  admiration  to  so 
much  magnanimity. 


408  "IE    AMERICAN    WAR  BOOK    VI* 

When  at  first,  the  ship  of  America,  impelled  by  propitious  breezes, 
seemed  about  to  enter  the  port  In  safety,  the  wisdom  of  the  pilots 
was  universally  applauded ;  but  in  the  midst  of  a  tremendous  tem- 
pest, their  intrepidity  and  their  constancy  shone  with  a  splendor  still 
more  dazzling.  The  people  of  Europe  felt  an  increase  of  affection 
for  the  Americans,  and  of  hatred  against  England,  for  attempting  to 
reduce  to  slavery  so  generous  a  nation.  So  natural  it  is  to  the  hu- 
man heart  to  take  an  interest,  from  the  sentiment  of  its  indepen- 
dence, in  the  efforts  made  by  the  weak  against  the  powerful,  or  from 
commiseration,  to  sympathize  with  the  brave  in  their  struggles 
against  the  perversity  of  fate.  .Thus  the  Americans  honored  their 
reverses  by  virtues,  at  the  epoch  when  the  public  fortune  appeared 
upon  the  verge  of  ruin,  and  no  cheering  ray  was  seen  to  gleam  in  the 
perspective. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  measures  taken  by  the  congress, 
in  order  to  re-inforce  the  army  by  new  levies,  to  remedy  the  danger 
resulting  from  the  shortness  of  engagements,  and  to  call  into  the 
field  the  provincial  militia.  As  if  they  had  intended  to  defy  the  pres- 
ence and  the  menaces  of  a  formidable  enemy,  they  employed  them- 
selves in  drawing  up  various  articles  of  confederation  and  perpetual 
union  between  the  states,  that  each  of  them  might  kr.ow  its  particu- 
lar authority  within,  and  its  reciprocal  duties  towards  the  others ;  as 
also  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  executive  power  with  which  it  was 
requisite  that  congress  should  be  invested.  These  articles  were 
adopted  in  the  sitting  of  the  fourth  of  October,  and  immediate- 
ly sent  to  the  respective  assemblies  of  each  state  for  approbation. 
The  principal  were  the  following  : 

The  thirteen  states  confederated  under  the  name  of  the  United 
States  of  America. 

'They. all  and  each  obligated  themselves  to  contribute  for  the 
common  defense,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  their  liberties. 

'  Each  particular  state  preserved  the  exclusive  right  of  regulating 
its  internal  government,  and  of  framing  laws  in  all  matters  not  in- 
cluded in  the  articles  of  the  confederation,  and  which  could  not  any 
way  be  prejudicial  to  it. 

<  No  particular  state  was  either  to  send  or  receive  ambassadors, 
enter  into  negotiations,  contract  engagements,  form  alliances,  or 
make  war,  except  in  case  of  sudden  attack,  with  any  king,  prince, 
or  power  whatsoever,  without  the  consent  of  the  United  States. 

'  No  individual  holding  any  magistracy,  office  or  commission  what- 
soever from  the  United  States,  or  from  any  one  of  them,  was  allow- 
ed to  accept  of  any  presents,  nor  any  offices,  or  titles  of  any  kind 
whatever,  from  any  foreign  king,  prince,  or  potentate. 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN'    W  \R.  409 

'  No  assembly  was  to  confer  titles  of  ncbility 

'No  state  was  to  make  alliances  or  treaties  of  what  kind  soever 
with  another,  without  the  consent  of  all. 

'  Each  particular  state  had  authority  to  maintain  in  peace  as  well 
as  in  war  the  number  of  armed  ships  and  of  land  troops,  judged 
necessary  by  the  general  assembly  of  all  the  states,  and  no  more. 

'There  should  be  a  public  treasury  for  the  service  of  the  confede- 
ration, which  was  to  be  replenished  by  the  particular  contributions 
of  each  state ;  the  same  to  be  proportioned  according  to  the  number 
of  inhabitants  of  every  age,  sex  or  condition,  with  the  exception, 
however,  of  Indians. 

'  A  general  congress  was  to  be  convoked  every  year  m  the  first 
Monday  of  November,  to  be  composed  of  deputies  from  all  the 
states ;  it  was  invested  with  all  the  powers  that  belong  to  the 
sovereigns  of  other  nations.'  These  powers  were  exactly  enu- 
merated. 

'Every  individual  holding  any  office,  and  receiving  either  salary, 
wages,  or  emolument  whatsoever,  was  thereby  excluded  from  con- 
gress. 

'  There  was  to  be  a  council  of  state,  composed  of  one  deputy  for 
each  province,  nominated  annually  by  his  colleagues  of  the  same 
state,  and  in  case  these  should  not  agree,  by  the  general  congress.' 
Each  state  was  to  have  but  one  vote. 

'  During  the  session  as  well  as  the  recess  of  the  general  congress, 
the  council  of  state  was  to  be  charged  with  the  management  of  the 
public  affairs  of  the  confederation,  always  restricting  itself,  however, 
within  the  limits  prescribed  by  the  laws,  and  particularly  by  the 
articles  of  the  confederation  itself.' 

The  province  of  Canada  was  invited  to  enter  into  the  Union. 

The  congress  afterwards  desiring  to  revive  the  courage  of  those 
who  had  suffered  themselves  to  be  intimidated  by  reverses,  and  to 
prevent  their  sentiments  from  changing  with  fortune,  issued  a  proc- 
lamation, wherein  they  represented  anew  the  justice  of  their  cause, 
their  long  and  fruitless  supplications,  the  cruel  proceedings  of  the 
ministers,  the  necessity  of  the  declaration  of  independence,  and  the 
unanimous  approbation  with  which  it  had  been  received.  Then  fol- 
lowed the  enumeration  of  all  the  successes  which  had  attended  the 
American  arms  in  the  northern  provinces  ;  the  English  driven  from 
Boston,  repulsed  before  Charleston,  arrested  in  their  progress  at 
Ticonderoga.  Finally,  the  American  people  were  invited  to  consider 
the  immense  value  of  the  prizes  made  at  sea,  the  abundance  of  pro- 
visions, and  the  probability  of  soon  seeing  the  army  suitably  clothed 
and  equipped.  All  the  citizens,  and  especially  those  of  Pennsylva 
vol.  i  35 


41 C  THE    AMERICAN    WAH,  BOOK    VII. 

nia,  of  New  Jersey,  and  of  the  neighboring  states,  were  exhorted  to 
show  themselves  united  and  firm  in  the  defense  of  country.  '  Con- 
sider,' said  the  proclamation,  '  that  the  present  state  of  our  affairs 
is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any  faults  of  the  generals,  or  want  of  valor 
in  the  soldiers,  but  to  the  shortness  of  the  term  of  enlistments.  Re- 
flect, that  foreign  princes  have  already  furnished  us  with  a  multitude 
of  articles  necessary  to  war,  and  be  assured  that  we  shall  receive 
from  them  succors  still  more  efficacious.  Be  not  wanting  to  your- 
selves, nor  suffer  the  rich  and  populous  city  of  Philadelphia  to  fall 
into  the  power  of  the  enemy ;  let  not  the  occasion  escape  of  over- 
whelming his  principal  army,  now  it  is  far  from  the  ships  which  form 
so  great  a  part  of  its  force.  The  loss  of  Philadelphia  would  not  be 
followed  by  the  ruin  of  our  cause,  but  wherefore  should  the  enemy 
enjoy  this  triumph  ?  Let  us  arrest  his  career,  let  us  baffle  his  efforts  ; 
let  us  prove  to  the  friends  of  America,  even  the  most  distant,  that 
we  are  all  animated  with  one  same  spirit,  and  with  one  only  will,  to 
defend  against  cruel  enemies  what  man  holds,  and  ought  to  hold, 
the  most  dear.  Remember,  that  the  success  of  our  efforts  will 
secure  the  eternal  repose  and  safety  of  the  United  States,  and 
attach  to  our  names  an  immortal  glory  ;  stand  firm,  therefore,  and 
presc.  ve  yourselves  for  the  day  of  victory ;  be  prepared  for  a  hap- 
pier destiny.' 

Desirous  that  the  authority  of  religion  should  encourage  and  con- 
firm the  people  in  their  fidelity,  the  congress  recommended,  that  the 
assemblies  of  the  different  states  should  appoint  a  day  of  fasting, 
humiliation  and  prayer,  to  obtain  from  the  clemency  of  the  Most 
High,  prosperity  for  the  arms  and  success  for  the  just  cause  of 
America. 

But  the  danger  increasing  continually,  and  the  enemy  approach- 
ing the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  the  congress,  upon  the  representa- 
tions of  generals  Putnam  and  Mifflin,  took  the  resolution,  on  the 
twelfth  of  December,  to  withdraw  from  Philadelphia,  and  adjourned 
themselves  to  the  twentieth  of  the  same  month  at  Baltimore,  in 
Maryland. 

The  departure  of  congress  spread  great  consternation  in  the  city, 
from  fear  as  well  of  the  English  as  of  the  loyalists,  who  were  very 
numerous  there,  though  a  part  of  them  had  repaired  to  the  commis- 
sioners to  avail  themselves  of  the  amnesty.  It  was  greatly  appre- 
hended that  they  would  seek  to  disturb  the  public  tranquillity; 
already  by  their  cries  and  menaces,  they  had  prevented  the  fortifi- 
cation of  the  city,  which  it  had  been  intended  to  accomplish.  The 
greater  part  of  the  Quakers  belonged  to  this  party.  Washington  had 
found  it  necessary  to  send  to  Philadelphia  a  numerous  corps  under 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  411 

the  command  of  lord  Sterling,  in  order  to  support  the  friends  of  the 
revolution,  and  to  repress  its  adversaries. 

The  congress  being  assembled  at  Baltimore,  in  consideration  of 
the  imminent  peril,  which  seemed  to  exact  the  dictatorial  authority 
decreed,  that  having  the  most  entire  confidence  in  the  wisdom,  vigor, 
and  uprightness  of  general  Washington,  they  invested  him  with  the 
most  ample  and  complete  powers  to  levy  and  organize  in  the  most 
expeditious  mode,  from  any  or  all  of  the  United  States,  sixteen  bat- 
talions of  infantry,  in  addition  to  those  already  voted  by  congress, 
and  to  appoint  the  officers  ;  to  raise,  equip,  and  provide  with  officers, 
three  thousand  light  horse,  three  regiments  of  artillery,  and  a  corps 
of  engineers ;  and  to  establish  their  pay ;  to  call  into  service  the 
militia  of  the  several  states ;  to  form  such  magazines  of  provisions, 
and  in  such  places  as  he  should  think  proper ;  to  displace  and  appoint 
all  officers  under  the  rank  of  brigadier-general,  and  to  fill  up  all  va- 
cancies in  every  other  department  in  the  American  armies ;  to  take, 
wherever  he  might  be,  whatever  he  might  want  for  the  use  of  the 
army,  if  the  inhabitants  would  not  sell  it,  allowing  a  reasonable  price 
for  the  same  ;  to  arrest  and  confine  persons  who  refused  to  take  the 
continental  currency,  or  were  otherwise  disaffected  to  the  American 
cause :  returning  to  the  states  of  which  they  were  citizens,  their 
names  and  the  nature  of  their  offenses,  with  the  proofs  to  substan 
tiate  them.  It  was  resolved  that  these  extraordinary  powers  should 
be  vested  in  general  Washi  ngtbn  during  the  term  of  six  months? 
unless  sooner  determined  by  congress.  *  **';       '$} 

Thus  the  rulers  of  America,  urged  by  extreme  peril,  and  confiding 
in  the  virtue  of  the  captain-general,  reposed  on  him  alone  the  entire 
weight  of  the  war.  In  the  midst  of  so  many  reverses,  not  a  single 
American  was  heard  to  hint  a  suspicion  of  treason,  or  even  of  neg- 
ligence or  incapacity  in  the  chiefs  of  the  army ;  nothing  especially 
diminished  the  respect  and  confidence  of  which  the  commander-in- 
chief  was  the  object — a  remarkable  example  of  moderation  and 
popular  reserve.  Pride  had  not  persuaded  this  people  that  they  were 
invincible,  and  ambition  had  not  rendered  them  suspicious.  They 
attributed  their  defeats  to  the  force  of  things,  and  not  to  the  faults 
of  their  generals.  This  confidence  in  the  good  faith  of  their  defend- 
ers entitled  them  to  find,  and  they  did  find,  those  that  were  faithful. 
Too  often,  on  the  contrary,  the  people  of  other  countries,  prone  to 
suspicions,  lending  a  credulous  ear  to  the  suggestions  of  envy,  irri- 
tated by  reverses,  or  intoxicated  by  success,  experience,  to  their  cost 
that  whoever  has  no  confidence  in  others,  finds  none  in  return. 

As  it  was  essential  to  provide  pecuniary  resources,  the  congress 
passed  a  law  authorizing  a  loan  of  five  millions  of  dollars,  at  the  an- 


412  .    THE    AiTEHlCAN    WAft  BOOK  VII, 

nual  interest  of  lour  per  cent.  Hie  faith  of  the  United  States  was 
pledged  for  the  reimbursement  of  the  capital,  at  the  end  of  three 
years,  and  of  the  interest  annually.  For  this  purpose  they  estab- 
lished a  loan  office  in  each  of  the  United  States,  to  be  superintend- 
ed by  a  commissioner  appointed  by  the  said  states  respectively,  who 
should  receive  a  commission  of  one  eighth  per  cent,  on  all  moneys 
that  should  be  brought  into  the  office.  A  short  time  after,  observ- 
ing that  the  loan  made  little  progress,  the  interest  was  raised  to  six 
per  cent. 

With  the  same  intention,  the  congress  also  created  a  lottery,  con- 
sisting of  one  hundred  thousand  tickets,  each  ticket  divided  into  four 
billets  at  ten  twenty,  thirty  or  forty  dollars  each,  and  to  be  drawn  in 
four  classes.  This  lottery,  after  deduction  of  the  prizes,  was  to  raise 
the  sum  of  fifteen  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  holders  of  the 
fortunate  billets  might  receive,  under  certain  conditions,  a  treasury 
bank  note  for  the  prize  or  prizes  drawn,  payable  at  the  end  of  five 
years,  and  an  annual  interest  on  the  same  of  four  per  cent.  It  was 
hoped  thus  to  amass  a  considerable  sum,  as  weli  by  the  gain  of  the 
lottery,  as  by  the  loan  of  the  prizes.  These  operations  had  besides 
another  object ;  by  obviating  the  necessity  of  emitting  new  bills  of 
credit,  they  tended  to  enhance  the  value  of  those  in  circulation.  But 
the  evil  was  already  so  great,  that  if  these  remedies  were  not  alto- 
gether useless,  at  least  they  could  afford  but  little  palliation.  It  was 
therefore  deemed  necessary  to  resort  to  more  efficacious  means. 
As  it  was  especially  in  Pennsylvania  that  the  paper  money  was 
depreciated,  the  congress  decreed,  that  the  council  of  safety  of  this 
province,  should  take  the  most  prompt  and  effectual  measures  for 
punishing  those  who  should  refuse  the  bills,  and  that  the  general 
should  lend  assistance  to  carry  into  effect  the  resolutions  of  the  coun- 
cil. This  committee  resolved  that  whoever  should  refuse  to  receive 
tke  bills  of  credit  in  payment  of  any  debt  or  contract,  or  as  the  price 
of  any  commodity  or  merchandise  whatsoever,  or  who  should  demand 
a  greater  price  in  bills,  than  in  coined  money,  should  be  considered, 
for  the  first  time,  as  an  enemy  of  society,  and  should  lose  either  the 
amount  of  his  debt,  or  of  the  article  sold  ;  which  should  be  consid- 
ered thenceforth  as  the  property  of  the  debtor  or  of  the  purchaser. 
He  was  punished  besides  with  a  fine  more  or  less  considerable,  ac- 
;ording  to  the  value  of  the  sums  stipulated.  But  in  case  of  relapse, 
independently  of  the  penalties  above  mentioned,  the  delinquents  were 
to  be  banished  or  confined  in  such  mode  and  place  as  the  council  of 
safety  should  think  proper.  Several  offenders  against  this  law  hav- 
ing been  condemned  to  shut  their  shops  and  to  cease  their  traffic, 
some  even  having  been  banished  ;   the  former  were  permitted  tc 


BOOK  VJ1  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  413 

return  to  their  commerce,  and  the  latter  to  their  homes,  in  the  hope 
that  the  remembrance  of  past  punishment,  and  the  apprehension  of 
future,  would  determine  them  to  abstain  from  these  practices,  so 
prejudicial  to  the  public  credit,  and  to  the  cause  of  independence. 
A  short  time  after,  the  congress  perceived  that  not  only  the  author- 
ity of  the  council  of  safety  in  Pennsylvania,  had  proved  insufficient 
to  check  the  depreciation  of  the  continental  paper  in  that  province, 
but  that  the  evil  began,  to  manifest  itself  also  in  the  others.  They 
deemed  it  therefore  expedient  to  labor  directly  themselves  to  prevent 
this  scourge,  and  decreed  that  whoever  in  any  purchase,  sale  cr  bar- 
gain, of  whatsoever  nature,  should  presume  to  rate  gold  and  silver 
coin  at  a  higher  value  than  the  bills  of  credit  issued  by  congress, 
should  be  declared  an  enemy  to  the  liberty  of  the  United  States, 
and  should  lose  the  price  stipulated  of  the  transaction  in  which  this 
difference  of  value  should  have  been  made.  They  further  decreed, 
that  the  provincial  assemblies  should  be  requested  to  constitute  the 
bills  lawful  money,  that  could  not  be  refused  in  payment  of  debts, 
whether  public  or  private ;  and  that  the  refusal  should  operate  the 
extinction  of  the  debt.  The  assemblies  took  the  measures  which 
appeared  to  them  proper  to  fulfill  the  intentions  of  congress.  The 
first  effect  of  these  different  regulations  was,  that  all  vendible  articles 
rose  in  proportion  to  the  depreciation  of  paper;  which  seemed  to 
increase  in  the  ratio  of  the  efforts  that  were  made  to  prevent  it.  An- 
other consequence  was,  that  the  debtors  liberated  themselves  from 
the  claims  of  their  creditors  with  a  money  continually  declining  in 
value  ;  and  though  this  year  the  discount  was  not  considerable,  since 
an  hundred  dollars  in  specie  might  be  had  for  one  hundred  and  four 
in  paper,  many  private  fortunes  suffered  from  it ;  and  the  example 
became  pernicious.  In  order  to  arrest  so  serious  an  evil,  the  con- 
gress invited  the  provincial  assemblies  to  become  responsible  for  the 
redemption  of  the  bills  it  had  emitted,  hoping  that  the  guaranty  of 
each  state  for  its  proportional  part,  added  to  that  of  congress,  might 
restore  the  public  confidence.  It  was  also  thought  very  proper  that 
the  assemblies  of  the  several  states  should  impose,  without  delay,  such 
taxes  as  they  might  judge,  from  the  condition  of  the  people,  could 
be  best  supported,  and  collected  with  the  least  difficulty.  The  con- 
gress promised,  that  the  sums  produced  by  these  taxes  should  be 
passed  to  the  credit  of  each  state  in  liquidation  of  their  proportion 
of  the  public  debt.  The  assemblies  conformed  to  the  recommenda- 
tions of  congress ;  and  this  body  also  decreed  another  loan  of  two 
millions  of  dollars.  But  all  these  measures  produced  little  or  no 
effect,  from  the  pressure  of  the  times,  the  uncertainty  of  the  future, 
and  the  abundance  of  bills  already  emitted  from  tho  facility  and  the 

3*/ 


414  THE    AMERICAN     YVAK.  BOOK  VII* 

need,  which  the  congress  had.  as  well  as  the  particular  states,  to  put 
more  into  circulation  every  day. 

But  whatever  might  prove  to  be  the  success  of  the  efforts  of  con- 
gress to  raise  troops,  to  maintain  the  public  credit,  and  to  wrest  vic- 
tory from  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  they  well  knew  that  if  the  Eu- 
ropean powers  came  not  promptly  to  the  succor  of  America,  she 
could  cherish  but  a  feeble  hope  of  triumph.  Fortunately  it  was 
known  that  these  powers,  and  especially  those  whose  naval  forces 
rendered  their  assistance  of  the  most  importance,  at  the  head  of  whom 
was  France,  were  all  disposed  to  favor  America,  either  out  of  hatred 
towards  England,  or  from  the  prospect  of  private  advantages.  In- 
de  endently  of  the  general  inclinations  of  the  European  nations, 
th*  se  political  sentiments  manifested  themselves  by  no  equivocal  to- 
kens The  American  ships  were  received  in  the  French  and  Span- 
ish ports,  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  the  West  Indies,  as  belonging  to  a 
nation  i.ot  only  friendly,  but  moreover  as  belonging  to  a  nation  really 
and  absolutely  independent.  The  French  and  the  Spaniards  deriv- 
ed an  immense  advantage  from  it ;  they  began  to  reap  the  fruits  of 
tfiis  commerce  with  America,  whereof  England  had  hither  monopo- 
lized the  exclusive  benefit.  Nor  did  they  restrict  themselves  to 
receiving  the  Americans  with  cordiality  in  their  ports ;  they  also 
permitted  their  privateers  publicly  to  sell  therein  the  prizes  they  had 
taken  from  the  English,  whether  in  Europe  or  in  the  West  Indies. 
The  remonstrances  which  the  British  ministers  had  addressed  upon 
this  subject  to  the  courts  of  Versailles  and  of  Madrid,  had  not  pro- 
duced any  sensible  effect.  It  was  no  longer  a  secret  that  there  daily 
departed  from  the  ports  of  France,  ships  laden  with  munitions  of 
war  for  America.  There  was  also  a  fact  which  the  English  could 
in  no  shape  endure,  and  against  which  they  raised  a  violent  clamor ; 
not  only,  as  we  have  related,  were  the  American  privateers  received 
into  the  ports  of  the  French  West  Indies,  where  they  sold  their 
prizes,  and  provided  themselves  with  all  necessary  articles,  but  no 
small  number  of  the  French  themselves  fitted  out  privateers  under 
the  American  flag,  and,  furnished  with  the  commissions  of  con- 
gress, infested  every  sea,  and  depredated  upon  the  English  commerce, 
which  procedure,  as  the  French  government  did  not  interdict,  it 
was  necessary  to  conclude  that  it  approved.  There  was  remarked 
also  in  France  a  general  inclination  in  all  classes,  and  especially 
among  the  noblesse,  to  enter  into  the  service  of  the  United  States  ; 
already  several  of  these  last  were  arrived  in  America,  and  had  treats 
<;d  with  the  congress  ;  among  others,  the  Chevalier  ac  Fermoy,  ap- 
pointed brigadier-general  in  the  American  armies,  and  M.  de  Portail, 
an  officer  of  distinguished  talents  and  valor,  who  was  placed  at  the 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  41 5 

head  of  the  engineers,  a  corps  as  yet  very  imperfectly  organized  in 
America.  Never,  in  any  other  war,  had  the  French,  naturally  so 
propense  to  military  enterprises,  manifested  an  equal  ardor  to  place 
themselves  under  the  colors  of  a  foreign  power.  If  this  enthusiasm 
may  be  attributed  in  part  to  the  political  opinions  which  then  pre- 
vailed generally  in  Europe*  nevertheless)  it  must  chiefly  be  imputed 
to  the  known  disposition  of  the  government.  It  is  even  extremely 
probable  that  France  would  have  declared  war  against  Great  Britain 
sooner  than  she  did,  if  Louis  XVI.  had  been  of  a  less  pacific  char- 
acter. England  saw  with  as  much  solicitude,  as  the  Americans  with 
hope,  the  preparations  that  Were  made  with  incredible  activity  itf 
the  ports  of  France  and  of  Spain. 

If  the  British  ministers  demanded  the  reason  of  ttam,  they  were 
answered^  that  a  discussion  with  Portugal  rendered  a.i  approaching 
rupture  with  that  kingdom  a  thing  to  be  apprehended  ;  that  the  seas 
were  covered  with  English  fleets  and  American  privateers,  and  thai 
independently  of  so  furious  a  maritime  war,  such  armies  were  sent 
by  England  into  the  New  World  as  there  never  had  been  example 
of ;  that  consequently  France  and  Spain  owed  it  to  themselves  to 
increase  th*  r  forces,  for  the  protection  of  their  commerce  and  the 
security  of  their  colonies.  It  was  observed,  also,  that  it  appeared 
sufficiently  surprising  that  those,  who,  not  content  with  putting  in 
motion  all  their  national  troops,  had  also  dispatched  to  America  a 
large  army  of  foreign  mercenaries,  should  find  it  extraordinary  that 
their  neighbors  should  stand  upon  their  guard  against  all  the  events 
with  which  they  might  be  menaced.  These  explanations  were  by 
no  means  satisfactory  to  the  English  government,  and  in  no  degree 
diminished  the  hopes  of  the  Americans,  who  saw  clearly  that  the 
motives  alledged  were  far  from  corresponding  with  the  immensity 
of  the  preparations.  It  had  never  been  questioned  that  the  famil) 
compact,  concluded  in  1761,  between  his  most  christian  majesty 
and  the  catholic  king,  was  chiefly  designed  to  unite  and  confeder- 
ate all  the  branches  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  m  order  to  reduce 
the  power  of  England  ;  and  what  more  favorable  occasion  could 
present  itself  than  the  American  war  ? 

Such  evidently  was  the  object  of  the  extraordinary  preparation? 
of  France  and  Spain  ;  and  if,  instead  of  those  profound  lawyers  who 
then  directed  the  councils  of  England,  the  energetic  earl  of  Chathanr 
or  some  other  statesman  of  his  stamp,  had  guided  the  helm  of  state 
it  is  impossible  to  doubt  that  England  would  at  that  very  time  havt 
declared  war  against  the  house  of  Bourbon.  Experience  has  proved 
this  time,  that  fortune  assists  the  bold,  and  that  this  world  belongs  t« 
him  that  can  seize  it.     As  to  Holland,  if,  being  less  warlike  than 


416  THE    AMERICAN    WAB  BOOK    VII. 

Fr&iice  and  Spain,  she  made  no  armaments  that  could  give  umbrage, 
at  least  her  merchants,  attracted  by  the  lure  of  gain,  supplied  the 
Americans  abundantly  with  munitions,  with  arms,  and  with  whatever 
they  had  need  of  to  sustain  the  war.  All  the  other  powers  of  Eu- 
rope appeared  to  be  animated,  more  or  less,  with  the  same  spirit. 
Portugal  alone  persisted  in  fidelity  to  England,  and  would  never 
consent  to  supply  the  Americans  with  arms  or  munitions,  or  that 
their  privateers  should  be  received  into  any  Portuguese  port. 

Maturely  reflecting  upon  this  state  of  things,  and  urged  by  neces- 
sity; the  congress  resolved  to  make  the  most  of  the  present  occasion. 
The  entire  league  that  was  forming  aga  nst  England,  had  France  for 
its  foundation,  or  rather  for  its  heart ;  accordingly,  so  early  as  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1776,  the  congress  had  sent  Silas  Deane  to 
reside  near  the  French  government,  in  order  to  penetrate  its  inten- 
tions respecting  America.  He  was  instructed  to  neglect  no  efforts 
to  dispose  minds  in  her  favor,  and  to  obtain  immediately  all  the  suc- 
cors of  arms  and  munitions  that  circumstances  might  admit  of.  He 
acquitted  himself  of  his  mission  wi^h  extreme  diligence,  especially 
in  what  related  to  the  material  part.  He  succeeded  in  obtaining 
supplies  from  private  companies  as  well  as  from  indivi*  lal  contrac- 
tors, among  whom  should  be  mentioned  Caron  de  Beaumarchais, 
who  manifested  in  this  transaction  an  activity  no  less  advantageous 
to  himself,  than  to  the  Americans.  These  arms  and  warlike  stores 
were  openly  shipped  in  American  vessels,  or  privately  put  on  board 
those  of  France.  Silas  Deane  did  more  ;  he  found  means  to  obtain 
them  from  the  royal  arsenals.  They  delivered  him  fifteen  thousand 
muskets,  which  he  hastened  to  expedite  for  America,  where  they 
were  of  essential  utility.  He  treated  with  all  those  French  gentle- 
men who  were  desirous  of  serving  under  the  standard  of  Washing- 
ton, but  not  always  to  the  satisfaction  of  congress,  who  sometimes 
could  not  confirm  the  conditions,  or  even  the  choice  of  persons, 
made  by  their  envoy. 

But  independence  being  declared,  and  military  operations  having 
taken  an  alarming  turn,  the  congress  had  thought  it  expedient  to 
send  men  of  greater  authority,  that  a  solemn  embassy,  worthy  to  rep- 
resent the  republic,  might  bear  to  the  king,  Louis  XVI.,  the  homage 
of  their  singular  attachment  and  respect.  They  wished,  especially, 
that,  by  the  agency  of  these  new  ministers,  what  was  only  a  simple 
desire,  might  be  rendered  an  efficacious  will,  and  that  the  effect 
should  finally  follow  the  intention.  Accordingly,  in  their  sitting  of 
the  twenty-sixth  of  September,  they  appointed  commissioners  to  the 
court  of  France,  Franklin,  Jefferson  and  Deane,  all  men  of  singular 
address  and  excellent  judgment.    But  Jefferson  having  excused  him- 


£2 OK    VII  ffUg    A>ifcIUv\N    WAR.  417 

self,  he  was  replaced  by  Arthur  Lee.     Their  instructions  were,  to 
continue  to  procure  arms  and  munitions ;  to  obtain  permission  from 
the  government  to  fit  out  in  the  French  ports,  at  the  expense  of  the 
United  States,  a  number  of  ships  of  war,  in  order  to  harass  the  com- 
merce of  England ;  and,  finally,  to  use  all  proper  means  to  induce 
the  court  of  France  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  alliance,  of  which  the 
congress  had  communicated  the  plan  to  their  commissioners.     They 
were  also  directed  to  solicit  a  loan  of  ten  millions  of  francs,  or  at 
least  of  six,  and  even  of  four,  in  case  they  should  not  be  able  to  ob- 
tain more.     But,  above  all  things,  they  were  to  endeavor  to  procure 
the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States.     The  con- 
gress, knowing  that  what  caused  the  indecision  of  foreign  princes  on 
this  point,  was  the  fear  that  the  Americans  might  abandon  them  all 
at  once,  after  having  engaged  them  to  espouse  their  cause,  and  re- 
turn to  their  ancient  submission,  enjoined  it  upon  their  commission- 
ers to  exert  all  their  endeavors  to  persuade  his  most  christian  majes- 
ty that  the  United  States  would  never  again  come  under  the  scepter 
of  the  king  of  England ;  that  the  confidence  he  might  deign  to 
place  in  their  efforts  and  constancy,  should  not  in  any  time  be  de- 
ceived ;  that  there  never  should  be  granted  to  the  English  any  ex- 
clusive traffic,  or  any  commercial  advantages  and  privileges  greater 
than  those  that  should  be  conceded  to  the  subjects  of  France.     The 
congress  proposed,  besides,  that,  in  case  of  war  between  France  and 
Great  Britain,  the  United  States  and  France  should  reciprocally  ob- 
ligate themselves  to  communicate  to  each  other  the  negotiations  of 
peace  that  might  take  place,  in  order  that  each  party  might,  if  so  dis- 
posed, participate  therein.     The  commissioners  were  ordered  to  soli- 
cit a  new  supply  of  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  muskets,  with  a  cer- 
tain quantity  of  artillery,  and  abundant  munitions,  all  to  be  convey- 
ed to  America  in  French  vessels,  but  at  the  expense  of  the  United 
States.     Finally,  that  the  hopes  of  advantages  to  be  derived  from  an 
alliance  with  the  Americans,  might  be  seconded  by  the  fear  of  the 
detriment  that  would  result  from  their  re-union  with  England,  the 
congress  strictly  charged  their  envoys  to  give  out  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  good  will  of  the  United  States,  they  would  not  ko  aDle,  un- 
assisted, to  hold  out  for  any  length  of  tim©  against  the  greatly  supe- 
rior power  of  Great  Britain ;  that  therefore  it  was  to  be  feared,  if 
they  were  abandoned  to  themselves,  that  they  would  be  forced  to 
submit,  and  that  the  British  government  would  gain  by  conquest 
what  would  ne  «  t  nave  been  yielded  by  consent.     Then,  as  to  Spain, 
in  ( rder  to  remc  ve  the  apprehensions  she  might  have  conceived  of  a 
revolt  Ki  her  colonies,  the  commissioners  were  authorized  to  assure 
her  by  the  most  energetic  protestations,  and  to  persuade  her,  that 


418  THE    A~MERICaA    WAR.  BOOK    Vll 

the  Spanish  eolonies  should,  in  no  event,  ever  receive  any  molesta- 
tion from  the  United  States.  Finally,  it  was  prescribed  them  to  use 
all  vigilance,  in  order  to  discover  whether  the  British  cabinet  had 
opened  any  new  negotiations  in  Europe  for  subsidizing  still  other 
mercenary  troops  to  be  sent  against  America ;  and  in  such  case  they 
were  to  endeavor  to  obtain  the  interference  of  France,  to  defeat  so 
pernicious  a  design. 

Furnished  with  these  instructionsr  the  American  envoys  com- 
menced, their  voyage.  Franklin  arrived  at  Nantz  the  thirteenth  of 
December,  and  a  few  days  after,  at  Paris.  For  a  long  time  there  had 
not  appeared  m  this  city  a  man  more  venerable  or  more  venerated f 
as  well  in  consideration  of  his  age,  which  already  exceeded  seventy 
years,  as  for  the  superiority  of  his  genius,  the  vast  extent  of  his 
knowledge,  and  the  brilliant  renown  of  his  virtues.  At  no  epoch, 
perhaps,  have  the  French,  naturally  so  fond  of  novelties,  manifested 
an  equal  expectation.  Their  conversations,  their  writings,  even  their 
thoughts,  appeared  to  have  no  other  object  but  the  cause  of  America. 
It  found  among  them  only  admirers  and  zealous  partisans.  Accord- 
ingly, from  the  moment  the  American  envoy  was  arrived  in  their 
capital,  his  person,  his  actions,  his  words,  his  opinions,  became  the 
object  of  public  curiosity.  Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  he  assumed 
with  sagacity  a  demeanor  well  suited  to  the  situation  of  his  country 
and  to  his  own.  He  presented  himself  in  every  place  as  the  citizen 
of  an  unfortunate  country,  reduced  to  extremities  by  the  cruelty  of 
England.  Who  could  remark  his  hoary  locks,  and  tottering  walk, 
without  reflecting  that  this  aged  man  had  traversed  an  immense 
ocean  to  recommend  the  cause  of  his  country  to  those  who  were 
able  to  embrace  its  defense  ?  '  Never  before,'  it  was  exclaimed, *  has 
so  meritorious  a  work  been  proposed  to  French  generosity ;  France 
is  the  refuge  of  the  unfortunate,  the  protectress  of  the  oppressed. 
The  war  waged  by  England  against  her  colonies  is  impious  and  bar- 
barous; the  blood  she  sheds,  is  innocent  blood;  it  is  only  by  the 
tutelary  assistance  of  our  king  that  the  Americans  can  hope  to  be 
extricated  from  their  cruel  embarrassments,  and  to  enjoy  at  length  a 
secure  «~d  .tranquil  existence.'  Franklin  soon  made  choice  of  a  re- 
treat at  Passy,  situated  **«ar  Paris  ;  he  appeared  to  deplore  in  this  re- 
tirement the  misfortunes  of  America.  A  rumor  got  abroad,  and 
perhaps  it  was  purposely  circulated,  that  the  British  government, 
talcing  umbrage  at  his  presence,  had  demanded  of  the  court  of  France 
that  he  should  be  sent  away.  Hence  that  compassion  which  is  natu- 
rally felt  for  persecuted  virtue,  was  excited  among  all  classes.  He 
became  the  object  of  a  still  more  eager  curiosity.  Whether  accom- 
panied by  several  of  his  countrymen,  cruelly  banished  or  proscribed 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    v;AR,  419 

by  the  English  government,  he  appeared  in  the  public  walks,  or 
whether  he  presented  himself  in  places  of  public  or  private  resort,  or 
in  the  meetings  of  the  literary  academies,  the  multitude  thronged  to 
get  sight  of  him.  In  all  places  the  portraits  of  Franklin  were  ex- 
hibited ;  they  represented  him  with  a  venerable  countenance,  and 
dressed,  as  usual,  in  rather  a  singular  costume,  the  more  to  attract 
attention.  He  lived  at  Passy  in  a  certain  style  of  simplicity,  much 
resembling  that  of  the  ancient  philosophers.  His  humorous  sayings, 
and  grave  aphorisms,  caused  many  to  compare  him  to  Socrates.  The 
name  of  Franklin  was  upon  the  lips  of  every  body ;  and  the  mode, 
which  so  often  in  France  directs  public  attention  upon  vain  frivoli- 
ties, had  this  time  attached  itself  to  an  object  worthy  of  all  the  con- 
sideration of  the  observer. 

But  the  politic  sage,  however  he  might  have  been  gratified  in  hav- 
ing drawn  upon  himself  and  upon  his  country  the  attention  and  in- 
terest of  a  people  so  renowned  for  the  gentleness  of  their  manners, 
desired  to  obtain  more  real  advantages.  Employing  as  much  dex- 
terity as  mystery,  he  visited  the  ministers  assiduously,  and  availed 
himself  of  the  distinguished  reception  he  found  with  them,  to  pro- 
mote the  interests  of  his  constituents.  His  efforts  were  crowned 
with  the  most  rapid  success ;  and  the  moment  appeared  already  at 
hand,  when  France  would  no  longer  dissemble  the  vigorous  co-ope- 
ration she  had  determined  to  afford  the  Americans. 

But,  in  the  meantime,  fortune  had  shown  herself  so  unpropitious 
to  the  Americans  in  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  that  even  the  capi- 
tal of  the  confederation  was  in  great  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  victor.  The  congress  became  apprehensive  that  when  this 
disastrous  intelligence  should  arrive  in  Europe,  it  might  have  a  fatal 
influence  upon  the  negotiations  opened  by  their  envoys  with  the  gov- 
ernments of  France  and  of  Spain;  and  that  the  interest  they  had 
hitherto  manifested  in  favor  of  America,  might  be  totally  extinguish- 
ed. The  congress  therefore  determined  to  renew  their  protestations 
to  the  courts  of  Versailles  and  Madrid,  and  with  more  energy  than 
before,  to  assure  them  that  the  Americans  would  persist  in  their  en- 
terprise at  all  hazards ;  and  at  the  same  time  to  suggest  to  these 
powers  that  the  advantages  they  would  derive  from  their  co-operation 
should  be  more  considerable  than  had  been  promised  them  at  first. 
The  envoys  of  congress  were  instructed  to  use  all  their  endeavors 
that  France  should  declare  herself  against  England,  by  attacking  the 
electorate  of  Hanover,  or  any  other  part  of  the  British  possessions, 
as  well  in  Europe  as  in  the  East  or  West  Indies.  To  arrive  at  this 
object,  they  were  ordered  to  promise  the  most  christian  king,  that  if 
his  majesty  consented  to  break  with  Great  Britain,  the  United  States 


120  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    Til. 

would  join  their  forces  with  his  to  effect  the  conquest  of  the  island  of 
Newfoundland  and  of  Cape  Breton ;  that  the  subjects  of  the  British 
king,  as  well  as  those  of  every  other  power,  should  be  forever  ex- 
cluded from  the  cod  fishery  upon  these  banks,  so  that  the  French 
and  the  Americans  only  should  have  the  right  to  carry  it  on  ;  that  the 
king  of  France  should  possess  in  absolute  property  the  half  of  the 
island  of  Newfoundland,  provided  he  would  furnish  the  United  States 
with  the  naval  forces  necessary  to  subdue  the  province  of  Nova 
Scotia ;  and  that  this  province,  as  well  as  the  remaining  part  of  New- 
foundland, and  the  island  of  Cape  Breton,  should  belong  to  the 
American  republic.  If  these  offers  proved  insufficient  to  decide 
France,  they  were  to  propose  further,  that  the  United  States  were 
ready  to  consent  that  all  the  English  islands  of  the  West  Indies  that 
should  be  conquered  in  the  course  of  the  war  by  the  joint  forces  of 
France  and  America,  should  become  the  entire  property  of  his  most 
christian  majesty,  and  moreover,  to  effectuate  these  different  con- 
quests, that  the  Americans  would  furnish  provisions  at  their  own 
expense,  to  the  value  of  two  millions  of  dollars,  as  also  six  frigates, 
completely  rigged  and  equipped,  ready  for  sea ;.  in  a  word,  that  they 
would  deport  themselves  in  all  respects  as  good  and  faithful  allies. 
Finally,  they  were  authorized  to  stipulate  that  all  the  commerce 
which  should  in  future  be  carried  on  between  the  United  States  and 
the  French  West  Indies,  should  be  exercised  exclusively  by  the 
vessels  belonging  to  the  subjects  of  his  most  christian  majesty,  or  to 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States.  As  to  the  king  of  Spain,  the 
congress  proposed  to  engage,  in  case  he  would  declare  war  against 
Great  Britain,  to  assist  him  in  reducing  the  city  and  port  of  Pensa- 
cola ;  they  offered,  besides,  to  conclude  with  him  a  treaty  of  alliance 
and  commerce,  similar  to  that  which  had  been  proposed  to  the  king 
of  France.  The  Americans  added,  that  in  case  it  was  true,  as  it  was 
already  reported,  that  the  king  of  Portugal  had  driven  from  his  ports 
with  outrage,  or  confiscated  their  vessels,  the  United  States  would 
immediately  declare  war  against  him,  if  such  was  the  desire  of  the 
courts  of  France  and  of  Spain.  The  congress  extended  their  views 
still  further ;  they  sent  commissioners  to  the  courts  of  Vienna,  of 
Berlin,  and  of  Tuscany,  in  all  of  which  they  had  recognized  a  sincere 
interest  for  the  cause  of  America.  They  desired  that  these  sove- 
reigns should  be  persuaded  of  the  determination  of  the  United  States 
to  maintain  their  independence.  Their  agents  were  ordered,  espe- 
cially, to  exert  themselves  with  assiduity,  in  order  to  induce  the 
emperor  of  Germany  and  the  king  of  Prussia  to  interfere  in  behalf 
of  America  to  prevent  new  levies  of  German  or  Russian  troops,  to 
Ha  prejudice.     They  had  it  also  in  charge  to  propose  to  the  court  of 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  421 

Berlin  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  amity,  provided  it  was  perfectly 
agreeable  to  the  kings  of  France  and  of  Spain.  Such  were  the 
resolutions  adopted  by  the  congress  to  confirm  the  state,  threatened, 
in  its  infancy,  with  approaching  ruin.  But  the  assiduity  with  which 
they  prosecuted  their  political  negotiations,  in  no  degree  diminished 
the  vigor  of  their  military  preparations.  They  not  only  manifested 
no  disposition  to  abandon  the  design  of  independence,  and  come  to 
an  arrangement  with  England,  but  it  is  also  seen  that  they  made  no 
proposition  to  the  foreign  powers  that  was  either  demonstrative  of 
despair,  or  unworthy  of  a  state  enjoying  the  entire  plenitude  of  its 
force  and  of  its  freedom.  Certain  members  of  congress,  it  is  true, 
proposed  resolutions  that  denoted  less  confidence  and  firmness ;  one, 
for  example,  was  disposed  to  authorize  the  commissioners  at  the  court 
of  France  to  transfer  in  favor  of  that  power  the  absolute  monopoly 
of  commerce  which  had  been  enjoyed  by  England ;  another  suggest- 
ed that  France  should  be  offered  the  exclusive  commerce  of  certain 
articles ;  others,  finally,  proposed  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offensive  and 
defensive.  But  the  fortune  of  the  republic  prevailed,  which  had 
reserved  it  a  higher  destiny.  All  these  propositions  wee  rejected  by 
the  wiser  and  more  numerous  part  of  the  members  of  congress. 
It  was  evident  that  if  they  had  been  adopted,  they  might  have  been 
considered  as  a  tacit  avowal  of  the  desperate  state  of  affairs,  and 
must  consequently  have  produced  an  effect  directly  contrary  to  that 
which  their  authors  expected  from  them.  Besides,  France  had  quite 
other  and  far  more  cogent  motives  for  breaking  with  England,  and 
such  as  would  suffice  to  induce  her  to  take  this  resolution,  provided 
the  Americans  only  manifested  a  determination  to  combat  to  the  last 
with  unshaken  constancy. 

The  instructions  sent  by  the  congress  to  their  commissioners, 
were  intercepted  by  the  English,  who  caused  them  to  be  published. 
This  gave  the  congress  no  regret ;  they  had  no  doubt  that  such  an 
evidence  of  their  unalterable  resolution  to  maintain  their  indepen- 
dence, in  the  midst  of  so  many  reverses,  would  convince  the  Euro- 
pean princes  who  desired  the  dismemberment  of  the  British  empire, 
that  it  was  time  to  declare  themselves,  unless  they  were  willing  to 
see  the  resistance  of  the  Americans  rendered  fruitless  by  the  inferi- 
ority of  their  forces,  and  the  conquest  of  their  country. 

But  whatever  was  the  constancy  of  congress,  or  the  attraction  of 
their  proposals  to  foreign  sovereigns,  they  could  little  expect  that,  in 
so  deplorable  a  state  of  their  affairs,  they  would  consent  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  the  Americans ;  it  being  but  too  natural,  in  policy,  to 
abandon  those  who  appear  to  be  sinking.  Words  little  avail,  when 
they  are  unsupported  by  arms  and  the  smiles  of  fortune.     But  she 

3J 


422  THE    AMERICAN    XVAIU  BOOii  ^Vll. 

had  shown  herself  so  hostile  to  America  towards  the  conclusion  of 
the  present  year,  as  to  render  it  but  too  probable  that  two  or  three 
cold  nights,  by  freezing  the  waters  of  the  Delaware,  would  place  in 
the  power  of  the  English,  in  spite  of  all  the  Americans  could  do  to 
prevent  it,  the  capital  of  the  entire  confederation.  And  even  if  the 
cold  should  not  prove  so  rigorous  as  was  usual  at  this  season,  the 
army  of  Washington,  already  so  weak,  would  be  dissolved  with  the 
expiration  of  the  engagement  of  the  soldiers,  at  the  end  of  the  year. 
Nor  could  it  be  expected,  that  in  so  much  adversity  new  recruits 
would  come  forward  to  replace  the  disbanded  troops.  In  this  state 
of  things,  the  best  that  could  be  expected  was,  that  after  the  entire 
submission  of  the  more  open  provinces,  the  miserable  fragments  of 
the  American  army  would  seek  refuge  in  the  strongest  places,  in 
the  forests  and  inaccessible  mountains,  when  a  partisan  war  would 
commence,  that  could  have  no  decisive  effect  upon  the  final  issue  of 
the  war.  But  Washington  was  not  discouraged ;  and  before  the 
coming  of  severe  frost,  or  the  departure  of  the  greater  part  of  his 
soldiers  deprived  him  of  all  power,  he  resolved,  by  a  bold  and  well 
directed  movement,  to  make  a  new  trial  of  the  fortune  of  the  re- 
public, by  attacking  a  strong  and  victorious  enemy,  who  was  far  from 
suspecting  that  he  could  have  the  thought  of  such  an  attempt — an 
heroic  resolution,  for  which  posterity  ought  to  bear  him  an  eternal 
gratitude !  From  this  moment,  the  war  suddenly  assumed  a  new 
face,  and  victory  began  at  length  to  incline  in  favor  of  the  Amer- 
icans. 

Washington  had  observed  that  general  Howe,  either  to  procure 
more  commodious  quarters  for  his  troops  in  this  rigorous  season,  or 
to  impede  the  Americans  in  recruiting,  or  finally  because  he  believed 
the  war  at  an  end,  and  his  enemy  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  act, 
had  too  far  extended  the  wings  of  his  army,  which  occupied  the 
entire  province  of  New  Jersey  and  the  left  bank  of  the  Delaware, 
from  Trenton  down  to  Burlington.  Colonel  Ralle,  a  Hessian  officer 
of  great  merit,  was  cantoned  in  the  first  of  these  places,  with  his 
brigade  of  infantry  and  a  detachment  of  English  dragoons,  the  whole 
,  constituting  a  corps  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  hundred  men.  Borden- 
town,  a  few  miles  below,  was  occupied  by  colonel  Donop,  with 
another  brigade  of  Hessians ;  and  still  lower  down,  within  twenty 
miles  of  Philadelphia,  was  stationed  another  corps  of  Hessians  and 
English.  Knowing  the  extreme  weakness  of  their  enemy,  and 
holding  him  as  it  were  degraded  by  his  recent  defeats,  they  kept 
a  negligent  guard.  The  rest  of  the  army  was  lodged  in  places 
more  distant,  and  principally  at  Princeton,  at  New  Brunswick,  and 
at  Amboy.     Washington  having  attentively  considered  the  extent  of 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN   WAR.  42S 

the  enemy's  quarters,  conceived  the  hope  of  surprising  the  corps 
that  were  nearest  to  the  river,  and  too  remote  from  the  others  to  be 
succored  in  season.  In  order  to  make  his  attack  with  more  order 
and  effect,  he  divided  his  army,  which  consisted  almost  entirely  in 
the  militia  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  into  three  corps,  the  first 
and  most  considerable  of  which  was  to  pass  the  Delaware  at  Mac- 
kenky's  Ferry,  about  nine  miles  above  Trenton.  The  commander- 
in-chief,  accompanied  by  generals  Sullivan  and  Greene,  had  reserved 
to  himself  the  conduct  of  this  corps,  to  which  a  few  pieces  of  artillery 
were  attached.  It  was  destined  to  attack  Trenton.  The  second 
division,  under  the  command  of  general  Irwin,  was  directed  to  cross 
at  Trenton  Ferry,  about  a  mile  below  the  village  of  this  name,  and 
having  reached  the  left  bank,  to  seize,  without  loss  of  time,  the  bridge 
over  the  little  river  Assumpink,  in  order  to  intercept  the  retreat  of 
the  enemy  when  he  should  be  dislodged  from  Trenton  by  the  di- 
vision under  Washington.  Finally,  the  third  corps,  commanded  by 
general  Cadwallader,  was  ordered  to  pass  the  river  at  Bristol,  and 
proceed  to  take  post  at  Burlington.  The  night  of  Christmas  was 
appointed  for  the  expedition.  The  dispositions  being  made  accord- 
ing to  the  plan  above  mentioned,  the  Americans  proceeded  with 
admirable  order  and  silence  towards  the  Delaware.  The  chiefs 
exhorted  their  soldiers  to  be  firm  and  valiant,  to  wash  out  the  stains 
of  Long  Island,  of  New  York,  and  of  New  Jersey ;  they  represented 
to  them  the  necessity,  the  glory,  and  the  brilliant  fruits  of  victory ; 
they  incessantly  reminded  them  that  this  night  was  about  to  decide 
the  fate  of  their  country.  An  extreme  ardor  manifested  itself 
throughout  the  ranks.  The  three  columns  arrived  in  the  dusk  of 
evening  at  the  bank  of  the  river.  Washington  had  hoped  that  the 
passage  of  the  troops,  and  transportation  of  the  artillery,  might  have 
been  effectuated  before  midnight,  so  as  to  have  time  to  reach  the 
destined  points  by  break  of  day,  and  to  surprise  the  enemy  at 
Trenton.  But  the  cold  was  so  intense,  and  the  river  so  obstructed 
with  floating  ice,  that  it  was  impossible  to  cross  and  to  land  the 
artillery  earlier  than  four  in  the  morning.  AH  the  troops  having  at 
length  gained  the  left  bank,  the  first  corps  was  parted  into  two  divis- 
ions, one  of  which,  turning  to  the  right,  marched  towards  Trenton, 
by  the  road  which  runs  along  the  river ;  the  other,  guided  by  Wash- 
ington in  person,  took  the  upper  or  Pennington  road.  The  distance, 
by  their  route,  being  nearly  equal,  it  was  hoped  that  the  two  columns 
might  arrive  at  the  same  time.  It  was  enjoined  them  to  engage  in 
combat  without  any  delay,  and  after  having  driven  in  the  outposts, 
to  fall  immediately  upon  the  main  body  of  the  enemy,  at  Trenton, 
without  giving  him  time  to  recover  from  his  surprise.     They  ex- 


424  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

erted  all  their  efforts  to  arrive  before  day ;  but  a  thick  fog,  and  a 
mist  mingled  with  sleet,  which  rendered  the  road  slippery,  retarded 
their  march.  The  two  divisions,  however,  reached  Trenton  at  eight 
o'clock.  Notwithstanding  so  many  obstacles,  and  the  hour  already 
so  late,  the  Hessians  of  colonel  Ralle  had  no  suspicion  of  the  ap- 
proach of  the  enemy. 

The  Americans  having,  therefore,  fallen  unexpectedly  upon  the 
advanced  guards,  routed  them  immediately.  Colonel  Ralle  sent  his 
regiment  to  their  succor,  in  order  to  sustain  the  first  shock,  and  to 
give  time  for  the  rest  of  his  forces  to  arrange  themselves  for  defense. 
But  the  first  line  involved  the  second  in  disorder,  and  both  fell  back 
tumultuously  upon  Trenton.  Colonel  Ralle,  having  hastily  drawn 
out  his  Hessians,  advanced  to  encounter  the  enemy  in  the  open 
field ;  but  he  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  first  onset,  and  the 
Americans  charging  the  Germans  with  great  fury,  the  latter  betook 
themselves  to  flight,  leaving  upon  the  field  six  pieces  of  light  artillery. 
They  attempted  to  escape  by  the  road  of  Princeton,  but  Washington, 
perceiving  it,  dispatched  several  companies  to  pre-occupy  the  way, 
who  received  the  fugitives  in  front.  Thus  surrounded  on  every 
side,  the  three  German  regiments  of  Ralle,  of  Anspach,  and  of 
Knyphausen,  were  constrained  to  lay  down  arms  and  surrender  at 
discretion.  Some  few,  and  chiefly  cavalry  or  light  infantry,  in  all 
not  exceeding  five  hundred  men,  succeeded  in  effecting  their  escape 
by  the  lower  road  which  leads  to  Bordentown.  Another  detachment 
of  Hessians,  who  were  out  this  same  morning  upon  a  foraging  excur- 
sion, at  some  distance  from  their  camp,  warned  by  the  noise,  and  af- 
terwards by  the  flight  of  their  countrymen,  retired  precipitately  to 
Princeton.  General  Irwin  had  exerted  his  utmost  endeavors  to  pass 
the  river  at  the  time  prescribed,  in  order  to  take  part  in  the  action ; 
but  the  floating  ice  was  so  accumulated,  in  this  part  of  the  river,  as 
to  render  the  passage  absolutely  impracticable.  This  part  of  the 
Hessians,  therefore,  had  the  facility  of  retiring  in  safety  to  Borden- 
town. General  Cad wallader  was  not  more  fortunate  in  the  attempt 
he  made  to  cross  lower  down,  and  to  take  post  at  Burlington,  pursu- 
ant to  the  plan  of  attack.  When  a  part  of  his  infantry  had  reached 
the  left  bank,  it  was  found  impossible  to  advance  with  the  artillery  ; 
unable,  therefore,  to  act  with  any  effect,  and  finding  himself  in  a 
perilous  situation,  he  re-passed  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Delaware. 
Thus  the  design  of  the  commander-in-chief  was  accomplished  only 
in  part ;  but  the  event  demonstrated,  that  if  the  rigorous  cold  of  this 
night  had  not  prevented  its  entire  execution,  all  the  royal  troops  that 
were  stationed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  river,  would  have  been  sur- 
rounded and  taken    The  loss  of  the  Hessians,  in  killed  and  wounded, 


. 


BOOR  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  425 

amounted  only  to  thirty  or  forty,  but  the  number  of  prisoners  was  at 
first  upwards  of  nine  hundred,  and  even  exceeded  a  thousand,  when 
all  those  were  collected  who  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  houses. 
After  having  obtained  this  success,  Washington  paused  ;  not  willing 
to  lose  by  imprudence  the  advantages  he  owed  to  the  wisdom  of  his 
measures.  His  forces  were  not  sufficient  to  cope  with  those  which 
the  English  generals  could  have  assembled  in  a  few  hours.  A  strong 
corps  of  light  infantry  was  quartered  at  Princeton,  a  town  only  a 
few  miles  distant  from  Trenton  :  to  this  might  easily  have  been 
joined  the  brigade  of  Donop,  and  other  battalions  that  were  cantoned 
in  the  neighboring  places.  The  Americans  consequently  evacuated 
Trenton,  and  passed  over  to  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  with  their 
prisoners,  and  the  trophies  of  their  victory.  Their  generals  resolved 
to  make  the  most  of  it,  in  order  to  revive  the  courage  and  confidence 
of  the  dispirited  people.  They  caused  the  captive  Hessians  to 
defile,  with  a  sort  of  triumphal  pomp,  through  the  streets  of  Phila- 
delphia, followed  by  their  arms  and  banners.  And  yet  such  was  the 
error  inspired  by  the  very  name  of  these  Germans,  that  even  at  the 
Tionient  in  which  they  traversed  the  city  as  vanquished  and  prison- 
ers, many  of  the  inhabitants  suspected  it  was  only  a  stratagem  of 
their  own  leaders  to  animate  them  ;  so  impossible  it  seemed  to  them 
that  warriors  from  Germany  should  have  been  overcome  by  Ameri- 
can soldiers.  The  English  appeared  to  them  far  less  formidable, 
because  they  knew  them.  Man  is  naturally  disposed  to  fear  most 
those  objects  of  which  he  has  the  least  knowledge;  the  uncouth 
language,  the  novel  manners,  and  even  the  dress  of  the  German 
soldiers,  inspired  a  certain  dread.  But  when  they  were  satisfied  that 
the  spectacle  they  beheld  was  not  an  illusion,  words  cannot  describe 
their  exultation  at  so  unexpected  a  success  ;  having  at  first  rated  the 
Hessians  far  above  the  English,  they  now  held  them  as  much  below. 
And,  in  effect,  this  affair  of  Trenton  had  so  changed  the  face  of 
things,  that  the  public  mind  was  rapidly  elevated  from  despondency 
to  an  extreme  confidence.  The  English  themselves  could  not  re- 
mark without  astonishment  this  sudden  metamorphosis  in  an  enemy 
whom  they  considered  as  already  vanquished  and  quelled.  They 
were  unable  to  conceive  how  troops  of  such  high  renown  had  been 
compelled  to  lay  down  arms  before  militia,  hastily  collected,  ill  pro- 
vided with  arms,  and  totally  devoid  of  discipline.  Hence,  as  it 
happens  in  reverses,  suspicions,  reproaches,  and  accusations  arose 
on  all  parts.  It  was  vociferated  that  the  English  general  had  too  far 
extended  his  quarters  ;  that  colonel  Ralle  had  committed  an  impru- 
dence, finding  himself  the  weaker,  in  marching  out  of  his  quarters  to 
charge  the  enemy  ;  that  he  had,  besides,  neglected  his  guard  ;  and 
vol.  i.  36* 


426  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    Til. 


that  his  soldiers,  instead  of  being  at  their  posts,  were  gone  out  in 
quest  of  plunder.  However  this  might  have  been,  the  entire  British 
army  put  itself  in  motion  ;  colonel  Donop,  trembling  for  himself  and 
for  his  corps,  retired  with  dpitation,  by  the  way  of  Amboy,  to 
unite  with  general  Leslie  a  *.  miceton  ;  and  general  Grant,  who 
with  the  main  body  of  the  army  occupied  New  Brunswick,  advanced 
upon  Princeton  to  join  the  vanguard,  stationed  at  that  place.  Lord 
Cornwallis  himself,  who  was  then  at  New  York,  on  the  point  of 
embarking  for  England,  at  the  news  of  this  fatal  event,  returned  with 
the  utmost  expedition  into  New  Jersey.  But  the  Americans  felt 
their  courage  revive  ;  on  all  parts  they  ran  to  arms,  and  the  forces 
of  Washington  were  so  increased  that  he  conceived  the  design  of 
more  extensive  operations,  and  thought  himself  in  a  situation  to 
attempt  an  expedition  upon  the  frontiers  of  New  Jersey.  Accord- 
ingly, he  ordered  general  Cadwallader  to  pass  the  Delaware,  and 
take  a  strong  position  upon  the  left  bank  ;  but  to  advance  with  ex- 
treme caution,  and  to  avoid  unexpected  rencounters.  General 
Mifflin,  with  a  considerable  corps  of  Pennsylvania  militia,  had  joined 
general  Irwin,  and  they  both  crossed  the  river.  Washington  himself 
followed  them  immediately,  and  concentrated  all  his  troops  at  Tren- 
ton. Here  the  militia  of  New  England,  whose  term  of  service  was 
expired,  were  inclined  to  quit  the  army,  and  go  to  their  homes  ;  but 
the  instances  of  their  generals,  and  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars,  induced 
the  greater  part  of  them  to  remain.  The  English,  who  had  assem- 
bled in  great  strength  in  Princeton,  resolved  to  lose  no  time,  but  to 
go  and  attack  Washington  in  his  quarters  at  Trenton,  before  he 
should  receive  new  re-inforcements  ;  they  also  hoped  that  the  expi- 
ration of  engagements  would  greatly  reduce  the  number  of  his  sol- 
diers. 

1777.  The  second  of  January,  lord  Cornwallis  marched  with  the 
vanguard  towards  Trenton,  where  he  arrived  about  four  in  the  morn- 
ing. The  rear  guard  was  posted  at  Maidenhead,  a  village  situated 
half  way  between  Princeton  and  Trenton  ;  other  regiments  were  on 
the  march  from  New  Brunswick,  to  re-inforce  the  principal  army. 
Washington,  finding  the  enemy  in  such  force,  and  so  near,  retired 
behind  the  river  of  Trenton,  also  called  the  Assumpink,  where  he 
set  about  intrenching  himself,  having  first  secured  the  bridge.  The 
English  attempted  the  passage  at  various  points,  but  every  where 
without  success ;  all  the  fords  being  diligently  guarded.  A  cannon- 
ade was  engaged,  which  produced  little  effect,  though  it  lasted  until 
night  ;  the  Americans  stood  firm  in  their  intrenchments.  Cornwallis 
waited  for  re-inforcements,  intending  to  advance  to  the  assault  the 
day  following  ;  but  his  adversary  was  not  disposed  to  put  so  much 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  427 

at  stake.  On  the  other  hand,  to  re-pass  the  Delaware,  then  more 
than  ever  obstructed  with  floating  ice,  in  the  presence  of  a  formida- 
ble enemy,  was  too  perilous  an  operation  to  be  attempted  without 
temerity.  Washington  therefore  found  himself  anew  in  a  very  criti- 
cal position ;  but  it  was  then  that  he  embraced  a  resolution  remark- 
able for  its  intrepidity.  Reflecting  that  he  was  advanced  too  far  to 
be  able  to  retreat  without  manifest  danger,  he  determined  to  abandon 
all  at  once  the  banks  of  the  Delaware,  and  to  carry  the  war  into  the 
very  heart  of  New  Jersey.  He  considered  that  Cornwallis,  in  all 
probability,  would  apprehend  being  cut  off  from  the  province  of  New 
York,  and  fearing,  besides,  for  the  magazines  at  New  Brunswick, 
which  were  abundantly  stocked  for  the  service  of  the  whole  British 
army,  would  himself  also  retire  from  the  river ;  and  thus  the  city  of 
Philadelphia  would  be  preserved,  a  great  part  of  New  Jersey  recov- 
ered, and  defensive  war  changed  into  offensive ;  advantages  which 
could  not  bui  animate  the  inhabitants  with  new  courage.  If  the 
English  general  persisted  in  his  design,  he  passed  the  river,  indeed, 
without  obstacle,  and  became  master  of  Philadelphia.  But  whatever 
were  to  be  the  effects  of  this  disastrous  event,  it  was  better  to  aban 
don  Philadelphia,  and  preserve  the  army  entire,  than  to  lose  at  the 
same  time  both  the  one  and  the  other.  This  plan  having  been 
approved  in  a  council  of  war,  composed  of  all  the  generals  of  the 
army,  dispositions  were  immediately  commenced  for  carrying  it 
promptly  into  effect.  The  baggage  was  sent  down  to  Burlington; 
and  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  enemy  appearing  perfectly 
tranquil,  the  Americans  rekindled  the  fires  of  their  camp,  and  leav- 
ing guards  at  the  bridge  and  fords,  with  orders  to  continue  the  usual 
rounds  and  patrols,  they  defiled  with  equal  promptitude  and  silence. 
Taking  the  road  of  Allentown,  which  is  the  longest,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  Assumpink,  and  the  encounter  of  the  enemy  at  Maiden- 
head, they  proceeded  towards  Princeton.  Three  English  regiments 
had  lodged  there  this  same  night ;  two  of  them,  at  break  of  day, 
had  renewed  their  march  for  Maidenhead.  The  Americans  suddenly 
appeared  and  charged  them  with  great  impetuosity.  But  the  Eng- 
lish defended  themselves  so  vigorously,  that  the  American  militia 
faced  about-,  and  retired  in  disorder.  General  Mercer,  in  attempting 
to  rally  them,  was  mortally  wounded.  Washington,  seeing  the  rout 
of  the  vanguard,  and  perfectly  aware  that  the  loss  of  the  day  would 
involve  the  total  ruin  of  his  army,  immediately  advanced  at  the  head 
of  his  select  corps,  composed  of  the  conquerors  of  Trenton,  and 
restored  the  battle.  The  two  English  regiments,  overwhelmed  by 
the  number  and  fury  of  the  assailants,  were  separated,  the  one  from 
the  other,  and  found  themselves  in  the  most  perilous  position.    Colo- 


428  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VI f 

nel  Mawhood,  who  commanded  one  of  them,  after  having  intrepidly 
sustained  the  attack  for  some  moments,  made  a  violent  effort,  and 
opening  his  way  with  the  bayonet  through  the  ranks  of  the  enemy, 
retired  in  safety  to  Maidenhead.  The  other,  which  formed  the  rear 
guard,  finding  itself,  after  a  vigorous  struggle,  unable  to  follow  the 
first,  returned  by  the  way  of  Hillsborough  to  New  Brunswick.  The 
third,  which  was  found  still  at  Princeton,  retreated  also,  after  a  light 
conflict,  with  great  precipitation,  to  Brunswick.  About  one  hundred 
of  the  English  were  killed  in  this  affair,  and  upwards  of  three  hun- 
dred made  prisoners.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  slain,  was  near- 
ly equal ;  but  of  this  number  was  general  Mercer,  an  able  and  ex- 
perienced officer  of  the  province  of  Virginia.  He  was  universally 
regretted,  but  especially  by  Washington,  who  bore  him  great  esteem 
and  affection. 

After  the  combat,  the  Americans  occupied  Princeton.  At  break 
of  day,  lord  Cornwallis,  having  perceived  that  the  Americans  had 
deserted  their  camp  of  Trenton,  and  soon  penetrating  what  was 
their  design,  abandoned  in  like  manner  his  own,  and  marched  with 
all  expedition  towards  Brunswick,  fearing,  lest  the  baggage  and 
munitions  he  had  accumulated  there,  should  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy.  He  arrived  at  Princeton  almost  at  the  same  time  with 
the  American  rear  guard.  Washington  found  himself  again  in 
imminent  danger.  His  soldiers  fell  with  sleep,  having  taken  no 
repose  for  the  two  preceding  days ;  hunger  tormented  them,  and 
they  were  almost  naked  in  this  rigorous  season.  The  enemy  who 
pursued  them,  besides  the  advantage  of  number,  had  every  thing  in 
abundance.  Thus  situated,  far  from  the  hope  of  continuing  to  act 
offensively,  it  was  much  for  him  if  he  could  retire  without  loss  to  a 
place  of  security  ;  wherefore,  departing  abruptly  from  Princeton,  he 
moved  with  rapidity  towards  the  upper  and  mountainous  parts  of 
New  Jersey.  To  retard  the  enemy,  he  destroyed  the  bridges  over 
the  Millstone  river,  which  runs  between  Princeton  and  Brunswick* 
Having  afterwards  passed  the  Rariton,  a  more  considerable  river,  he 
proceeded  to  occupy  Pluckemin,  where  his  troops  refreshed  them- 
selves, after  so  many  toils  and  sufferings.  But  soon  finding  that  his 
army  was  too  feeble,  and  also  that  it  was  daily  diminished  by  mala- 
dies and  desertion,  he  resolved  to  encamp  higher  up,  and  in  a  place 
of  more  security.  After  necessity  had  constrained  him  to  make  trial 
of  fortune  by  adventurous  feats,  he  was  disposed  to  become  again 
the  master  of  his  movements,  and  take  counsel  of  prudence  alone. 
He  retired,  accordingly,  to  Morristown,  in  upper  Jersey.  Cornwal- 
lis, despairing  of  being  able  to  continue  the  pursuit  with  success, 
directed  his  march  to  New  Brunswick,  where  he  found  general 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 

Matthews,  who,  in  the  violence  of  his  terror,  had  commenced  the 
removal  of  the  baggage  and  warlike  stores.  But  Washington,  hav- 
ing received  the  few  fresh  battalions  of  infantry,  and  his  little  army 
being  recovered  from  their  fatigues,  soon  entered  the  field  anew, 
and  scoured  the  whole  country  as  far  as  the  Rariton.  He  even 
crossed  this  river,  and  penetrating  into  the  county  of  Essex,  made 
himself  master  of  Newark,  of  Elizabeth  town,  and,  finally,  of  Wood- 
bridge  ;  so  that  he  commanded  the  entire  coast  of  New  Jersey,  in 
front  of  Staten  Island.  He  so  judiciously  selected  his  positions,  and 
fortified  them  so  formidably,  that  the  royalists  shrunk  from  all  attempt 
to  dislodge  him  from  any  of  them.  Thus  the  British  army,  after 
having  overrun  victoriously  the  whole  of  New  Jersey,  quite  to  the 
Delaware,  and  caused  even  the  city  of  Philadelphia  to  tremble  for 
its  safety,  found  itself  now  restricted  to  the  two  only  posts  of  New 
Brunswick  and  Amboy,  which,  moreover,  could  have  no  communi- 
cation with  New  York,  except  by  sea.  Thus,  by  an  army  almost  re- 
duced to  extremity,  Philadelphia  was  saved,  Pennsylvania  protected, 
New  Jersey  nearly  recovered,  and  a  victorious  and  powerful  enemy 
laid  under  the  necessity  of  quitting  all  thoughts  of  acting  offensively, 
in  order  to  defend  himself. 

Achievements  so  astonishing  acquired  an  immense  glory  for  the 
captain-general  of  the  United  States.  All  nations  shared  in  the  sur- 
prise of  the  Americans ;  all  equally  admired  and  applauded  the 
prudence,  the  constancy,  and  the  noble  intrepidity  of  general  Wash- 
ington. An  unanimous  voice  pronounced  him  the  savior  of  his 
country  ;  all  extolled  him  as  equal  to  the  most  celebrated  command- 
ers of  antiquity ;  all  proclaimed  him  the  Fabius  of  America.  His 
name  was  in  the  mouth  of  all ;  he  was  celebrated  by  the  pens  of  the 
most  distinguished  writers.  The  most  illustrious  personages  of  Eu- 
rope lavished  upon  him  their  praises  and  their  congratulations.  The 
American  general,  therefore,  wanted  neither  a  cause  full  of  grandeur 
to  defend,  nor  occasion  for  the  acquisition  of  glory,  nor  genius  to 
avail  himself  of  it,  nor  the  renown  due  to  his  triumphs,  nor  an  entire 
generation  of  men  perfectly  well  disposed  to  render  him  homage. 

Reposing  new  confidence  in  their  general,  and  having  seen  that  it 
was  his  arm  which  had  retrieved  the  public  fortune,  the  congress 
decreed  that  in  all  councils  of  war,  Washington  should  not  be  bound 
by  the  plurality  of  voices,  nor  by  the  opinion  of  the  general  officers 
he  might  think  proper  to  consult.  They  even  preferred  that  in  all 
circumstances  he  should  take  such  resolutions  as  might  appear  to 
him  the  most  likely  to  prove  advantageous.  The  congress  immedi- 
ately after  returned  to  Philadelphia,  with  a  view  of  encouraging  the 
people  still  more.     There  passed  nothing  of  importance  during  the 


430  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

rest  of  the  winter  and  the  greater  part  of  the  spring,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  some  skirmishes,  of  which  the  usual  effect  was  to  harass  and 
fatigue  the  English  army,  and  to  inspire  the  Americans  with  greater 
confidence  in  themselves.  The  royal  troops,  as  we  have  said,  were 
locked  up  in  the  two  villages  of  Brunswick  and  Amboy,  whence  they 
rarely  ventured  to  make  excursions ;  they  could  not  go  out  to  plun- 
der, nor  even  to  forage,  without  extreme  peril.  Not  only  the  soldiers 
of  Washington,  but  even  the  inhabitants  of  New  Jersey,  transported 
*vith  rage  at  the  shocking  excesses  committed  by  the  English,  and  es- 
pecially by  the  Hessians,  prepared  frequent  ambuscades  for  these 
predatory  bands,  and  exterminated  them  by  surprise.  Those  who 
could  not  bear  arms  performed  the  office  of  spies,  so  that  whenever 
the  royalists  made  a  movement,  the  republicans  were  apprised  of  it, 
and  prepared  to  oppose  it.  This  sudden  change  in  the  disposition 
of  the  inhabitants,  who,  after  the  occupation  of  New  York,  had  shown 
themselves  so  favorable  to  the  royal  cause,  must  be  attributed  entire- 
ly to  the  unheard  of  ferocity  with  which  the  English  carried  on  the  war. 
An  universal  cry  was  heard  in  America,  against  the  cruelties,  the 
massacres ,  the  rapes,  and  the  ravages,  perpetrated  by  their  soldiers. 
And  even  supposing  that  their  crimes  were  exaggerated,  the  truth  is 
still"  but  too  horrible.  The  Hessians,  as  if  they  had  believed  them- 
selves released  from  all  respect  for  humanity  and  justice,  knew  no 
other  mode  of  making  war  but  that  of  carrying  devastation  into  the 
midst  of  all  the  property,  whether  public  or  private,  of  their  adver- 
saries. It  was  published  at  the  time,  that  the  Germans  had  been 
taught  to  believe,  that  all  the  lands  they  could  conquer  in  America 
should  become  their  own  property,  which  led  them  to  consider  the 
possessors  of  them  as  their  natural  enemies,  whom  they  were  bound 
to  exterminate  in  every  possible  mode.  But,  that  finding  themselves 
not  likely  to  profit  by  this  expectation,  they  set  about  plundering  and 
destroying  whatever  they  could  lay  their  hands  upon.  It  was  also 
affirmed,  that:  this  rapacious  soldiery  had  so  burthened  themselves 
with  booty,  as  to  become  almost  incapable  of  service.  The  violent 
hatred  which  the  Americans  manifested  for  the  Hessians,  rendered 
them  but  the  more  outrageous  in  their  depredations.  Men  accustomed 
to  liberty,  could  not  behold  without  abhorrence  these  brutal  merce- 
naries, '  who,  not  content/  they  said, '  with  submitting  to  be  slaves  in 
their  own  country,  are  willing,  for  a  few  pence,  to  become  the  instru- 
ments of  tyranny  with  others,  and  come  to  interfere  in  a  domestic 
quarrel,  in  which  they  have  no  interest.'  '  Why,'  added  the  Ameri- 
cans, '  have  they  left  their  homes  in  the  old  world  to  contribute  in  the 
new  to  the  butchery  of  an  innocent  and  generous  people,  who  had 
never  offended  them ;  who,  on  the  contrary,  had  exercised  a  nobie 


BOOK  VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  431 

hospitality  towards  a  multitude  of  their  ancestors,  who  sought  refuge 
from  a  tyranny  similar  to  what  their  countrymen  were  now  attempt- 
ing to  establish  in  America  ? '  This  language  did  but  the  more  exas- 
perate the  Germans  ;  they  manifested  their  fury  by  the  most  atrocious 
actions.  It  was  a  terrible  and  lamentable  spectacle,  to  behold  these 
fertile  fields  covered  with  ashes  and  with  ruins.  Friends  and  foes, 
republicans  and  loyalists,  all  shared  a  common  fate.  Wives  and 
daughters  suffered  violence  in  the  houses,  and  even  before  the  eyes 
of  their  husbands  and  fathers  ;  many  fled  into  the  forests  ;  but  could 
find  no  refuge  even  there  from  the  brutal  rage  of  these  barbarians, 
who  pursued  them.  The  houses  were  either  burnt  or  demolished ; 
the  cattle  either  driven  off  or  killed  ;  nothing  escaped  their  thirst  of 
devastation.  The  Hessian  general  Heister,  far  from  endeavoring  to 
repress  this  licentious  soldiery,  seemed  to  have  given  them  a  free 
rein.  The  English  general  wished,  but  had  not  the  power,  to  curb 
them.  The  Hessians  were  as  numerous  as  the  English  themselves, 
and  it  was  not  thought  prudent  to  offendthem.  Their  example  be- 
came infectious  for  the  British  troops,  and  they  were  soon  found  to 
vie  with  the  Germans  in  all  the  scenes  of  violence,  outrage,  cruelty, 
and  plunder.  New  Jersey  presented  only  the  vestiges  of  havoc  and 
desolation.  Complaints  arose  from  all  parts  of  America  ;  and  they 
were  echoed  throughout  Europe,  to  the  heavy  reproach  of  England. 
Among  the  indignant  nations,  the  French  were  especially  distinguish- 
ed ;  naturally  humane,  enemies  to  the  English,  and  partisans  of  the 
Americans.  It  was  exclaimed  every  where,  that  the  English  gov- 
ernment had  revived  in  the  new  world  the  fury  of  the  Goths,  anc 
the  barbarity  of  the  northern  Hordes.  But  so  much  immanity  re- 
turned upon  its  source,  and  became  more  fatal  to  its  authors  than  to 
their  victims.  The  few  remaining  friends  that  England  had,  became 
enemies,  and  her  enemies  were  filled  with  new  hatred,  and  a  more 
vehement  desire  of  vengeance. 

Citizens  of  all  classes  flew  to  arms  with  a  sort  of  rage,  to  expe 
from  their  territory,  as  they  said,  these  infamous  robbers.  Thus  the 
excesses  of  the  royal  army  were  not  less,  and  perhaps  more,  preju- 
dicial to  the  British  cause  than  even  the  efforts  of  Washington  and 
the  resolutions  of  congress.  But  it  must  be  admitted,  that  this  ardor 
of  pillage  had  also  contaminated  the  American  army.  The  houses 
and  property  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  New  Jersey  were 
sacked  under  pretext  that  they  belonged  to  loyalists  ;  the  officers 
themselves  gave  their  soldiers  the  example  of  depredation.  Thus 
they  were  pillaged  by  the  Hessians  and  English  as  rebels  to  the  king, 
and  by  the  Americans  as  being  his  partisans.  These  excesses  be- 
came so  revolting,  that  Washington,  to  whom  they  caused  infinite 


432  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

pain,  was  constrained,  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  them,  to  issue  a  proc- 
lamation, denouncing  the  most  rigorous  penalties  against  the  perpe- 
trators of  such  enormities. 

At  this  epoch,  the  loyalists  manifested  a  spirit  of  revolt  in  the 
counties  of  Somerset  and  Worcester,  in  Maryland,  and  in  that  of 
Sussex,  in  the  state  of  Delaware  ;  as  also  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Albany,  and  in  the  country  of  the  Mohawks.  Troops  were  sent  to 
these  places,  in  order  to  overawe  the  disaffected ;  the  congress  or- 
dered that  suspected  persons  should  be  arrested  and  detained  in  se- 
cure places. 

About  the  same  time,  general  Heath,  who  guarded  the  high  lands 
of  New  York,  summoned  Fort  Independence,  situated  in  the  vicinity 
of  Kingsbridge.  But  the  commander  of  the  garrison  answered  with 
intrepidity,  and  prepared  himself  for  a  vigorous  resistance.  The 
Americans,  despairing  of  success  by  assault,  abandoned  the  enter- 
prise, and  returned  to  their  high  and  inaccessible  positions. 

General  Howe  not  making  any  movement  at  the  commencement 
of  the  year,  indicative  of  an  intention  to  enter  the  field  very  shortly, 
Washington  resolved  to  avail  himself  of  this  interval  of  repose  to 
deliver  his  army  from  the  small-pox,  a  scourge  so  formidable  in  these 
climates.  It  had  made  such  terrible  ravages  the  preceding  year  in 
the  army  of  the  north,  that  but  for  the  obstacles  the  English  had 
encountered  upon  the  lakes,  nothing  would  have  prevented  them  from 
penetrating  to  the  Hudson.  The  army  of  the  middle  was  threatened 
with  a  similar  calamity.  Washington  therefore  judged  it  necessary 
to  subject  all  his  troops,  as  well  as  the  militia  that  joined  him  from 
different  parts,  to  a  general  inoculation.  The  affair  was  conducted 
with  so  much  prudence  in  the  camp  that  no  occasion  was  offered  the 
enemy  to  disturb  its  tranquillity.  The  physicians  of  the  hospital  of 
Philadelphia  were  ordered,  at  the  same  time,  to  inoculate  all  the  sol* 
diers  who  traversed  that  city,  on  their  way  to  join  the  army.  The 
same  precautions  were  taken  in  the  other  military  stations,  and  thus 
the  army  was  totally  exempted  from  an  evil,  which  might  have  clash- 
ed with  the  success  of  the  ensuing  campaign.  The  example  of  the 
soldiery  proved  a  signal  benefit  to  the  entire  population  ;  the  salutary 
practice  of  inoculation  soon  became  general ;  and,  by  little  and  little, 
this  fatal  malady  disappeared  entirely. 

Meanwhile,  the  month  of  March  was  near  its  conclusion,  and  the 
defect  of  tents  and  other  camp  equipage  which  general  Howe  ex- 
pected from  England,  had  not  yet  permitted  him  to  open  the  cam- 
paign. He  resolved,  nevertheless,  to  attempt  some  expedition,  which 
might  occasion  a  sensible  prejudice  to  the  enemy.  The  Americans, 
during  the  winter,  had  formed  immense  magazines  of  provisions, 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICA*     WAR.  433 

forage,  and  stores  of  all  sorts,  in  that  rough  and  mountainous  tract, 
called  Gourtland  Manor.  The  great  natural  strength  of  the  country, 
the  vicinity. of  the  Hudson  river,  with  its  convenience  in  respect  to 
the  seat  of  war,  had  induced  the  American  generals  to  make  choice 
of  these  heights  for  their  general  repository.  A  little  town  called 
Peek's  Kill,  which  lies  about  fifty  miles  up  the  river  from  New  York, 
served  as  a  kind  of  port  to  this  natural  citadel,  by  which  it  both, 
received  provisions,  and  dispensed  supplies.  As  a  general  attempt 
upon  Courtland  Manor  presented  insurmountable  difficulties,  not  on!) 
from  the  strength  of  the  country  and  impracticability  of  the  ground; 
but  from  the  force  of  the  corps  that  were  stationed  in  that  quarter 
the  English  general  confined  his  views  to  an  attack  upon  Peek's  Kill 
His  troops  were  sent  on  board  transports  up  the  river  for  this  service 
the  Americans,  upon  the  approach  of  the  British  armament,  finding 
themselves -unequal  to  the  defense  of  the  place,  and  that  there  was 
no  possible  time  to  evacuate  the  magazines,  set  fire  to  them,  and 
retired.  The -English  landed  without  dejay.'  The  damage  was * 
considerable;  but;  not  so  great  as  general  Howe  had  been  led  to 
expect,  though  greater  than  the  Americans  would  acknowledge.  The 
English  a  few  days  after  undertook  a  similar  expedition,  upon  the 
borders  of  Connecticut.  The  Americans  had  deposited  large  quan- 
tities of  stores  and  provisions  in  the  town  or  village  of  Danbury,  in 
the.  county  of  Fairfield.  The  charge  of  this  enterprise  was  com- 
mitted to  general  -Try on;  who,  besides  the  destruction  of  these 
stores,  had  flattered  himself  with  finding  a  junction  of  many  loyalists 
in  that  quarter,  as  soon  as  he  should  appear  with  the  troops  of  the 
king.  He  appeared^  not  to  doubt  it,  in  consequence  of  the  confi- 
dence he  placed  in  the  assertions  of  the  refugees  :  always  prompt  to 
believe  what  they  strongly  desire.  The  twenty^-fifth  of  April,  a  de- 
tachment of  tvvo  thousand  men,  having  passed  through  the  Sound, 
landed  after  sunset  upon  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  between  Fair- 
field and  Norwalk.  They  advanced  without  interruption,  and  arrived 
at  Danbury  the  following  day.  Colonel  Huntingdon,  who  occupied 
this  place  with  a  feeble  garrison,  retired,  at  the  approach  of  the  ene 
my,  to  a  stronger  position  in  the  rear.  As"  the  English  could  pro- 
cure no  carriages,  to  bring  ofT  the  stores  and  provisions,  they  imme- 
diately proceeded  to  the  destruction  of  the  magazine.  The  loss  was 
serious  to  the  American  army,  and  particularly  in  the  article  of  seve- 
ral hundred  tents,  of  which  it  had  great  need,  and  .which  were  the 
more  regretted  as  the  materials  were  wanting  to  replace  them.  The  . 
loyalists  made  not  the  leaf   movement. 

Meanwhile,  the  whole  country  was  in  agitation.     The  militia, 
eager  to  manifest  their  devotion  to  the  republic,  had  assembled  at 

vol.  i.  37 


434  TVHE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

4.  « 

Reading  under  the  banners  of  congress.  Arnold,  who  happened  to 
be  in  the  vicinity,  engaged  in  the  business  of  recruiting,  at  the  sound 
of  arms,  always  so  grateful  to  his  ear,  had  hastened  to  join  the  com- 
panies at  Reading.  General  Wooster,  who  from  the  immediate 
service  of  congress  had  passed  into  that  of  the  state  of  Connecti- 
cut, as  brigadier-general  of  militia,  arrived  from  another  quarter, 
with  considerable  re-inforcements.  All  these  troops  were  impatient 
to  engage  the  enemy.  The  English,  perceiving  their  danger,  retreat- 
ed with  great  precipitation,  by  the  way  of  Ridgefield.  The  Ameri- 
cans endeavored  by  every  possible  means  to  interrupt  their  march, 
until  a  greater  force  could  arrive,  to  support  them  with  effect  in  the 
design  of  cutting  off  their  retreat.  General  Wooster  hung  upon 
the  rear  of  the  British,  and  using  every  advantage  of  ground,  har- 
assed them  ^exceedingly,,  notwithstanding  they  had  large  covering 
parties,  well  ;furhished  with  field  pieces,. both  on  their  flanks  and 
rear.  In  one  of  these  skirmishes.  Wooster,  at  an  age  approaching 
closely  to  seventy,  and  in  the  active  exertion  of  a  valor  which  savored 
more  of  youthful  temerity  than  of  the  temperance  and  discretion  of 
that  time  of  life,  was  mortally  wounded,  and  being  carried  out  of  the 
field,  died  shortly  after,  with  the  same  resolution  that  he  had  lived. 
Filled  with  consternation  at  the  loss  of  their  commander,  his  soldiers 
immediately  dispersed.  But  in  the  meantime  Arnold  had  got  pos- 
session of  Ridge  field,  where  he  had  already  thrown  up  some  sort  of 
an  intrerich'me&t,  to  cover  his  front.  The  English  presented  them- 
selves, and  a  hot  action  ensued,  which  lasted  a  considerable  time. 
The  English,  having  carried  the  heights  which  covered  the  flanks  of 
the  Americans,  overwhelmed  them  with  their  fire.  The  latter  were 
immediately  thrown  into  confusion,  and  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of 
Arnold  to  rally  them,  retired  with  extreme  precipitation  to  Pauga- 
tuck,  three  miles  from  Norwalk.  Try  on  lay  that  night  at  Ridgefield,  . 
and  having  set  fire  to  some  houses,  renewed  his  march  on  the  morn- 
ing of  the  twenty-eighth  towards  the  Sound.-  He  was  again  en- 
countered by  Arnold,  who  had  assembled  fresh  troops,  with  some 
pieces  of  artillery.  Continual  skirmishes  took  place  from  the  one 
bank  to  the  other  of  the  river  Sagatuck,  and  a  sharp  contest  at  the 
bridge  across  this  stream.  But,  finally,  the  English,  superior  in 
number  and  discipline,  surmounted  all  obstacles,  and  arrived  at  the 
place  where  their  ships  waited  to  receive  them ;  they  were  unable 
to  embark,  however,  without  new  difficulties  and  other  combats. 

The  congress  decreed  that  a  monument  should  be  erected  to 
Wooster,  and  testified  their  satisfaction  towards  Arnold  by  the  gift 
of  a  horse,  richly  caparisoned. 


BOOK  VII. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  435 


This  expedition,  entered  upon  with  so  much  parade,  furnished 
little  indemnity  for  the  expense  it  had  occasioned. 

The  stores  destroyed,  with  the  exception  of  the  tents,  were  of 
inconsiderable  value ;  and  the  burning  of  the  houses  of  Danbury 
and  Ridgefield,  together  with  the  other  brutalities  committed  by  the 
royal  troops,  did  but  increase  the  fury  of  the  people,  and  confirm 
them  in  resistance.  This  occasion  served  also  to  demonstrate,  how 
vain  were  the  hopes  which  general  Tryon  had  placed  in  the  loyal- 
ists. Not  one  of  them  ventured  to  declare  himself  in  favor  of  the 
English  ;  the  inhabitants  rose,  on  the  contrary,  in  all  parts,  to  repulse 
the  assailants.  It  is  even  probable,  that  this  enterprise  of  the 
English  gave  origin  to  another,  full  of  audacity,  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans.  The  generals  of  Connecticut  had  been  informed  that 
a  commissary  of  the  British  army  had  formed  immense  magazines 
of  forage,  grain,  and  other  necessaries  for  the  troops,  at  a  little  port 
called  Sagg  Harbor,  on  Long  Island;  it  was  defended  only  by  a 
detachment  of  infantry,  and  a  sloop  of  twelve  guns.  The  English, 
however,  believed  themselves  sufficiently  protected  by  their  armed 
vessels  which  cruised  in  the  Sound;  they  could  never  persuade 
themselves  thai  the  Americans  would  dare  to  pass  it \  and  attempt 
any  thing  upon  Long  Island.  But  the  latter  were  nowise  intimidated 
by  the  obstacles,  and  resolved  to  surprise  Sagg  Hafb"or;bya  suaxien 
incursion.  Accordingly,  col  >nel  Meigs,  one  of  the  intrepid  com- 
panions of  Arnold  in  the  expedition  of  Canada,  crossed  the  Sound 
with  as  much  rapidity  as  ability,  and  arrived  before  day  at  the  place 
where  the  magazines  were  situated.  Notwithstanding  the  resistance 
of  the  garrison  and  the  crews  of  the  vessels,  he  burned  a  dozen  brigs 
and  sloops  which  lay  at  the  wharf,  and  entirely  destroyed  every 
thing  on  shore.  Having  accomplished  the  object  of  the  expedition, 
he  returned  without  loss  to  Guilford,  in  Connecticut  bringing  with 
him  many  prisoners.  The  Americans  manifested,  in  this  enterprise, 
the  greatest  humanity;  they  abstained  from  the  pillage  of  private 
property,  and  even  permitted  the  prisoners  to  retain  their  effects. 

The  winter  had  completely  elapsed  in  the  midst  of  these  opera- 
tions,  and  the  season  approached  in  which  the  armies  were  about  to 
take  the  field  anew.  No  one  doubted  that  the  English  would  exert 
their  utmost  endeavors  to  terminate  the  war  in  the  present  year.  A 
formidable  corps  was  prepared  to  attack  the  American  provinces  on 
the  side  of  Canada,  and  a  still  more  numerous  army  menaced  those 
of  the  middle.  AH  minds  were  suspended  with  the  expectation  of 
approaching  events. 

If  the  English  generals  could  have  commenced  the  campaign  as 
soon  as  the  season  for  action  was  arrived,  it  is  certain,  they  might 


43b*  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII. 

have  obtained  the  most  important  advantages.  When  the  spring 
opened,  the  army  of  Washington  was  still  extremely  feeble.  If  a 
part  of  those  whose  term  of  service  was  expired,  had  been  inddced 
to  remain  from  a  consideration  of  the  weakness  of  the  army,  and  the 
ruin  which  must  attend  their  departure  before  it  was  re-inforced,  the 
greater  number,  unable  to  endure  the  severity  of  winter  in  the  fields, 
had  returned  home.  In  the  mean  time,  the  business  of  recruiting 
under  an  engagement  to  serve  during  the  war,  or  even  for  three 
years,  went  on  but  slowly,  notwithstanding  the  promised  advantages ; 
the  genius  and  habits  of  the  people  being  averse  to  all  subjection. 
The  making  of  drafts  from  the  militia,  which  was  the  final  resource, 
was  considered  as  a  dangerous  innovation. 

As  a  further  check  upon  the  increase  of  the  force  in  New  Jersey, 
the  New  England  provinces,  which  abounded  with  men  of  a  warlike 
spirit,  were  taken  up  with  their  domestic  concerns,  fearing  for  Ticon- 
deroga,  the  river  Hudson,  and  even  for  Boston  itself.  A  multitude 
of  American  privateers  had  gone  into  that  port  with  their  prizes,  and 
the  English  retained  all  their  ancient  hatred  against  the  inhabitants. 
The  British  troops  cantoned  in  Rhode  Island,  afforded  continual 
room  for  apprehension  ;  they  might  attack  Massachusetts  in  flank, 
and  make  inroads  with  impunity  into  the  neighboring  provinces. 

Such,  in  effort  woo ^«  j:« — !*»  -*  --•  - ---   a -*  •        m. 

„.,  „uo  vi^  uiiiicQity  cj        .iig  men,  mat  m  some  01  mo 

provinces  the  enlisting  of  apprentices  and  Irish  indented  servants 
was  permitted,  contrary  to  the  former  resolutions  and  decrees,  with 
a  promise  of  indemnification  to  their  masters.  The  winter  and 
spring  had  been  employed  in  these  preparations,  but  towards  the  lat- 
ter end  of  May,  the  mild  weather  having  commenced,  the  Americans 
took  arms  with  promptitude,  and  Washington  found  himself  daily 
re-inforced  from  all  quarters.  The  English  thus  lost  the  occasion  of 
an  easy  victory ;  perhaps,  as  some  have  written,  by  the  delay  of 
tents.  However  this  may  have  been,  they  deferred  taking  the  field 
till  obstacles  were  multiplied  around  them. 

Washington,  unable  as  yet  to  penetrate  the  designs  of  general 
Howe,  sought  with  vigilance  to  observe  the  direction  he  was  about 
to  give  to  his  arms.  It  was  apprehended  that  renewing  the  war  in 
New  Jersey,  he  would  endeavor  to  penetrate  to  the  Delaware  \  and, 
passing  the  river  by  means  of  a  bridge,  known  to  be  constructed  for 
the  purpose,  make  himself  master  of  Philadelphia.  It  was  conjec- 
tured also,  and  this  was  the  expectation  of  Washington,  that  the 
English  general  would  proceed  up  the  Hudson  river  into  the  uppei 
parts  of  the  province  of  New  York,  in  order  to  co-operate  with  the 
British  army  of  Canada,  which  was  at  the  same  time  to  attack  the 
fortress  of  Ticonderoga,  and  after  its  reduction,  to  operate  a  junc- 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  437 

tion  with  general  Howe  in  the  vicinity  of  Albany.  This  movement 
of  the  enemy  was  the  more  to  be  apprehended,  as  besides  the  ad- 
vantages it  promised,  it  was.-known  to  have  been  prescribed  by  the 
instructions  of  the  British  ministers.  General  Howe  had  been  di- 
verted from  following  them  by  the  successes  he  had  obtained  in  New 
Jersey,  and  the  hope  he  had  conceived  of  being  able,  of  himself,  to 
bring  the  war  to  a  successful  conclusion. 

Jn  so  great  an  uncertainty  in  respect  to  the  future  operations  of 
the  enemy,  Washington,,  having  received  his  re-inforcements,  deter- 
mined to  take  such  positions  as  should  be  equal!}  proper  to  oppose 
them,  whether  the  English  should  move  towards  Albany,  or  should 
resolve  to  march  against  Philadelphia,  by  way  of  New  Jersey.  .Ac- 
cording to  this  plan,  the  troops  raised  in  the  northern  provinces, 
were  stationed  partly  at  Ticonderoga,  and  partly  at  Peek's  Kill ;  those 
of  the  middle  and  southern  provinces,  as  far  as  North  Carolina,  oc- 
cupied New  Jersey,  leaving  a  few  corps  for  the  protection  of  the 
more  western  provinces. 

In  this  manner,  if  general  Howe  moved  against  Philadelphia,  he 
found,  in  front  all  the  forces  assembled  in  New  Jersey,  and  in  addi- 
tion, those  encamped  at  Peek's  Kill,  who  would  have  descended  to 
harass  his  right  flank.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  he  took  the  direction 
of  Albany,  the  corps  of  Peek's  Kill  defended  the  passages  in  front, 
while  his  left  flank  might  also  be  attacked  by  the  troops  of  New 
Jersey,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  If,  on, the'  contrary,  the 
English  army  of  Canada  came  by  way  of  the  sea,  to  join  that  of 
general  Howe  upon  the  shores  of  New  Jersey,  the  troops  of  Peek's 
Kill  could  immediately  unite  with  those  that  occupied  the  same  prov- 
ince, and  thus  compose  a  formidable  army  for  the  defense  of  Phil- 
adelphia. If,  finally,  the  army  of  Canada  attacked  Ticonderoga, 
the  camp  of  Peek's  Kill  might  carry  succors  to.  those  who  were 
charged  with  the  defense  of  that  fortress.  But  as  it  was  of  inex- 
pressible importance  to  preserve  Philadelphia  in  the  power  of  the 
United  States,  the  congress  ordained  the  formation  of  a  camp  upon 
the  western  bank  of  the  Delaware,  with  the  double  object  of  receiv- 
ing all  the  troops  that  arrived  from  the  south  and  west,  and  of  serv- 
ing, in  case  of  need,  as  a  reserve.  Here  also  were  to  assemble  all 
the  recruits  of  Pennsylvania,  re-inforced  by  several  regiments  of  reg- 
ular troops.  This  army  was  placed  under  the  command  of  general 
Arnold,  who  was  then  at  Philadelphia.  All  these  arrangements 
being  made,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  May,  Washington  quitted  his 
former  position  in  the  neighborhood  of  Morristown,  and  advancing 
within  a  few  miles  of  Brunswick,  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Rariton, 
took  possession  of  the  strong  country  along  Middlebrook-     He 

37* 


138  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK    Vlt. 

turned  this  advantageous  situation  to  every  account  of  which  it  was 
capable  ;  his  camp,  winding  along  the  course  of  the  hills,  was  strong- 
ly intrenched  and  covered  with  artillery  ;  nor  was  it  better  secured 
by  its  immediate  natural  or  artificial  advantages,  than  by  the  difficul- 
ties of  approach  which  the  ground  in  front  threw  in  the  way  of  an 
enemy.  In  this  situation,  he  commanded  a  view  of  the  British -en- 
campment on  the  hills  of  Brunswick,  and  of  most  of  the  intermediate 
country  towards  that  place  and  Amboy.  The  American  army,  at 
this  epoch,  amounted  to  fifteen  thousand  men,  inclusive  of  the  North 
Carolinians,  and  the  militia  of  New  Jersey;  but  this  number  com- 
prehended many  apprentices,  and  some  totally  undisciplined  com- 
panies: 

Always  controlled  by  a  sort  of  fatal  necessity,  which  was  the 
manifest  cause  of  all  the  reverses  of  his  party,  general  Howe  would 
never  ascend  the  river  Hudson  towards  Canada,  to  co-operate  and 
join  with  the  northern  British  army.  He  persisted  in  his  favorite 
object  of  invading  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  according  to  the 
design  he  had  conceived  of  penetrating  through  the  first  of  these 
provinces  to  the  Delaware,  driving  Washington  before  him,  and 
reducing  the  whole  country  to  so  effectual  a  state  of  subjection  as 
to  establish  a  safe  and  open  communication  between  the  army  and 
New  York.         ^ 

He  presumedeither  that  Washington  would  hazard  a  battle,  and 
in  that  case  he  entertained  no  doubt  of  success  ;  or  that  the  Ameri- 
cans would  constantly  retire,  which  appeared  to  him  the  most  proba- 
ble. In  the  latter  case,  having,  by  the  reduction  of  New  Jersey,  left 
every  thing  safe  in  his  rear,  and  secured  the  passage  of  the  Dela- 
ware ;  he  became,  of  course,  master  of  Philadelphia,  which,  from  its 
situation,  was  incapable  of  any  effectual  defence,  and  could  only 
be  protected  by  Washington  at  the  certain  expense  and  hazard  of  a 
battle ;  than  which  nothing  was  more  coveted  by  the  English. 

If  the  obstacles  in  New  Jersey  were  found  so  great  that  they 
could  not  be  overcome  without  much  loss  of  time  and  expense  of 
blood,  his  intention  was  to  profit  of  the  powerful  naval  force,  and  the 
great  number  of  transports  and  vessels  of  all  sorts  which  lay  at  New 
York.  By  means  of  this  numerous  marine,  the  army  might  be  con- 
veyed either  to  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware  and  thence  to  Philadel- 
phia, or  into  the  bay  of  Chesapeake,  which  opened  the  way  into  the 
heart  of  the  central  provinces,  and  led  either  directly,  or  by  crossing 
a  country  of  no  great  extent,  to  the  possession  of  that  city.  That 
point  gained,  Philadelphia  was  to  become  the  place  of  arms  and 
center  of  action,  while  every  part  of  the  hostile  provinces  of  Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia,  and  Maryland  would,  from  their  deep  bays  and 


BOOit    Vil.  THE   AMfcMCAN    Wa&.  439 

navigable  rivers,  be  exposed  to  the  continuil  attacks  of  an  enemy  so 
powerful  by  sea.  But  it  is  evident  that  the  first  object  of  the  views 
of  the  English  general,  was  the  destruction  of  the  army  of  Washings 
ton,  and  therefore  before  resorting  to  the  aid  of  his  marine,  he  resolved 
to  make  trial  of  fortune  in  New  Jersey,  by  using  all  the  resources 
of  art  to  force  the  enemy  to  an  action.  Accordingly,  having  received 
from  Europe  his  tents,  and  other  field  equipage,  with  some  reinforce- 
ments composed  principally  of  German  troops3  he  passed  over  to  the 
frontiers  of  New  Jersey,  and  moved  with  his  whole  army  to  Bruns- 
wick, having  left,  however,  a  sufficient  garrison  at  Amboy.  When  he 
had  accurately  examined  the  strength  of  the  posts  which  Washington 
occupied,  he  renounced  the  scheme  of  assaulting  him  in  his  camp. 
He  continued  for  several  days  in  front  of  his  lines,  offering  him  bat- 
tie  ;  but  the  American  general  refusing  it,. he  pushed  on  detachments, 
and  made  movements  as  if  he  intended  to  pass  him,  and  advanced  to 
the  Delaware,  hoping  that  his  enemy,  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  Phil- 
adelphia, would  have  abandoned  this  impregnable  post  to  follow 
him.  But  Washington,  firm  in  his  resolution  of  never  committing 
the  fortune  of  America  to  the  hazard  of  a  single  action,  made  no 
movement. 

Meanwhile,  having  observed  by  the  demonstrations  of  the  English, 
that  their  design  was  to  prosecute  their  operations,  not  against  the 
passages  leading  to  Canada,  but  in  the  province  of  New  Jersey,  he 
ordered  the  troops  at  Peek's  Kill  to  march  to  his  succor.  He  gave 
colonel  Morgan,  the  same  who  had  displayed  so  brilliant  a  valor  at 
the  assault  of  Quebec,  the  command  of  a  troop  of  light  horse,  destined 
to  annoy  the  left  flank  of  the  English  army,  and  to  repress,  or  cut  off, 
its  advanced  parties.  General  Sullivan,  who  occupied  Princeton 
with  a  strong  detachment,  was  ordered  to  fall  back  to  a  more  secure 
position,  upon  the  heights  of  Rocky  Hill.  But  general  Howe,  per- 
ceiving that  Washington  was  not  to  be  enticed  by  these  demonstra- 
tions to  quit  his  fastnesses,  resolved  to  put  himself  in  motion  and  to 
approach  nearer  to  the  Delaware.  Accordingly,  in  the  night  of  the 
fourteenth  of  June,  the  entire  British  army,  with  the  exception  of  two 
thousand  soldiers,  who  remained  for  the  protection  of  Brunswick, 
began  to  move,  in  two  columns,  towards  the  river.  The  van  of  the 
first,  conducted  by  lord  Cornwallis,  and  which  had  taken  the  road  to 
the  right,  arrived  by  break  of  day  at  Somerset  Court  House,  nine 
miles  distant  from  New  Brunswick,  having  passed  without  obstacle 
the  little  river  Millstone.  The  cojumn  of  the  left,  under  general 
Heister,  reached  at  the  same  time  the  village  of  Middlebush,  situated 
lower  down  upon  the  road  of  Princeton.  But  Washington,  faithful 
to  his  temporizing  plan,  had  too  much  penetration  to  be  diverted 


440  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK    VII, 


from  it  by  circumvention  or  sleight.  He  reflected,  that  without 
supposing  in  the  enemy  a  temerity,  which  was  absolutely  foreign  to 
the  prudent  and  circumspect  character  of  general  Howe,  it  could 
not  be  imagined  that  he  would  venture  to  advance  upon  the  Delaware, 
and  to  cross  that  river,  having  to  combat  an  army  on  the  opposite 
bank,  and  another,  still  more  formidable,  in  his  rear.  It  was,  besides, 
evident,  that  if  the  real  intention  of  the  English  had  hitherto  been 
to  pass  the  Delaware^  they  would  have  marched  rapidly  towards  it, 
without  halting,  as  they  had  done,  at  halfway.  He  was  not  ignorant, 
moreover,  that  they  had  advanced  light  to  this  point,  leaving  at 
Brunswick  their  baggage,  batteaux,  and  bridge  equipage.  Having 
well  pondered  these  circumstances,  Washington  concluded  that  the 
project  of  the  enemy  was  not  to  proceed  to  the  Delaware,  but  to  al- 
lure him  from  his  camp  of  Middlebrook,  in  order  to  reduce  him  to 
the  necessity  of  fighting.  Wherefore  he  made  no  movement,  but 
continued  to  remain  quietly  within  his  intrenchments.  Only,  as  the 
enemy  was  so  near,  he  drew  up  his  army  in  order  of  battle,  upon  the 
heights  which  defended  the  front  of  his  camp,  and  kept  it  all  the  fol- 
lowing night  under  arms. 

Meanwhile  the  militia  of  New  Jersey  assembled  from  every  quar- 
ter, with  great  alacrity ;  and,  general  Sullivan,  with  his  detachment, 
marching  upon  the  left  bank  of  the  Millstone,  had  approached  the 
Rariton,  so  as  to  be  able  to  disquiet  the  enemy  by  frequent  skirmishes 
in  front,  and  to  join,  if  necessary,  with  the  commander-in-chief. 

General  Howe,  having  ascertained  that  his  adversary  was  too  wary 
to  be  caught  in  the  snares  that  he  had  hitherto  laid  for  him,  and  that 
his  menaces  to  pass  the  Delaware  would  be  fruitless,  resolved  next 
to  try  whether  the  appearance  of  fear,  and  a  precipitate  retreat  to- 
wards Amboy,  might  not  have  the  effect  of  drawing  him  into  the 
plain,  and,  consequently,  of  forcing  him  to  an  engagement.  Accord- 
ing to  this  new  plan,  in  the  night  of  the  nineteenth,  he  suddenly 
quitted  his  position. in  front  of  the  enemy,  where  he  had  begun  to 
intrench  himself;  he  retired  in  haste  to  Brunswick,  and  thence,  with 
the  same  marks  of  precipitation,  towards  Amboy.  The  English,  as 
they  retreated,  burned  a  great  number  of  houses,  either  from  personal 
rage,  or  with  a  view  to  inflame  the  passions  of  the  Americans,  and 
increase  the  ardor  of  their  pursuit.  When  they  had  gained  Amboy, 
they  threw  the  bridge,  which  was  intended  for  the  Delaware,  over 
the  channel  which  separates  the  continent  from  Staten  Island,  and 
immediately  passed  over  it  they:  heavy  baggage,  and  all  the  incum- 
brances of  the  army.  Some  of  the  troops  followed,  and  every  thing 
was  in  immediate  preparation  for  the  passage  of  the  rest  of  the  ar- 
my, as  if  all  hope  had  been  lost  of  its  making  any  further  progress 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  441 

in  New  Jersey.  Washington,  with  all  his  caution  and  penetration, 
allowed  himself  to  be  imposed  upon  by  this  stratagem  of  his  adver- 
sary. He  ordered  generals  Greene,  Sullivan,  and  Maxwell,  to  pur- 
sue the  enemy  with  strong  detachments ;  but  the  two  latter  were 
not  in  season.  Colonel  Morgan  infested  the  rear  of  the  retreating 
army  with  his  cavalry ;  and  lord  Sterling,  with  colonel  Conway,  har- 
assed its  left  flank.  The  advantages  they  gained,  however,  were 
trifling,  as  the  English  marched  in  good  order,  and  had  taken  ca™ 
to  place  a  great  part  of  their  forces  in  the  rear  guard.  Finally, 
Washington  himself,  to  be  more  at  hand  for  the  protection  and  sup- 
port of  his  advanced  parties,  descended  from  the  impregnable  heights 
of  Middlebrook,  and  advanced  to  a  place  called  Quibbletown,  six 
or  seven  miles  nearer  to  Amboy. 

Lord  Sterling,  with  a  strong  division,  occupied  the  village  of  Me- 
tuckin,  lower  doWn  towards  that  city. 

General  Howe  lost  no  time  in  endeavoring  to  profit  of  the  occa- 
sion he  had  opened  for  himself  so  shrewdly.  In  the  night  of  the 
twenty-fifth  of  June,  he  drew  back  his  troops  from  Staten  Island  to 
the  continent,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  twenty-sixth,  marched 
them  with  great  expedition  against  the  Americans.  His  army  form- 
ed two  distinct  divisions.  He  had  three  objects  in  view.  To  cut 
off  some  of  the  principal  advanced  parties  of  the  enemy ;  to  bring 
his  main  body  to  an  engagement ;  and  finally,  by  a  rapid  movement 
upon  his  left,  to  seize  the  defiles  of  the  mountains  which  led  to  the 
encampment  of  Middlebrook,  in  order  to  prevent  Washington  from 
resuming  that  strong  position.  The  column  of  the  right,  command- 
ed by  lord  Cornwallis,  was  destined  to  accomplish  this  las,t  operation  ; 
accordingly  it  moved  with  extreme  celerity,  by  the  way  of  Wood- 
bridge,  to  the  Scotch  Plains.  The  left,  under  the  immediate  orders 
of  general  Howe,  took  the  route  of  Metuckin.  It  was  the  intention 
of  the  English  generals,  that  these  two  corps  should  re-unite  beyond 
the  village  of  Metuckin,  upon  the  road  leading  from  that  place  to 
the  Scotch  Plains,  and  that  thence,  having  separated  anew,  the  left 
should  rapidly  turn  against  the  left  flank  of  the  American  army, 
posted  at  Quibbletown,  while  the  right  should  endeavor  to  occupy 
the  hills  situated  upon  the  left  of  the  camp  of  Middlebrook.  Four 
battalions,  with  six  pieces  of  artillery,  remained  at  Bonhampton  tc 
secure  Amboy  against  any  unforeseen  attack. 

According  to  these  dispositions,  the  English  army  advanced  with 
a  rapid  step,  sanguine  in  the  hope  of  victory.  But  fortune,  who  was 
pleased  to  reserve  the  Americans  for  a  better  destiny,  all  at  once 
deranged  the  well  concerted  scheme  of  the  British  generals.  Lord 
Cornwallis,  h»"'*ng  passnd  Woodbridge,  fell  in  with  a  party  of  seven 


442  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  Vtl. 


hundred  American  riflemen.  A  warm  skirmish  ensued,  which  soon 
terminated  in  the  flight  of  the  republicans.  But  the  noise  of  the 
musketry,  and  afterwards  the  fugitives  themselves,  gave  Washington 
warning  of  the  extreme  danger  that  menaced  him.  His  resolution 
was  immediately  taken  to  recover  with  celerity  what  he  hap!  aban- 
doned perhaps  with  imprudence.  He  quitted,  accordingly,  his  po- 
sition at  Quibbletown,  and  with  all  possible  expedition  repossessed 
himself  of  the  encampment  of  Middlebrook.  When  arrived,  he  in- 
stantly detached  a  strong  corps  to  secure  those  passes  in  the  moun- 
tains upon  his  left,  through  which  he  perceived  it  was  the  intention 
of  lord  Cornwallis  to  approach  the  heights.  This  general,  having 
dispersed  without  difficulty  the  smaller  advanced  parties  of  the  en- 
em^,  fell  in  at  length  with  lord  Sterling,  who,  with  about  three  thou- 
sand men,  strongly  posted  in  a  woody  country,  and  well  covered  by 
artillery  judiciously  disposed,  manifested  a  determination  to  dispute 
his  passage.  But  the  English  and  Hessians,  animated  by  a  mutual 
emulation,  attacked  with  such  impetuosity,  that  the  Americans,  un- 
able to  withstand  the  shock,  were  soon  routed  on  all  sides,  having 
sustained,  besides  no  inconsiderable  loss  in  men,  that  of  three  pieces 
of  brass  ordnance.  The  English  continued  their  pursuit  as  far  as 
Westfield,  but  the  woods  and  the  intense  heat  of  the  weather  pre- 
vented its  effect;  Lord  Cornwallis,  having  discovered  that  the  defiles 
were  diligently  guarded,  and  despairing  of  being  able  to  accomplish 
his  design,  returned,  by  the  road  of  Raway,  to  Amboy.  General 
Howe  in  like  manner,  finding  his  plan  entirely  defeated  by  the  sudden 
retreat  of  Washington  into  his  strong  camp  of  Middlebrook,  also 
marched  back  to  that  city.  The  brigades  of  Scott  and  Conway  fol- 
lowed the  English  step  by  step  as  far  as  the  frontiers,  but  without 
finding  an  opening  to  attack  them,  so  close  and  cautious  was  their 
order  of  march.  . 

The  British  generals  now  reflected  that  the  continuation  of  hos- 
tilities in  New  Jersey,  with  a  view  of  penetrating  to  the  Delaware, 
would  not  only  be  fruitless,  since  the  enemy  was  evidently  resolved 
not  to  hazard  a  general  engagement,  but  that  it  would  even  be  at- 
tended with  extreme  danger,  as  well  from  the  strength  of  his  posi- 
tions as  from  the  general  enmity  of  the  inhabitants.  In  effect,  the 
season  was  already  advanced,  and  there  was  no  more  time  to  be  wasted 
in  unprofitable  expeditions.  They  resolved  therefore  to  attack  Penn- 
sylvania by  way  of  the  sea ;  thus  persevering  in  their  scheme  of 
acting  by  themselves,  and  not  in  conjunction  with  the  Canadian  army, 
which  it  was  known  had  invested  Ticonderoga ;  and  which  probably 
woukl  soon  be,  if  it  was  not  already,  in  possession  of  that  fortress. 
Accordingly  all  the  troops  of  general  Howe  were  passed  over  the 


BOOK  VII.,  THE    AMERICA^     WAR.  443    - 

channel  to  State n  Island,  and  the  Americans  soon  after  entered 
Amboy.  The  great  preparations  made  by  the  English  on  Staten 
Island-,  and  in  all  the  province  of  New  York,  for,  the  embarkation 
of  the  army,  and  the  uncertainty  of  th~  place  against  which  the 
storm  would  be  directed,  excited  a  general  alarm  throughout  the 
continent.  Boston,  the  Hudson  river,  the  Delaware,  Chesapeake 
bay,  and  eyen  Charleston,  in  Carolina,  were  alternately  held  to  be 
the  objects  of  the  expedition.  General  Washington  exerted  the 
utmost  vigilance;  he  maintained  a  secret  correspondence  with  the 
republicans  in  New  York,  who  advised  him  daily  of  whatever  they 
saw  and  heard.  In  pursuance  of  this  intelligence,  he  was  continually 
dispatching  expresses  to  put  those  places  upon  their  guard,  which, 
from  immediate  information,  he  supposed  for  the  time  to  be  the^ 
threatened  point.  But  herein  the  English  had  greatly  the  advantage, 
for  having  tho  sea  always  open,  they  could  fall,  unawares  upon  the 
destined  .place,  fyefore  the  inhabitants  could  be  prepared  to  resist 
them/and  before  the  soldiery  could  possibly  come  to  their  succor. 
But  among  all  the  objects -that  general  Howe,  might  have  in  view, 
the  Americans  knew  very  well,  that  the  two  which  he  must  consid- 
er of  most  importance,  were  consequently  the  most  probable.  These 
were  evidently  either  the  conquest  of  Philadelphia,  or  the  co-oper- 
ation, by  the  Hudson  river,  with  the  army  of  Canada.  But  to  ^ 
which  of  these  two  operations  he  would  give  the  preference,  it 
was  not  easy  to  penetrate.  In  this  perplexity,  Washington  con- 
tinued stationary  in  his  encampment  at  Middlebrook,  where  he 
could  securely  persist  in  his  defensive  system^  and  be  equally  near 
at  hand  to  march  to  the  succor  of  Philadelphia,  or  to  ascend  the 
Hudson.        -  .  ,  \     ^ 

In  this  posture  of  things,  a  movement  of  general  Howe  led  him 
to  believe  that  the  English  had  in  view  the  expedition  of  Albany. 
Their  fleet,  moored  at  Princesbay,  a  place  not  far  from  Amboy, 
moved  higher  up  towards  New  York,  and  came  to  anchor  at  Water- 
ingplace.  while  their  whole  army,  with  its  munitions  and  baggage, 
withdrew  from  the  coast  opposite  Amboy,  and  took  post  at  the  north 
point  of  Staten  Island.  Washington,  thereupon,  having  posted  two 
regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  light  horse  between  Newark  and 
Amboy,  to  cover  this  part  against  desultory  incursions,  moved  with  ... 
the  main  body  of  his  army  to  re-occupy  his  old  camp  of  Morris- 
town.  He  there  found  himself  nearer  to  the  Hudson,  without  being 
at  such  a  distance  from  Middlebrook,  as  to  prevent  him  from  prompt- 
ly resuming  that  position,  if  the  enemy  made  any  demonstration 
against  New  Jersey.  He,  moreover,  detached  general  Sullivan  with 
a  numerous  corps  to  occupy  Prompton,  upon  the  road  to  Peek's  Kill, 


444  \TtiE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VlU 

in  order  that  he  might,  according  to  circumstances,  either  advance 
to  the  latter  place,  or  return  to  Morristown. 

In  the  meantime,  it  was  confidently  reported  that  general  Bur- 
goyne,  who  commanded  the  British  army  upon  the  lakes,  had  ap- 
peared in  great  force  under  the  walls  of  Ticonderoga.  Washing- 
ton, therefore,  still  more  persuaded  of  the  intended  co-operation  of 
the  two  armies,  under  Howe  and  Burgoyne,  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson,  ordered  general  Sullivan  to  advance  immediately  and  post 
himself  in  front  of  Peek's  Kill,  while  he  proceeded  himself  as  far  as 
Prompton,  and  afterwards  to  Clove.  The  news  soon  arrived  of  the 
surrender  of  Ticonderoga,  and  at  the  sa:;ie  time,  intelligence  was  re- 
ceived that  the  English  fleet  was  anchored  un  L;  New  York,  and  even 
that  a  great  number  of  transports  were  come  up  the  Hudson  as  far 
as  Dobb's  Ferry,  where  the  river  widens  so  ad  to  form  a  species  of 
lake,  called  Tappan  Bay.  These  different  movements  confirmed 
Washington  in  his  conjectures  respecting  the  project  of  the  enemy  ; 
he,  therefore,  directed  general  Sullivan  to  pass  the  Hudson,  and  to 
intrench  himself  behind  Peek's  Kill,  upon  the  left  bank.  In  like 
manner,  lord  Sterling  was  ordered  to  cross  the  river  and  unite  with 
general  Putnam,  who  guarded  the  heights  that  were  the  object  of  so 
much  jealousy  for  the  two  armies.  But,  as  the  larger  ships,  and  a 
part  of  the  light  vessels,  were  returned  from  Wateringplace  to  Sandy 
Hook,  as  if  the  fleet  was  preparing  for  sea,  in  order  to  gain  the  Dela- 
ware, and  as  the  whole  .British  army  still  remained  on  Staten  Island, 
Washington  began  to  suspect  that  general  Howe  meditated  embark- 
ing with  a. view  to  the  conquest  of  Philadelphia. 

In  the  midst  of  these  uncertainties,  and  while  the  American  gene- 
ral endeavored  to  penetrate  the  intentions  of  the  English,  and  the  lat- 
ter to  deceive  him  by  vain  demonstration^  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson,  the  news  arrived  of  an  adventure  which,  though  of  little 
importance  in  itself,  produced  as  much  exultation  to  the  Americans 
as  regret  to  the  English.  The  British  troops  stationed  in  Rhode 
Island  were  commanded  by  general  Prescott,  who,  finding  himself  on 
an  island  surrounded  by  the  fleet  of  the  king,  and  disposing  of  a 
force  greatly  superior  to  what  the  enemy  could  assemble  in  this  quar- 
ter, became  extremely  negligent  of  his  guard.  The  Americans, 
earnestly  desiring  to  retaliate  the  capture  of  general  Lee,  formed 
the  design  of  surprising  generalPrescott  in  his  quarters,  and  of  bring- 
ing him  off  prisoner  to  the  continent.  Accordingly,  in  the  night  of 
the  tenth  of  July,  lieutenant-colonel  Barton,  at  the  head  of  a  party 
}f  forty  of  the  country  militia,  well  acquainted  with  the  places,  em- 
barked in  whale  boats,  and  after  having  rowed  a  distance  of  above 
ten  miles,  and  avoided  with  great  dexterity  the  numerous  vessels  o 


BOOK    VII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR  445 

the  enemy,  landed  upon  the  western  coast  of  Rhode  Islan  i,  between 
Newport  and  Bristol  Ferry.  He  repaired  immediately,  with  the  ut- 
most silence  and  celerity,  to  the  lodging  of  general  Prescott.  They 
adroitly  secured  the  sentinels  who  guarded  the  door.  An  aid-de- 
camp went  up  into  the  chamber  of  the  general,  who  slept  quietly, 
and  arrested  him,  without  giving  him  time  even  to  put  on  his  clothes ; 
they  conducted  him  with  equal  secrecy  and  success  to  the  main  land. 
This  event  afforded  the  Americans  singular  satisfaction,  as  they  hoped 
to  exchange  their  prisoner  for  general  Lee.  It  was,  however,  par- 
ticularly galling  to  general  Prescott,  who  not  long  before  had  been 
delivered  by  exchange  from  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  after  hav- 
ing been  taken  in  the  expedition  of  Canada.  In  addition  to  this,  he 
had  lately  been  guilty  of  an  action  unworthy  of  a  man  of  honor, 
in  setting  a  price  upon  the  head  of  general  Arnold,  as  if  he  had  been 
a  common  outlaw  and  assassin  ;  an  insult  which  Arnold  immediately 
returned,  by  setting  an  inferior  price  upon  the  person  of  Prescott 
The  congress  publicly  thanked  lieutenant-colonel  Barton,  and  pre 
sented  him  with  a  sword. 

Meanwhile,  the  immensity  of  the  preparations  made  by  general 
Howe  for  fitting  out  the  fleet,  as  well  as  several  movements  it  exe- 
cuted, strengthened  the  suspicion  of  Washington  that  the  demon- 
strations of  the  English  upon  the  Hudson  were  no  other  than  a  mere 
feint.  Every  day  he  was  more  and  more  convinced  that  their  real 
plan  was  to  embark  and  proceed  to  the  attack  of  Philadelphia,  as 
the  capital  of  the  confederation.  He  therefore  retired  progressively 
from  Clove,  and  divided  his  army  into  several  corps,  in  order  to  be 
able  to  succor  the  places  attacked  with  the  more  expedition.  He 
prayed  the  congress  to  assemble  the  militia  of  Pennsylvania,  with- 
out loss  of  time,  at  Chester,  and  those  of  the  lower  counties  of 
Delaware,  at  Wilmington.  He  directed  watches  to  be  stationed 
upon  the  capes  of  the  Delaware,  to  keep  a  look  out,  and  give  early 
notice  of  the  arrival  of  the  enemy.  The  governor  of  New  Jersey 
was  exhorted  to  call  out  the  militia  of  the  districts  bordering  upon 
this  river,  directing  them  to  make  head  at  Gloucester,  situated  upon 
the  left  bank,  a  little  below  Philadelphia. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  diligence  of  the  brothers  Howe,  in  pre- 
paring for  the  embarkation,  and  the  assistance  afforded  by  the  crews 
of  more  than  three  hundred  vessels,  the  English  could  not  procure, 
without  extreme  difficulty,  the  articles  that  were  necessary,  so  that 
it  was  not  until  the  twenty-third  of  July  that  the  fleet  and  army  were 
able  to  depart  from  Sandy  Hook.  The  force  that  embarked  upon 
this  enterprise,  consisted  of  thirty-six  British  and  Hessian  battalions, 
including  the  light  infantry  and  grenadiers,  with  a  powerful  artillery, 

38 


446  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VII 

a  New  Y^rk  corps  called  the  Queen's  rangers,  and  a  regiment  of 
cavalry.  Seventeen  battalions,  with  a  regiment  of  light  horse,  and 
the  remainder  of  the  new  corps  of  loyalists,  were  left  for  the  protec- 
tion of  New  York  and  the  neighboring  islands.  Rhode  Island  was 
occupied  by  seven  battalions.  It  was  said  that  general  Howe  in- 
tended to  have  taken  a  greater  force  with  him  upon  this  expedition  ; 
but  that  upon  the  representation  of  general  Clinton,  who  was  to 
command  in  his  absence,  of  the  danger  to  which  the  islands  would 
be  exposed,  from  the  extensiveness  of  the  coasts,  and  the  great 
number  of  posts,  that  were  necessarily  to  be  maintained,  he  ac- 
knowledged the  force  of  these  considerations  by  relanding  several 
regiments. 

Thus,  England,  by  the  error  of  her  ministers,  or  of  her  generals, 
had  in  America,  instead  of  a  great  and  powerful  army,  only  three 
separate  corps,  from  which  individually  no  certain  victory  could  be 
expected.  At  this  moment,  in  effect,  one  of  these  corps  was  in 
Canada,  another  on  the  islands  of  New  York  and  Rhode  Island,  and 
the  third  was  on  its  way  by  sea,  destined  to  act  against  Philadelphia. 

But  perhaps  it  was  imagined  that  in  a  country  like  that  which  fur- 
nished the  theatre  of  this  war,  continually  interrupted  by  lakes,  rivers, 
forests,  and  inaccessible  places,  three  light  armies  were  likely  to 
Operate  with  more  effect  separately,  than  united  in  a  single  mass, 
incumbered  by  the  number  of  troops,  and  multitude  of  baggage. 
This  excuse  would,  perhaps,  be  valid,  if  the  English  generals,  in- 
stead of  operating  as  they  did,  without  concert  and  without  a  common 
plan,  had  mutually  assisted  each  other  with  their  counsels  and  force* 
to  strike  a  decisive  blow,  and  arrive  together  at  the  same  object. 

However  this  may  be  viewed,  the  rapid  progress  of  general  Bur- 
goyne  towards  the  sources  of  the  Hudson,  the  apprehension  of  an 
approaching  attack  on  the  part  of  general  Howe,  and  the  uncertainty 
of  the  point  it  menaced,  all  concurred  to  maintain  a  general  agitation 
and  alarm  throughout  the  American  continent.  Great  battles  were 
expected,  and  no  one  doubted  they  would  prove  as  fierce  and  san- 
guinary, as  they  were  to  be  important  and  decisive. 


END    OF    BOOK    SEVENTH, 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  447 


BOOK    EIGHTH. 

1777.  The  British  ministers,  as  we  have  before  related,  had  long 
since  formed  the  scheme  of  opening  a  way  to  New  York  by  means 
of  an  army,  which  should  descend  from  the  lakes  to  the  banks  of 
the  Hudson,  and  unite  in  the  vicinity  of  Albany  with  the  whole,  or 
with  a  part,  of  that  commanded  by  general  Howe.  AH  intercourse 
would  thus  have  been  cut  off  between  the  eastern  and  western 
provinces,  and  it  was  believed  that  victory,  from  this  moment, 
could  no  longer  be  doubtful.  The  former,  where  the  inhabitants 
were  the  most  exasperated,  crushed  by  an  irresistible  force,  would 
have  been  deprived  of  all  means  of  succoring  the  latter.  These, 
consequently,  however  remote  from  the  Hudson,  would  also  have 
been  constrained  to  submit  to  the  fortune  of  the  conqueror,  terrified 
by  the  reduction  of  the  other  provinces  abounding  with  loyalists, 
who  would  have  joined  the  victor,  and  also  swayed  perhaps  by  a 
jealousy  of  the  power  of  New  England,  and  irritated  by  the  reflec- 
tion that  it  was  her  obstinacy  which  had  been  the  principal  cause  of 
their  present  calamities.  This  expedition,  besides,  presented  few 
difficulties,  since,  with  the  exception  of  a  short  march,  it  might  be 
executed  entirely  by  water.  The  French  themselves  had  attempted 
it  in  the  course  of  the  last  war.  It  was  hoped  that  it  would  have 
been  already  effected  by  the  close  of  the  preceding  year ;  but  it  had 
failed  in  consequence  of  the  obstacles  encountered  upon  the  lakes, 
the  lateness  of  the  season,  and  especially  because  while  genera) 
Carleton  advanced  upon  Ticonderoga,  and  consequently  towards  the 
nuason,  general  nowe,  instead  ol  proceeding  up  the  river  to  join 
him,  had  carried  his  arms  to  the  west,  against  New  Jersey. 

At  present,  however,  this  scheme  had  acquired  new  favor,  and 
what  in  preceding  years  had  been  only  an  incidental  part  of  the  plan 
of  campaign,  was  now  become  its  main  object.  The  entire  British 
nation  had  founded  the  most  sanguine  expectations  upon  this  ar- 
rangement ;  nothing  else  seemed  to  be  talked  of  among  them  but 
this  expedition  of  Canada,  which  was  shortly  to  bring  about  the  to- 
tal subjection  of  America.  The  junction  of  the  two  armies  appear- 
ed quite  sufficient  to  attain  this  desired  object ;  the  Americans,  it 
was  said,  cannot  oppose  it  without  coming  to  a  general  battle,  and 
in  such  case,  there  can  exist  no  doubt  of  the  result.  The  ministers 
had  taken  all  the  measures  whi  h  they  deemed  essential  to  the  suc- 
cess of  so  important  an  enterprise;  they  had  furnished  with  profu- 
sion v  hatever  the  generals  themselves  had  required  or  suggested. 


448  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII, 

General  Burgoyne,  an  officer  of  uncontested  ability,  possessed  of  an 
exact  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  animated  by  an  ardent  thirst 
for  military  glory,  had  repaired  to  England  during  the  preceding 
winter,  where  he  had  submitted  to  the  ministers  the  plan  of  this  ex- 
pedition, and  had  concerted  with  them  the  means  of  carrying  it  in- 
to effect.  The  ministry,  besides  their  confidence  in  his  genius  and 
spirit,  ^placed  great  hope  in  that  eager  desire  of  renown  by  which 
they  knew  him  to  be  goaded  incessantly ;  they  gave  him  therefore 
the  direction  of  all  the  operations.  In  this  appointment,  little  re- 
gard was  manifested  for  the  rank  and  services  of  general  Carleton ; 
what  he  had  already  done  in  Canada,  seemed  to  entitle  him  to  con- 
duct to  its  conclusion  the  enterprise  he  had  commenced.  No  one, 
assuredly,  could  pretend  to  govern  that  province  with  more  prudence 
and  firmness.  He  possessed  also  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
country,  as  he  had  resided  in  Canada  for  several  years,  and  had  al- 
ready made  war  there.  But  perhaps  the  ministers  were  dissatisfied 
with  his  retreat  from  Ticonderoga,  and  the  repugnance  he  was  said 
to  have  manifested  to  employ  the  savages.  Perhaps  also  his  severi- 
ty in  the  exercise  of  his  command  had  drawn  upon  him  the  ill  will 
of  some  officers,  who  endeavored  to  represent  his  actions  in  an  un- 
favorable light.  Burgoyne,  impatient  to  make  his  profit  of  the  oc- 
casion, was  arrived  in  England,  where,  being  well  received  at  court, 
and  besieging  the  ministers  with  his  importunities,  he  made  such 
magnificent  promises, that  in  prejudice  of  Carleton  he  was  intrusted 
with  the  command  Of  all  the  troops  of  Canada.  But  the  governor, 
finding  himself,  contrary  to  his  expectation,  divested  of  all  military 
power,  and  restricted  in  his  functions,  requested  leave  to  resign. 
General  Burgoyne  arrived  at  Quebec  in  the  beginning  of  the 

•      t  ** . ..  — a  immediately  set  himself  to  push  forward  the 
month  ot  may,  wm  -j   - 

business  of  his  mission.  He  displayed  an  extreme  activity  in  com- 
pleting all  the  preparations  which  might  conduce  to  the  success 
of  the  enterprise.  Meanwhile,  several  ships  arrived  from  England, 
bringing  arms,  munitions,  and  field  equipage,  in  great  abundance. 
General  Carleton,  exhibiting  an  honorable  example  of  moderation 
and  patriotism,  seconded  Burgoyne  with  great  diligence  and  energy  ; 
he  exerted  in  his  favor  not  only  the  authority  with  which  he  was  still 
invested  as  governor,  but  even  the  inlluence  he  had  with  his  friends 
and  numerous  partisans.  His  zealous  co-operation  proved  of  signal 
utility,  and  every  thing  was  soon  in  preparation  for  an  expedition 
which  was  to  decide  the  event  of  the  war.  and  the  fate  of  America. 
The  regular  force  placed  at  the  disposal  of  general  Burgoyne,  con- 
sisting of  Biitish  and  German  troops,  amounted  to  upwards  ot  seven 
thousand  men,  exclusive  of  a  corps  of  artillery,  composed  of  about 


BOOE  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  449 

five  hundred.  To  these  should  be  added  a  detachment  of  seven 
hundred  rangers,  under  colonel  St.  Leger,  destined  to  make  an  in- 
cursion into  the  country  of  the  Mohawks,  and  to  seize  Fort  Stanwix, 
otherwise  called  Fort  Schuyler.  This  corps  consisted  of  some  com- 
panies of  English  infantry,  of  recruits  from  New  York,  of  Hanau 
chasseurs,  and  of  a  party  of  Canadians  and  savages.  According  to 
the  plan  of  the  ministers  and  of  the  general  himself,  the  principal 
army  of  Burgoyne  was  to  be  joined  by  two  thousand  Canadians, 
including  hatchetmen,  and  other  workmen,  whose  services,  it  was 
foreseen,  would  be  much  needed  to  render  the  ways  practicable.  A 
sufficient  number  of  seamen  had  been  assembled,  for  manning  the 
transports  upon  the  lakes  and  upon  the  Hudson.  Besides  the  Cana- 
dians that  were  to  be  immediately  attached  to  the  army,  many  others 
were  called  upon  to  scour  the  woods  in  the  frontiers,  and  to  occupy 
the  intermediate  posts  between  the  army  which  advanced  towards  the 
Hudson,  and  that  which  remained  for  the  protection  of  Canada ;  the 
latter  amounted,  including  the  Highland  emigrants,  to  upwards  of 
three  thousand  men.  These  dispositions  were  necessary,  partly  to 
intercept  the  communication  between  the  enemy  and  the  ill  affected 
in  Canada ;  partly  to  prevent  desertion,  to  procure  intelligence,  to 
transmit  orders,  and  for  various  other  duties  essential  to  the  security 
and  tranquillity  of  the  country  in  the  rear  of  the  army.  But  these 
were  not  the  only  services  exacted  from  the  Canadians  ;  a  great  num- 
ber of  them  were  assembled  to  complete  the  fortifications  at  Sorel, 
St.  Johns,  Chambly,  and  He  aux  Noix.  Finally,  they  were  required 
to  furnish  horses  and  carts,  to  convey  from  the  different  repositories 
to  the  army  all  the  provisions,  artillery  stores,  and  other  effects  of 
which  it  might  have  need.  Under  this  last  head  was  comprehended 
a  large  quantity  of  uniforms,  destined  for  the  loyalists,  who,  it  was 
not  doubted,  would,  after  victory,  flock  from  all  quarters  to  the  royal 
camp. 

But  it  was  also  thought  that  the  aid  of  the  savages  would  be  of 
great  advantage  to  the  cause  of  the  king ;  the  government  had  thc~> 
fore  ordered  general  Carleton  to  use  his  utmost  weight  and  influence 
to  assemble  a  body  of  a  thousand  Indians,  and  even  more  if  it  wa9 
possible.  His  humanity,  which  could  ill  endure  the  cruelty  of  these 
barbarians,  and  experience,  which  had  taught  him  that  they  were 
rather  an  incumbrance  than  an  aid,  in  regular  operations,  would 
have  induced  him  to  decline  their  alliance  ;  but,  in  obedience  to  his 
orders,  he  exerted  an  active  zeal  in  bringing  them  forward  to  support 
the  expedition.  His  success  was  answerable  to  his  efforts.  Whether 
by  the  influence  of  his  name,  which  was  extreme- among  these  tribes, 
from  their  avidity  to  grasp  the  presents  of  the  English,  or  from  theif 

33* 


450  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIS.. 

innate  thirst  for  blood  and  plunder,  their  remote  as  well  as  near  na- 
tions poured  forth  their  warriors  in  such  abundance,  that  the  British 
generals  became  apprehensive  that  their  numbers  might  render  them 
rather  a  clog  than  any  real  addition  of  strength  to  the  army.  They 
hastened  therefore  to  dismiss  such  as  appeared  the  least  proper  for 
war,  or  the  most  cruel  or  intractable.  Never,  perhaps,  was  an  army 
of  no  greater  force  than  this  accompanied  by  so  formidable  a  train  of 
artillery,  as  well  from  the  number  of  pieces  as  from  the  skill  of  those 
who  served  it.  This  powerful  apparatus  was  considered  eminently 
requisite  to  disperse  without  effort  an  undisciplined  enem/  in  ihe  open 
country,  or  to  dislodge  him  from  strong  and  difficult  places.  The 
generals  who  seconded  Burgoyne  in  this  expedition,  were  ail  able 
and  excellent  officers.  The  principal  were,  major-general  Phillips, 
of  the  artillery,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  wars  of  Ger- 
many ;  the  brigadier-generals  Frazer,  Powel,  and  Hamilton,  with  the 
Brunswick  major-general  baron  Reidesel,  and  brigadier-general 
Specht.  The  whole  army  shared  in  the  ardor  and  hopes  of  its  chiefs ; 
not  a  doubt  was  entertained  of  an  approaching  triumph,  and  the 
conquest  of  America. 

The  preparations  being  at  length  completed,  and  all  the  troops,  as 
well  national  as  auxiliary,  having  arrived,  general  Burgoyne  proceed 
ed  to  encamp  near  the  little  river  Bouquet,  upon  the  west  bank  of 
Lake  Champlain,  at  no  great  distance  to  the  north  of  Crown  Point. 
As  the  time  for  commencing  hostilities  was  near  at  hand,  and  dread- 
ing the  consequences  of  the  barbarity  of  the  savages,  which,  besides 
the  dishonor  it  reflected  upon  the  British  arms,  might  prove  essen- 
tially prejudicial  to  the  success  of  the  expedition,  he  resolved  to  as- 
semble those  barbarians  in  congress,  and  afterwards,  in  compliance 
with  their  customs,  to  give  them  a  war  feast.  He  made  a  speech  to 
them  on  that  occasion,  calculated,  in  terms  of  singular  energy,  to 
excite  their  ardor  in  the  common  cause,  and  at  the  same  time  to  re- 
press their  ferocious  propensities.  To  this  end,  he  endeavored  to 
explain  to  them  the  distinction  between  a  war  carried  on  against  a 
common  enemy,  in  which  the  whole  country  and  people  were  hos- 
tile, and  the  present,  in  which  the  faithful  were  intermixed  with 
rebels,  and  traitors  with  friends.  He  recommended  and  strictly  en- 
joined them,  that  they  should  put  none  to  death  but  such  as  actually 
opposed  them  with  arms  in  their  hands  ;  that  old  men,  women,  chil- 
dren, and  prisoners,  should  be  held  sacred  from  the  knife  or  the  toma- 
hawk, even  in  the  heat  of  action  ;  that  they  should  scalp  only  those 
whom  they  had  slain  in  battle ;  but  that  under  no  pretext,  or  color  ot 
prevarication,  should  they  scalp  the  wounded,  or  even  the  dying,  and 
touch  less  kill  them,  by  way  of  evading  the  injunction.     He  prom 


BOOK  VIH. 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  451 


wed  them  a  due  reward  for  every  prisoner  they  brought  him  in,  but 
denounced  the  severest  penalties  against  those  who  should  scalp  the 
living. 

While,  on  the  one  hand,  general  Burgoyne  attempted  to  mitigate 
the  natural  ferocity  of  the  Indians,  he  endeavored,  on  the  other,  to 
render  them  an  object  of  terror  with  those  who  persisted  in  resistance. 
For  this  purpose,  ort  the  twenty-ninth  of  June,  he  issued  a  procla- 
mation from  his  camp  at  Putnam  Creek,  wherein  he  magnified  the 
force  of  theJSritish  armies  and  fleets  which  were  about  to  embrace  and 
to  crush  every  part  of  America.  He  painted,  with  great  vivacity  of 
coloring,  the  excesses  committed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  rebellion,  as 
well  as  the  deplorable  condition  to  which  they  had  reduced  the  col- 
onies. He  reminded  the  Americans  of  the  arJ  ,y  imprisonments 
and  oppressive  treatment  with  which  those  had  L»een  persecuted  who 
had  shown  themselves  faithful  to  their  king  and  country  ;  he  enlarged 
upon  the  tyrannic  cruelties  inflicted  by  the  assemblies  and  committees 
upon  the  most  quiet  subjects,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex,  for 
the  sole  offense,  and  often  for  the  sole  suspicion,  of  having  adhered 
in  principle  to  the  government  under  which  they  were  born,  undei 
which  they  had  lived  for  so  long  a  time,  and  to  which,  by  every  tie, 
divine  and  human,  they  owed  allegiance.  He  instanced  the  violence 
offered  to  their  consciences,  by  the  exaction  of  oaths  and  of  military 
services,  in  support  of  an  usurpation  they  abhorred.  He  had  come, 
he  continued,  with  a  numerous  and  veteran  army,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  king,  to  put  an  end  to  such  unheard  of  enormities.  He  in- 
vited the  well  disposed  to  join  him,  and  assist  in  redeeming  their 
country  from  slavery,  and  in  the  re-establishment  of  legal  government. 
He  promised  protection  and  security  to  all  those  who  should  contin- 
ue quietly  to  pursue  their  occupations ;  who  should  abstain  from  re- 
moving their  cattle,  or  corn ,  or  any  species  of  forage ;  from  breaking  up 
the  bridges,  or  obstructing  the  roads,  and  in  a  word,  from  commit- 
ting any  act  of  hostility ;  and  who,  on  the  contrary,  should  furnish 
the  camp  with  all  sorts  of  provisions,  assured,  a?  they  might  be,  of 
receiving  the  full  value  thereof,  in  solid  coin.  But  against  the  con- 
tumacious, and  those  who  should  persist  in  rebellion,  he  denounced 
the  most  terrible  war ;  he  warned  them  that  justice  and  vengeance 
were  about  to  overtake  them,  accompanied  with  devastation,  famine, 
and  all  the  calamities  in  their  train.  Finally,  he  admonished  them 
not  to  flatter  themselves,  that  distance  or  coverts  could  screen  them 
from  his  pursuit,  for  he  had  only  to  let  loose  the  thousands  of  Indians 
that  were  under  his  direction,  to  discover  in  their  most  secret  retreats, 
and  to  punish  with  condign  severity,  the  hardened  enemies  of  Great 
Britain  and  America. 


452  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  V11». 


This  manifesto,  so  little  worthy  of  the  general  of  a  civilized  nation, 
was  justly  censured,  not  only  in  the  two  houses  of  parliament  and 
throughout  Great  Britain,  but  excited  the  indignation  of  every  mod- 
erate and  generous  mind  in  all  Europe.  In  vain  did'  Burgoyne  at- 
tempt to  excuse  himself,  by  pretending  that  he  had  merely  intended 
to  intimidate  the  people  he  was  about  to  combat ;  he  should  have 
employed  for  this  purpose  the  arms  that  are  in  use  among  polished 
nations,  and  not  the  menaces  appropriate  to  barbarians.  Moreover, 
his  soldiers,  and  especially  the  savages,  were  already  but  too  much 
disposed  to  ravage  and  massacre,  and  to  take  in  earnest  what  their 
general  would  have  it  believed  he  only  announced  as  an  artifice  or 
feint.  This  was  not  a  race  to  be  sported  with,  and  the  thing  itself 
was  no  light  matter.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  proclamation  produced 
an  effect  entirely  contrary  to  its  author's  expectations.  That  fearless 
people  who  inhabit  New  England,  far  from  allowing  it  to  terrify  them, 
were  much  inclined  to  deride  it ;  they  never  met  with  each  other 
without  contemptuously  inquiring  what  vent  the  vaunting  general 
of  Britain  had  found  for  his  pompous  and  ridiculous  declamations. 
These  preliminary  dispositions  accomplished,  general  Burgoyne  made 
a  short  stop  at  Crown  Point,  for  the  establishment  of  magazines,  an 
hospital,  and  other  necessary  services,  and  then  proceeded  with  all 
his  troops  to  invest  Ticonderoga.  The  right  wing  took  the  western 
bank  of  the  lake,  the  left  advanced  upon  the  eastern,  and  the  center 
was  embarked  upon  the  lake  itself.  The  reduction  of  this  fortress, 
without  which  it  was  impossible  for  the  army  to  advance  a  step  fur- 
ther, was  of  course  the  first  object  of  its  operations.  Art  had  added 
to  the  natural  strength  of  Ticonderoga,  and  the  unfortunate  issue 
of  the  attempt  made  upon  it  by  the  British  in  1758,  when  occupied 
by  the  French,  was  still  fresh  in  remembrance.  But  general  Bur- 
goyne, either  impatient  to  avenge  this  affront,  or  because  the  ardor 
of  his  army  seemed  to  promise  him  an  easy  triumph  over  the  most 
formidable  obstacles,  persuaded  himself  that  its  reduction  would  de- 
tain him  but  a  very  short  time.  He  arrived  under  the  walls  of  the 
place  on  the  first  of  July.  At  the  same  time,  the  detachment  of  light 
troops,  which,  as  we  have  mentioned  above,  was  destined  to  scour 
the  country  of  the  Mohawks,  under  the  command  of  sir  John  John- 
son and  colonel  St.  Leger,  advanced  from  Oswego,  in  order  to  at- 
tack Fort  Stanwix.  It  was  intended,  after  the  acquisition  of  this  for- 
tress, to  occupy  the  ground  which  extends  between  the  same  and 
Fort  Edward,  situated  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  with  a  view 
to  intercept  the  retreat  of  the  garrison  of  Ticonderoga,  and  to  rejoin 
the  main  army  as  it  advanced. 

The  American  army,  destined  to  oppose  the  progress  of  the  royai 


MAP 

Showing  tho  routo 

of 

GEN.  BURGOYNE 

previous 
to  his  surrender  at 

SARATOGA 

October  \Wi, 
1777. 


BOOK  V1I1  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  453 

troops,  and  to  defend  Ticonderoga,  was  altogethei  insufficient.  The 
garrison  had  experienced  such  a  diminution  during  the  winter,  that  it 
was  much  feared  the  English  wrould  seize  that  fortress  by  assault.  The 
spring  being  arrived,  and  the  rumors  of  the  enemy's  approach  re- 
ceiving daily  confirmation,  general  Schuyler,  to  whom  the  congress  had 
recently  given  the  command  of  all  the  troops  in  that  quarter,  employed 
every  possible  means  to  procure  re-inforcements.  He  desired  and 
hoped  to  assemble  an  army  of  at  least  ten  thousand  men,  as  a  smaller 
number  would  not  be  adequate  to  guard  his  extensive  line  of  defense. 
But  the  affair  of  recruiting  proceeded  very  tardily.  The  inhabitants 
manifested  at  this  time  an  extreme  backwardness  to  enlist  under  the 
banners  of  congress,  whether  from  a  natural  coldness,  or  because  the 
policy  of  the  English  or  the  persuasion  of  the  American  generals 
themselves,  had  given  currency  to  an  opinion  that  the  royal  army  was 
not  to  undertake  the  siege  of  Ticonderoga ;  but  that  embarking  upon 
the  Saint  Lawrence,  it  would  proceed  by  sea,  to  operate  its  junction 
with  that  under  general  Howe.  Hence,  when  the  royal  troops  made 
their  sudden  appearance  under  the  walls  of  Ticonderoga,  the  troops 
of  general  Schuyler  amounted,  at  the  utmost,  to  not  over  five  thousand 
men,  including  the  garrison  of  the  fortress,  which  consisted  of  little 
above  three  thousand,  a  number  quite  inadequate  to  the  defense  oi 
so  vast  a  circuit  of  walls,  and  of  so  many  outworks. 

Ticonderoga  lies  upon  the  western  bank  of  that  narrow  inlet,  by 
which  the  water  from  Lake  George  is  conveyed  to  Lake  Champlain. 
Crown  Point  lies  about  a  dozen  miles  further  north,  at  the  opposite 
extremity,  of  that  inlet.  The  first  of  these  places  is  situated  on  an 
angle  of  land,  which  is  surrounded  on  three  sides  by-  water,  and  that 
covered  by  steep  and  difficult  rocks.  A  great  part  of  the  fourth  side 
was  covered  by  a  deep  morass,  and  where  that  fails,  the  old  French 
lines  still  continued  as  a  defense  on  the  northwest  quarter.  The 
Americans  had  strengthened  these  lines  with  additional  works  and  a 
blockhouse.  In  like  manner,  on  the  left,  towards  Lake  George,  and 
at  the  place  where  the  sawmills  were  situated,  they  had  erected  new 
works  and  blockhouses,  as. also  to  the  right  of  the  French  lines,  in  the 
direction  of  Lake  Champlain.  On  the  eastern  bank  of  the  inlet,  and 
opposite  to  Ticonderoga,  rises  a  high  circular  hill,  to  which  the  Amer- 
icans gave  the  name  of  Mount  Independence.  On  the  summit  of  this 
hill  is  a  small  plain,  where  they  had  erected  a  star  fort ;  the  sides  and 
foot  of  the  mountain  were  strengthened  with  works  to  the  water'! 
edge,  and  the  intrenchments  well  lined  with  heavy  cannon.  In  ordei 
to  maintain  a  free  communication  between  the  fortress  and  Mount 
Independence,  the  Americans  had  constructed  a  bridge  over  the  inlet, 
a  work  of  difficult  and  laborious  execution.  The  bridge  was  supported 


454  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII 

on  twenty-two  timber  piers  of  vast  dimensions,  sunken  at  nearly  equal 
distance ;  the  spaces  between  these  were  filled  with  separate  floats, 
each  about  fifty  feet  long  and  twelve  feet  wide,  and  the  whole  was 
held  together  by  chains  and  rivets  of  immense  size.  To  prevent  the 
enemy  from  approaching  with  his  numerous  ships,  and  attempting  to 
force  the  bridge,  it  was  defended  on  the  side  towards  Lake  Cham  plain 
by  a  boom  composed  of  very  large  pieces  of  timber,  joined  together 
with  iron  bolts  and  chains  of  prodigious  thickness.  Thus,  not  only 
the  passage  was  kept  open  between  these  two  posts,  but  all  access  by 
water  from  the  northern  side  was  totally  cut  off.  The  part  of  the 
inlet  which  is  below  Ticonderoga,  and  which  may  be  considered  as 
the  head  of  Lake  Champlain,  widens  considerably,  and  becomes 
navigable  to  vessels  of  burthen ;  but  the  other  part,  which  is  above 
the  fortress,  and  is  the  issue  of  Lake  George,  besides  being  narrow, 
is  also  rendered  impracticable  by  shallows  and  falls.  But  on  its  ar- 
rival at  Ticonderoga,  it  is  joined  by  a  great  body  of  water  on  the 
eastern  side,  called,  in  this  part,  South  river,  and  higher  up  towards 
its  source,  as  we  have  already  said  in  a  preceding  book,  it  is  known, 
under  the  appellation  of  Wood  Creek.  The  confluence  of  these 
waters  at  Ticonderoga  forms  a  small  bay  to  the  southward  of  the 
bridge  of  communication,  and  the  point  of  land  formed  by  their 
junction  is  composed  of  a  mountain  called  Sugar  Hill,  otherwise 
known  by  the  name  of  Mount  Defiance.  From  this  mountain  the 
fort  of  Ticonderoga  is  overlooked  and  effectually  commanded.  This 
circumstance  occasioned  a  consultation  among  the  Americans,  in 
which  it  was  proposed  to  fortify  that  mountain ;  but  finding  them- 
selves too  feeble  to  man  the  fortifications  they  had  already  erected, 
they  renounced  the  design;  It  was  likewise  hoped,  that  the  extreme 
steepness  of  its  ascent,  and  the  savage  irregularity  of  the  ground  on 
its  summit  and  sides,  would  prevent  the  enemy  from  attempting  to 
occupy  it,  at  least  with  artillery.  The  defense  of  Ticonderoga  was 
committed  to  the  charge  of  general  St.  Clair,  with  a  garrison  of 
three  thousand  men,  one  third  of  whom  were  militia  from  the  north- 
ern provinces.  But  they  were  ill  equipped,  and  worse  armed,  par- 
ticularly in  the  article  of  bayonets,  an  arm  so  essential  in  the  defense 
of  lines ;  not  having  one  to  ten  of  their  number. 

On  the  second  of  July,  the  British  right  wing  under  general  Phil- 
lips having  appeared  upon  the  left  flank  of  the  fortress,  St.  Clair,  too 
weak  to  defend  all  the  outworks,  or  believing  the  enemy  stronger  than 
he  was  in  reality,  immediately  ordered  the  evacuation  of  the  intrench- 
ments  which  had  been  erected  upon  the  banks  of  the  inlet  of  Lake 
George,  above  Ticonderoga.  This  order  was  executed  with  prompt- 
itude, not,  however,  without  having  first  burnt  or  destroyed  what- 


BOOK    VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  455 

ever  was  found  in  this  part,  and  especially  the  blockhouses  and  saw- 
mills. General  Phillips,  profiting  of  the  occasion,  took  possession, 
without  the  least  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  besieged,  of  a  post 
of  great  importance,  called  Mount  Hope,  which,  besides  command- 
ing their  lines  in  a  great  and  dangerous  degree,  totally  cut  off  their 
communication  with  Lake  George.  Mount  Hope  being  thus  secured, 
the  British  corps  which  had  advanced  upon  the  western  bank  of 
Lake  Champlain,  extended  itself  from  the  mountain  to  the  lake,  so 
as  completely  to  invest  the  fort  on  the  part  of  the  northwest,  and  to 
cut  off  its  communication  with  the  land.  The  German  column, 
commanded  by  Reidesel,  which  had  marched  along  the  eastern  shore 
of  the  lake,  was  also  arrived  under  the  walls  of  the  fortress,  and 
was  established  at  Three-miles  Point,  extending  itself  from  the  bank 
of  the  lake,  behind  Mount  Independence,  as  far  as  East  Creek. 
From  this  place,  by  stretching  more  forward,  it  might  easily  occupy 
the  ground  comprehended  between  East  Creek  and  South  River,  01 
Wood  Creek,  and  thus  deprive  the  Americans  of  their  communica 
tion  with  Skeenesborough  by  the  right  bank  of  the  latter  stream.  But 
the  most  interesting  post  for  the  English,  was  that  of  Mount  Defiance, 
which  so  completely  commanded  the  fortress,  that  it  was  beyond  all 
doubt,  if  batteries  were  planted  there,  that  the  garrison  must  imme- 
diately evacuate  the  place,  or  surrender  at  discretion.  This  emi- 
nence being  therefore  attentively  examined  by  the  British  generals, 
they  believed  it  possible,  though  with  infinite  labor  and  difficulty,  to 
establish  their  artillery  upon  its  summit.  This  arduous  task  was  im- 
mediately undertaken  and  pushed  with  such  spirit  and  industry,  that 
on  the  fifth  day,  the  road  was  completed,  the  artillery  mounted,  and 
ready  to  open  its  fire  on  the  following  morning.  The  garrison  were 
afraid  to  sally  out,  in  order  to  annoy,  or  even  to  retard  the  besiegers 
in  these  works  ;  they  were,  therefore,  in  danger  of  losing  all  way  of 
retreat.  St.  Clair  knew  very  well  that  after  the  loss  of  Mount  De- 
fiance, there  was  no  longer  any  resource  for  Ticonderoga,  and  that 
he  could  not  even  aspire  to  the  honor  of  a  short  resistance.  The 
only  way  of  escape  that  he  had  left,  was  the  narrow  passage  between 
East  Creek  and  Wood  Creek,  which  Reidesel  could  shut  up  at  any 
moment.  In  these  circumstances,  St.  Clair,  having  convened  in 
council  the  principal  officers  of  the  garrison,  represented  to  them 
the  critical  situation  in  which  they  were  placed,  thus  pressed  by  the 
enemy,  and  upon  the  very  point  of  being  hemmed  in  on  every  side. 
He  asked  them  if  they  did  not  think  it  would  be  proper  to  evacuate 
the  place  without  loss  of  time ;  they  were  all  in  favor  of  the  measure. 
It  is  impossible  to  blame  this  determination  of  the  council  of  war 
of  Ticonderoga ;  for  independently  of  the  progress  already  made  by 


456 


THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VJIf. 


the  besiegers,  the  garrison  was  so  feeble  that  it  would  not  have  been 
able  to  defend  one  half  of  the  works,  or  to  sustain,  for  any  length  of 
time,  the  consequent  excess  of  fatigue.  By  remaining,  therefore, 
the  fortress  and  the  garrison  were  both  lost,  by  departing,  only  the 
first,  and  the  second  might  be  saved.  It  was  known  also  to  St.  Clair, 
that  genera1  Schuyler,  who  was  then  at  fort  Edward,  far  from  being 
able  to  bring  him  succor,  had  not  even  forces  sufficient  for  his  own 
defense.  But  here  an  objection  presents  itself  which  has  never  yet 
been  satisfactorily  answered.  Since  the  American  generals  found 
their  force  insufficient  for  the  defense  of  the  place,  why  did  they  not 
evacuate  it  in  time,  and  when  they  might  have  done  so  with  safety  ? 
They  would  thus  have  been  sure  of  saving  at  least  their  baggage, 
stores  and  artillery.  If  they  were  deceived  respecting  the  real  force 
of  the  enemy,  and  therefore,  at  first,  believed  themselves  able  to  re- 
sist him,  even  this  error  could  only  have  proceeded  from  a  defect  of 
military  skill,  so  extraordinary  as  to  admit  of  no  excuse. 

However  it  was,  having  taken  their  resolution,  they  thought  of 
nothing  but  executing  it  with  promptitude,  and  in  the  night  of  the 
fifth  of  July,  they  put  themselves  in  motion.  General  St.  Clair  led 
the  vanguard,  and  colonel  Francis  the  rear.  The  soldiers  had  re- 
ceived orders  to  maintain  a  profound  silence,  and  to  take  with  them 
sustenance  for  eight  days.  The  baggage  of  the  army,  the  furniture 
of  the  hospital,  with  all  the  sick,  and  such  artillery,  stores  and  pro- 
visions, as  the  necessity  of  the  time  would  permit,  were  embarked 
with  a  strong  detachment  under  colonel  Long,  on  board  above  two 
hundred  batteaux  and  five  armed  galleys.  On  beginning  to  strike 
the  tents,  the  lights  were  extinguished.  These  preparations  were 
executed  with  much  order  at  Ticonderoga ;  but  not  without  some 
confusion  at  Mount  Independence.  The  general  rendezvous  was 
appointed  at  Skeenesborough,  the  batteaux  proceeding  under  con- 
voy of  the  galleys,  up  Wood  Creek,  and  the  main  army  taking  its 
route  by  the  way  of  Castleton,  upon  the  right  bank  of  that  stream. 
St.  Clair  issued  from  Ticonderoga  at  two  in  the  morning ;  Francis 
at  four.  The  English  had  no  suspicion  of  what  was  passing,  and 
the  march  commenced  under  the  most  favorable  auspices.  But  all 
at  once  a  house  which  took  fire  on  Mount  Independence,  roused  by 
its  glare  of  light  the  attention  of  the  English,  who  immediately  per- 
ceived all  that  had  taken  place.  The  Americans,  finding  themselves 
discovered,  could  not  but  feel  a  certain  agitation.  They  marched, 
however,  though  in  some  disorder,  as  far  as  Hubbardston,  where  they 
halted  to  refresh  themselves  and  rally  the  dispersed.  But  the  Eng- 
lish were  not  idle.  General  Frazer,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  detach- 
ment of  grenadiers  and  light  troops,  commenced  an  eager  pursuit  by 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN     WAlii  457 

land,  upon  the  right  bank  of  Wood  deck.  General  [teidesel,  be- 
hind him,  rapidly  advanced  with  his  Brunswickers,  either  tosuppoit 
the  English,  or  to  act  separately,  as  occasion  might  require.  General 
Burgoyne  determined  to  pursue  the  enemy  by  water.  But  it  was 
first  necessary  to  destroy  the  boom  and  bridge  which  the  Americans 
had  constructed  in  front  of  Ticonderoga.  The  British  seamen  and 
artificers  immediately  engaged  in  the  operation,  and  in  less  time  than 
it  would  have  taken  to  describe  their  structure,  those  works,  which  had 
cost  so  much  labor  and  so  vast  an  expense,  were  cut  through  and 
demolished.  The  passage  thus  cleared,  the  ships  of  Burgoyne  im- 
mediately entered  Wood  Creek,  and  proceeded  with  extreme  rapid- 
ity in  search  of  the  enemy  ;  all  was  in  movement  at  once  upon  land 
and  water.  By  three  in  the  afternoon,  .the  van  of  the  British  squad- 
ron, composed  of  gun  boats,  came  up  with,  and  attacked  the  Amer- 
ican galleys,  near  Skeenesborough  Falls.  In  the  meantime,  three 
regiments,  which  had  been  landed  at  South  Bay,  ascended  and  pass- 
ed a  mountain  with  great  expedition,  in  order  to  turn  the  enemy  above 
Wood  Creek,  to  destroy  his  works  at  the  falls  of  Skeenesborough, 
and  thus  to  cut  off  his  retreat  to  Fort  Anne.  But  the  Americans 
eluded  this  stroke  by  the  rapidity  of  their  flight.  The  British  frig- 
ates having  joined  the  van,  the  galleys,  already  hard  pressed  by  the  gun 
boats,  were  completely  overpowered.  Two  of  them  surrendered  ; 
three  were  blown  up.  The  Americans  now  despaired ;  having  set 
fire  to  their  works,  mills,  and  batteaux,  and  otherwise  destroyed  what 
they  were  unable  to  burn,  they  escaped  as  well  as  they  could  up 
Wood  Creek,  without  halting  till  they  reached  Fort  Anne.  Their 
loss  was  considerable,  for  the  batteaux  they  burnt  were  loaded  with 
baggage,  provisions,  and  munitions,  as  necessary  to  their  sustenance 
as  to  military  operations.  The  corps  which  had  set  out  by  land  was 
in  no  better  situation.  The  vanguard,  conducted  by  St.  Clair,  was 
arrived  at  Castleton,  thirty  miles  distant  from  Ticonderoga,  and 
twelve  from  Skeenesborough ;  the  rear,  commanded  by  colonels 
Francis  and  Warner,  had  rested  the  night  of  the  sixth  at  Hubbards- 
ton,  six  miles  below  Castleton,  towards  Ticonderoga. 

At  five  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  seventh,  the  English  column 
under  general  Frazer  made  its  appearance.  The  Americans  were 
strongly  posted,  and  appeared  disposed  to  defend  themselves.  Fra- 
zer, though  inferior  in  point  of  number,  had  great  confidence  in  the 
valor  of  his  troops.  He  also  expected  every  moment  to  be  joined 
by  general  Reidesel ;  and  being  apprehensive  that  the  enemy  might 
escape  if  he  delayed,  he  ordered  the  attack  immediately.  The  bat- 
tle was  long  and  sanguinary.  The  Americans,  being  commanded  by 
valiant  officers,  behaved  with  great  spirit  find  firmness  ;  but  the  Eng- 
vol.  i.  39 


458  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VJll. 

iish  displayed  an  equal  obstinacy.  After  several  shocks,  with  alter- 
nate success,  the  latier  began  to  fall  back  in  disorder  ;  but  their  lead- 
ers rallied  them  anew,  and  led  them  to  a  furious  charge  with  the 
bayonet ;  the  Americans  were  shaken  by  its  impetuosity.  At  this 
critical  moment,  general  Reidesel  arrived  at  the  head  of  his  column, 
composed  of  light  troops  and  some  grenadiers.  He  immediately 
took  part  in  the  action.  The  Americans,  overpowered  by  numbers, 
fled  on  all  sides,  leaving  their  brave  commander  with  many  other 
officers,  and  upwards  of  two  hundred  soldiers,  dead  on  the  field. 
About  the  same  number,  besides  colonel  Hale,  and  seventeen  officers 
of  inferior  rank,  were  made  prisoners.  Above  six  hundred  were 
supposed  to  be  wounded,  many  of  whom,  deprived  of  all  succor, 
perished  miserably  in  the  woods.  The  loss  of  the  royal  troops  in 
dead  and  wounded  amounted  to  about  one  hundred  and  eighty. 
General  St.  Clair,  upon  intelligence  of  this  discomfiture,  and  that  of 
the  disaster  at  Skeenesborough,  which  was  brought  him  at  the  same 
time  by  an  officer  of  one  of  the  galleys,  apprehending  that  he  should 
be  interrupted  if  he  proceeded  towards  Fort  Anne,  struck  into  the 
woods  on  the  left,  uncertain  whether  he  should  repair  to  New  Eng- 
land and  the  upper  part  of  Connecticut,  or  to  Fort  Edward.  But 
being  joined  two  days  after  at  Manchester  by  the  remains  of  the 
corps  of  colonel  Warner,  and  having  collected  the  fugitives,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Fort  Edward,  in  order  to  unite  with  general  Schuyler. 

While  these  events  were  passing  on  the  left,  the  English  generals 
resolved  to  drive  the  Americans  from  Fort  Anne,  situated  higher  up 
towards  the  sources  of  Wood  Creek.  Colonel  Hill  was  detached 
for  this  purpose  from  Skeenesborough,  and  to  facilitate  his  operations, 
the  greatest  exertions  were  made  in  carrying  batteaux  over  the  falls 
of  that  place;  which  enabled  him  to  attack  the  fort  also  by  water. 
Upon  intelligence  that  the  Americans  had  a  numerous  garrison  there, 
brigadier  Powell  was  sent  with  two  regiments  to  the  succor  of  colo- 
nel Hill.  The  American  colonel  Long,  who,  with  a  great  part  of  his 
corps,  had  escaped  the  destruction  of  the  boats  at  the  falls,  command- 
ed the  garrison  of  Fort  Anne.  Having  heard  that  the  enemy  was 
approaching,  he  gallantly  sallied  out  to  receive  him.  The  English 
defended  themselves  with  courage,  but  the  Americans  had  already 
nearly  surrounded  them.  Colonel  Hill,  finding  himself  too  hard 
pressed,  endeavored  to  take  a  stronger  position.  This  movement 
was  executed  with  as  much  order  as  intrepidity,  amidst  the  reiterated 
and  furious  charge  of  the  enemy.  The  combat  had  lasted  for  more 
than  two  hours,  and  victory  was  still  doubtful,  when  all  at  once  the 
Americans  heard  the  horrible  yells  of  the  savages,  who  approached » 
and  being  informed  at  the  same  instant  that  the  corps  of  Powell  waa 


BOOR    Till.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  459 

about  to  fall  upon  them,  they  retired  to  Fort  Anne.  Not  thinking 
themselves  in  safety  even  there,  they  set  it  on  fire,  and  withdrew  to 
Fort  Edward  on  the  river  Hudson. 

General  Schuyler  was  already  in  this  place,  and  St.  Clair  arrived 
there  on  the  twelfth,  with  the  remains  of  the  garrison  of  Ticon- 
deroga.  It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  hardships  and  misery 
which  these  troops  had  suffered,  from  the  badness  of  the  weather 
and  the  want  of  covering  and  provisions,  in  their  circuitous  march 
through  the  woods,  from  Castleton  to  Fort  Edward.  After  the  ar- 
rival of  these  corps,  and  of  the  fugitives,  who  came  in  by  companies, 
all  the  American  troops  amounted  to  little  over  four  thousand  men, 
including  the  militia.  They  were  in  want  of  all  necessaries,  and  even 
of  courage,  by  the  effect  of  their  recent  reverses.  The  Americans 
lost,  in  these  different  actions,  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
eight  pieces  of  artillery,  with  a  prodigious  quantityof  warlike  stores, 
baggage  and  provisions,  particularly  of  flour,  which  they  left  in 
Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence.  To  increase  the  calamity, 
the  whole  of  the  neighboring  country  was  struck  with  terror  by  this 
torrent  of  disasters,  and  the  inhabitants  thought  more  of  providing 
for  their  own  safety,  than  of  flying  to  the  succor  of  their  country  in 
jeopardy. 

In  a  conjuncture  so  alarming,  general  Schuyler  neglected  none  of 
those  cares  which  become  an  able  commander,  and  an  excellent  citi- 
zen. Already,  while  the  enemy,  was  assembling  at  Skeenesborough, 
le  had  endeavored  to  interrupt,  with  all  manner  of  obstacles,  the 
navigation  of  Wood  Creek,  from  that  place  to  Fort  Anne,  where  it 
determined  even  for  batteaux.  The  country  between  Fort  Anne 
md  Fort  Edward  (a  distance  of  only  sixteen  miles)  is  excessively 
rough  and  savage ;  the  ground  is  unequal,  and  broken  with  numer- 
ous creeks,  and  with  wide  and  deep  morasses. 

General  Schuyler  neglected  no  means  of  adding  by  art  to  the 
difficulties  with  which  nature  seemed  to  have  purposely  interdicted 
this  passage.  Trenches  were  opened,  the  roads  and  paths  obstruct- 
ed, the  bridges  broken  up  ;  and  in  the  only  practicable  defiles,  im- 
mense trees  were  cut  in  such  a  manner,  on  both  sides  of  the  road,  as 
to  fall  across  and  lengthwise,  which,  with  their  branches  interwoven, 
presented  an  insurmountable  barrier  ,  in  a  word,  this  wilderness,  of 
itself  so  horrible,  was  thus  rendered  almost  absolutely  impenetrable. 
Nor  did  the  American  general  rest  satisfied  with  these  precautions^ 
he  directed  the  cattle  to  be  removed  to  the  most  distant  places,  and 
the  stores  and  baggage  from  Fort  George  to  Fort  Edward,  that  arti- 
cles of  such  necessity  for  his  troops  might  not  fall  into  the  power  of 
the  enemy.     He  urgently  demanded  that  all  the  regiments  of  regu 


460  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOCK  VIII 

kir  troops  found  in  the  adjacent  provinces,  should  be  sent,  without 
delay,  to  join  him ;  he  also  made  earnest  and  frequent  calls  upon  the 
militia  ol  New  England  and  of  New  York.  He  likewise  exerted 
his  utmost  endeavors  to  procure  himself  recruits  in  the  vicinity  of 
Fort  Edward  and  the  city  of  Albany ;  the  great  influence  he  enjoyed 
with  f.he  inhabitants,  gave  him,  in  this  quarter,  all  the  success  he 
could  desire.  Finally,  to  retard  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  he  re- 
solved to  threaten  his  left  flank ;  accordingly  he  detached  colonel 
Warner,  with  his  regiment,  into  the  state  of  Vermont,  with  orders  to 
assemble  the  militia  of  the  country,  and  to  make  incursions  towards 
Ticonderoga.  In  brief,  general  Schuyler  neglected  no  means  that 
could  tend  to  impede  or  defeat  the  projects  of  the  enemy. 

While  he  thus  occupied  himself  with  so  much  ardor,  general 
Burgoyne  was  detained  at  Skeenesborough,  as  well  by  the  difficulty 
of  the  ground  he  had  to  pass,  as  because  he  chose  to  wait  for  the 
arrival  of  tents,  baggage,  artillery  and  provisions,  so  absolutely  ne- 
cessary before  plunging  himself  into  these  fearful  solitudes.  His 
army  at  this  time  was  disposed  in  the  following  manner ;  the  right 
occupied  the  heights  of  Skeenesborough,  the  German  division  of 
Reidesel  forming  its  extremity ;  the  left,  composed  of  Brunswickers, 
extending  into  the  plain,  rested  upon  the  river  of  Castleton,  and  the 
brigade  of  Fraxer  formed  the  cenU  r.  The  regiment  of  Hessians,  of 
Hanau,  was  pasted  at  the  source  of  East  Creek,  to  protect  the  camp 
of  Castleton,  and  t!&e*batteaux  upon  Wood  Creek,  against  the  in- 
cursions of  colonel  Warner.  In  the  mean  time,  indefatigable  labor 
was  exerted  in  removing  all  obstacles  to  the  navigation  of  this  stream, 
as  also  in  clearing  passages,  and  opening  roads  through  the  country 
about  Fort  Anne.  The  design  of  Burgoyne  was,  that  the  main  body 
of  the  army  should  penetrate  through  the  wilderness  we  have  just 
described,  to  Fort  Edward,  while  another  column,  embarking  at 
Ticonderoga,  should  proceed  up  Lake  George,  reduce  the  fort  of 
that  name,  situated  at  its  extremity,  and  afterwards  rejoia  him  at 
Fort  Edward.  Upon  the  acquisition  of  Fort  George,  the  stores, 
provisions  and  necessaries  were  to  be  conveyed  to  the  camp  by  way 
of  the  lake,  the  navigation  of  which  is  easier  and  more  expeditious 
than  that  of  Wood  Creek,  and  there  was,  besides,  a  good  wagon 
road  between  the  two  forts.  Such  were  the  efforts  exerted  by  the 
two  belligerents  ;  the  English  believing  themselves  secure  of  victory ; 
the  Americans  hardly  venturing  to  hope  for  better  fortune.  Nothing 
could  exceed  the  consternation  and  terror  which  the  victory  of  Ticon- 
deroga, and  the  subsequent  successes  of  Burgoyne,  spread  through-, 
out  the  American  provinces,  nor  the  joy  and  exultation  they  excited 
m  England.     The  arrival  of  these  glad  tidings  was  celebrated  by 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  46a 

the  most  brilliant  rejoicings  at  court,  and  welcomed  with  the  same  en- 
thusiasm by  all  tnose  who  desired  the  unconditional  reduction  of 
America.  The}'  already  announced  the  approaching  termination  of 
this  glorious  war ;  they  openly  declared  it  a  thing  impossible,  that  the 
rebels  should  ever  recover  from  the  shock  of  their  recent  losses,  as 
well  of  men  as  of  arms  and  of  military  stores ;  and  especially  that 
they  should  ever  regain  their  courage  and  reputation,  which,  in  war, 
contribute  to  success,  as  much,  at  least,  as  arms  themselves.  Even 
the  ancient  reproaches  of  cowardice  were  renewed  against  the 
Americans,  and  their  own  partisans  abated  much  of  the  esteem  they 
had  borne  them.  They  were  more  than  half  disposed  to  pronounce 
the  colonies  unworthy  to  defend  that  liberty,  which  they  gloried  in, 
with  so  much  complacency.  The  ministers,  pluming  themselves 
upon  their  good  fortune,  marched  through  the  court  as  if  to  exact 
the  tribute  of  felicitation.  No  praises  were  refused  them ;  their 
obstinacy  was  denominated  constancy;  their  projects,  which  had 
appeared  full  of  temerity,  were  now  acknowledged  to  have  been 
dictated  by  the  profoundest  sagacity ;  and  their  pertinacity  in  re- 
jecting every  proposition  for  accommodation,  was  pronounced  to 
have  been  a  noble  zeal  for  the  interests  of  the  state.  The  military 
counsels  of  the  ministers  having  resulted  in  such  brilliant  success, 
even  those  who  had  heretofore  inclined  for  the  ways  of  conciliation, 
welcomed  with  all  sail  this  prosperous  breeze  of  fortune,  and  appear- 
ed now  rather  to  wish  the  reduction,  than  the  voluntary  re-union  of 
the  Americans. 

But  in  America,  the  loss  of  the  fortress  and  the  lakes,  which  were 
considered  as  the  keys  of  the  United  States,  appeared  the  more 
alarming,  as  it  was  unexpected ;  for  the  greater  part  of  the  inhab- 
itants, as  well  as  the  congress,  and  Washington  himself,  were  im- 
pressed with  a  belief,  that  the  British  army  in  Canada  was  weaker, 
and  that  of  general  Schuyler  stronger,  than  they  were  in  effect. 
They  entertained  no  doubt,  in  particular,  that  the  garrison  left  in 
Ticonderoga  was  sufficient  for  its  entire  security.  Malignity  began 
to  assail  the  reputation  of  the  officers  of  the  northern  army ;  its 
envenomed  shafts  were  especially  aimed  at  St.  Clair.  Schuyler 
himself,  that  able  general  and  devoted  patriot,  whose  long  service* 
had  only  been  repaid  by  long  ingratitude,  escaped  not  the  serpent 
tongue  of  calumny.  As  the  friend  of  the  New  Yorkers,  he  was  no 
favorite  with  the  inhabitants  of  New  England,  and  the  latter  were 
those  who  aspersed  him  with  the  most  bitterness.  The  congress, 
for  the  honor  of  their  arms,  and  to  satisfy  the  people,  decreed  an 
inquiry  into  the  conduct  of  the  officers,  and  that  successors  should 
Ik3  dispatched  to  relieve  them  in  command.     The  result  of  the  in- 


462  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK   Vlll 

'estigation  was  favorable  to  them  ;  by  the  intercession  of  Washing* 
i  on,  the  appointment  of  successors  was  waived.  But  what  was  not  a 
!  ttle  remarkable,  is,  that  in  the  midst  of  all  these  disasters,  no  sort  of 
isposition  to  submit  appeared  in  any  quarter.  No  public  body  dis- 
t  >vered  symptoms  of  dismay,  and  if  a  few  individuals  betrayed  a 
\  mt  of  firmness,  they  were  chiefly  persons  without  influence,  and 
w  thout  character. 

Meanwhile,  the  congress  apprehending  that  the  news  of  these 
si  lister  events  might  operate  to  the  prejudice  of  the  negotiations 
oj  ened  with  the  court  of  France,  and,  as  it  too  often  happens,  being 
it  )re  tender  of  their -own  interests  than  of  the  reputation  of  their 
g  merals,  they  hesita  ^d  not  to  disguise  the  truth  of  facts,  by  throwing 
upon  St.  Clair  the  im^jtation  of  imbecility  and  misconduct.  Their 
agents  were  accordingly  instructed  ^o  declare  that  all  these  reverses 
were  to  be  attributed  to  those  officers  who,  with  a  garrison  of  five 
thousand  men,  well  armed  and  equipped,  had  wanted  capacity  to 
defend  an  almost  impregnable  fortress ;  that,  as  for  the  rest,  the 
Americans,  far  from  being  discouraged,  only  waited  for  the  occasion 
to  avenge  their  defeats.  Washington,  who  in  this  crisis  as  in  all  the 
preceding,  manifested  an  unshaken  constancy,  was  entirely  occupied 
in  providing  means  to  confirm  the  tottering  state  of  the  republic  ;  he 
exerted  the  utmost  diligence  in  sending  re-inforcements  and  necessa- 
ries to  the  army  of  Schuyler.  The  artillery  and  warlike  stores  were 
expedited  from  Massachusetts.  General  Lincoln,  a  man  of  great 
influence  in  New  England,  was  sent  there  to  encourage  the  militia  to 
enlist.  Arnold,  in  like  manner,  repaired  thither ;  it  was  thought 
his  ardor  might  serve  to  inspirit  the  dejected  troops.  Colonel  Mor- 
gan, an  officer  whose  brilliant  valor  we  have  already  had  occasion  to 
remark,  was  ordered  to  take  the  same  direction  with  his  troop  of 
light  horse.  All  these  measures,  conceived  with  prudence  and  exe- 
cuted with  promptitude,  produced  the  natural  effect.  The  Amer- 
icans recovered  by  degrees  their  former  ardor,  and  their  army  in- 
creased from  day  to  day. 

During  this  interval,  general  Burgoyne  exerted  himself  with  ex- 
treme diligence  in  opening  a  passage  from  Fort  Anne  to  Fort 
Edward.  But  notwithstanding  the  ardor  with  which  the  whole  army 
engaged  in  the  work,  their  progress  was  exceedingly  slow ;  so  formi- 
dable were  the  obstacles  which  nature  as  well  as  art  had  thrown  in 
their  way.  Besides  having  to  remove  the  fallen  trees  with  which 
the  enemy  had  obstructed  the  roads,  they  had  no  less  than  forty 
bridges  to  construct,  and  many  others  to  repair.  Finally,  the  army 
encountered  so  many  impediments  in  measuring  this  inconsiderable 
space,  that  it  could  not  arrive  upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  near 


BOOK  VIM.  THE    AM£AlOJL.Nf    *AR  4(& 

Fort  Edward*  until  the  thirtieth  of  July.  The  Am.ncans,  either 
because  they  were  too  feeble  to  oppose  the  enemy,  or  that  Fort 
Edward  was  no  better  than  a  ruin,  unsusceptible  of  defense,  or, 
finally,  because  they  were  apprehensive  that  colonel  St.  Leger.  after 
the  reduction  of  Fort  Stanwix,  might  descend  by  the  left  bank  of  the 
Mohawk  to  the  Hudson,  and  thus  intercept  their  retreat,  retired  lower 
down  to  Stillwater,  where  they  threw  Up  intrenchments.  At  the 
same  time  they  evacuated  Fort  George,  having  previously  burned 
their  vessels  upon  the  lake,  and  interrupted  in  various  places  the 
road  which  leads  thence  to  Fort  Edward.  The  route  from  Ticon- 
deroga  to  this  fortress  by  Lake  George  was  thus  left  entire/y  open 
by  the  republicans.  The  English,  upon  their  arrival  on  the  Hudson 
aver,  which  ha  J.  been  so  long  the  object  of  their  wishes,  and  which 
had  been  at  length  attained  at  the  expense  of  so  many  toils  and  hard- 
ships, were  seized  with  a  delirium  of  joy,  and  persuaded  themselves 
that  victory  could  now  no  longer  escape  them.  But  ere  it  was  long, 
their  brilliant  hopes  were  succeeded  by  anxiety  and  embarrassment. 
All  the  country  around  them  was  hostile,  and  they  could  obtain  no 
provisions  but  what  they  drew  from  Ticonderoga.  Accordingly, 
from  the  thirtieth  of  July  to  the  fifteenth  of  August,  the  English  army 
was  continually  employed  in  forwarding  batteaux,  provisions,  and 
ammunition,  from  Fort  George  to  the  first  navigable  part  of  the 
Hudson,  a  distance  of  about  eighteen  miles.  The  toil  was  excessive 
m  this  operation,  and  the  advantage  gained  by  it  in  no  degree  an 
equivalent  to  the  expense  of  labor  and  time.  The  roads  were  in 
some  parts  steep,  and  in  others  required  great  repairs.  Of  the 
horses  that  were  expected  from  Canada,  scarcely  one  third  were  yet 
arrived,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  that  fifty  pair  of  oxen  had  been 
procured.  Heavy  and  continual  rains  added  to  these  impediments ; 
and  notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  which  had  been  used,  it  was  found 
difficult  to  supply  the  army  with  provisions  for  its  current  consump- 
tion, and  utterly  impracticable  in  this  mode  to  establish  such  a  maga- 
zine as  would  enable  it  to  prosecute  the  further  operations  of  the 
campaign.  On  the  fifteenth,  there  was  not  above  four  days'  provis- 
+,  m  store,  nor  above  ten  batteaux  in  the  Hudson  river. 
General  Burgoyne  was  severely  censured,  as  well  for  having  lost 
so  much  time  by  crossing  the  wilderness  of  Fort  Anne,  as  for  having 
exposed  himself  to  want  subsistence  in  his  camp  at  Fort  Edward 
It  was  alledged  that  instead  of  entangling  himself  m  those  dangerous 
defiles,  he  should,  after  the  occupation  of  Skeenesborough  and  the 
total  discomfiture  of  the  enemy's  army,  have  returned  immediately 
down  the  South  river  to  Ticonderoga,  where  he  might  again  have 
embarked  the  army  on  Lake  George,  and  proceeded  to  the  fort 


464  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK    VIII 

which  takes  i*j  name;  this  being  reduced,  a  broad,  firm  road  lay 
before  hip;  to  Fort  Edward.  In  this  manner,  it  was  added,  would 
have  been  avoided  delays  as  detrimental  to  the  British  army  as  pro- 
pitious to  the  Americans.  Thus,  it  was  maintained,  the  army  might 
have  made  itself  master  of  Albany,  before  the  enemy  would  have 
had  time  to  recollect  himself.  But,  in  justification  of  Burgoyne,  it 
was  advanced,  that  a  retrograde  motion  in  the  height  of  victory, 
would  have  diminished  the  spirit  of  his  troops,  and  revived  the  hopes 
of  the  enemy  ;  that  the  Americans  would  undoubtedly  have  made  a 
stand  at  Fort  George,  and  in  the  meantime  would  have  broken  up  the 
road  leading  to  Fort  Edward ;  that  by  passing,  as  he  had  done, 
through  the  desert  of  Fort  Anne,  besides  inuring  his  troops  to  the 
war  of  the  woods,  a  war  so  embarrassing  and  difficult,  he  compelled 
the  enemy  to  evacuate  Fort  George  without  striking  a  blow ;  that 
having  already  opened  himself  a  road,  it  was  to  be  hoped  the  Amer- 
icans would  not  interrupt  the  other ;  that  the  route  by  land  left  the 
vessels,  which  would  have  been  required  for  the  transport  of  the 
troops,  upon  Lake  George,  at  liberty  to  be  employed  in  that  of  arms, 
ammunition,  provisions,  and  baggage.  Finally,  it  was  represented, 
that  by  preferring  the  way  upon  the  left  to  that  upon  the  right  by 
Lake  George,  he  had  enabled  himself  to  detach  a  strong  corps  under 
the  command  of  general  Reidesel,  to  agitate  alarms  in  Connecticut 
and  throughout  the  country  of  Vermont. 

However,  the  truth  was  Schuyler  profited  with  great  dexterity  of 
these  delays.  Several  regiments  of  regular  troops  from  Peek's  Kill 
were  already  arrived  at  the  camp,  and  although  it  was  then  the  sea- 
son of  harvest,  the  militia  of  New  England  assembled  from  all  quar- 
ters, and  hastened  to  join  the  principal  army.  These  re-inforce- 
ments  placed  it  in  a  situation,  if  not  to  resume  the  offensive,  at  least 
to  occupy  all  the  tenable  positions,  and  defend  them  with  energy  and 
effect. 

In  the  meantime  general  Burgoyne  received  intelligence  that 
colonel  St.  Leger,  whose  detachment  had  been  re-inforced  by  a  con- 
siderable party  of  savages,  after  descending  by  the  lake  Oneida  from 
Oswego,  in  the  country  of  the  Mohawks,  had  arrived  before,  and 
was  closely  besieging  Fort  Stanwix.  He  immediately  conceived 
the  hope  of  deriving  an  important  advantage  from  this  operation. 
For  if  the  American  army  in  his  front  proceeded  up  the  Mohawk  to 
the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix,  the  English  found  the  way  open  to  Alba- 
ny, and  thus  attained  the  first  object  of  their  desires.  Moreover,  if 
St.  Leger  succeeded,  the  Americans  would  find  themselves  between 
two  royal  armies,  that  of  St.  Leger  in  front,  and  that  of  Burgoyne  in 
the  rear.     If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  republicans  abandoned  Fort 


BOOK  1IH.  THE    AMEBIC  AN    WAR.  465 

Stanwix  io  its  fate,  and  withdrew  towards  Albany,  the  country  on 
the  Mohawk  would  fall  into  the  power  of  the  English,  and  they  might 
form  a  junction  with  colonel  St.  Leger.  Their  army,  thus  re-in- 
forced,  and  victualed  by  the  Mohawks,  would  be  in  a  situation  to 
move  forward.  From  these  operations  it  must  result,  either  that  the 
enemy  would  resolve  to  stand  an  action,  and,  in  this  case,  Burgoyne 
felt  assured  of  victory ;  or  that  he  would  gradually  retire  down  the 
Hudson,  and  thus  abandon  to  the  English  the  city  of  Albany.  If 
the  propriety  of  a  rapid  movement  forward  was  therefore  evident, 
the  difficulty  of  finding  means  to  execute  it  was  not  less  manifest, 
^s  the  want  of  subsistence  still  continued  ;  and  this  want  would  of 
necessity  increase  with  the  distance  of  the  army  from  the  lakes, 
through  which  it  received  its  provisions.  To  maintain  such  a  com- 
munication with  Fort  George,  during  the  whole  time  of  so  extensive 
a  movement,  as  would  secure  the  convoys  from  being  intercepted  by 
the  enemy,  was  obviously  impracticable.  The  army  was  too  weak 
to  afford  a  chain  of  posts  for  such  an  extent ;  and  continual  escorts 
for  every  separate  supply  would  be  a  still  greater  drain.  Burgoyne 
therefore  perceived  distinctly  that  he  must  have  recourse  to  some 
other  source  of  supply,  or  totally  relinquish  the  enterprise.  He 
knew  that  the  Americans  had  accumulated  considerable  stores  of  live 
cattle,  corn,  and  other  necessaries,  besides  a  large  number  of  wheel 
carriages,  at  a  village  called  Bennington,  situated  between  two 
streams,  which,  afterwards  uniting,  form  the  river  Hosack.  This 
place  lias  only  twenty  miles  distant  from  the  Hudson  ;  it  was  the  re- 
pository of  all  the  supplies  intended  for  the  republican  camp,  which 
were  expedited  from  New  England  by  the  upper  part  of  Connecti- 
cut river,  and  thence  through  the  country  of  Vermont.  From  Ben- 
nington they  were  conveyed,  as  occasion  required,  to  the  different 
parts  of  the  army.  The  magazines  were  only  guarded,  however,  by 
detachments  of  militia,  whose  numbers  varied  continually,  as  they 
went  and  came  at  discretion.  Though  the  distance  was  considera- 
ble from  the  camp  of  Burgoyne  to  Bennington,  yet,  as  the  whole 
country  through  which  the  corps  of  Reidesel  had  lately  passed  ap- 
peared peaceable,  and  even  well  inclined  to  submission,  the  English 
general,  impelled  by  necessity,  and  allured  by  an  ardent  thirst  of  glo- 
ry, did  not  despair  of  being  able  to  surprise  Bennington,  and  bring 
off  the  provisions  of  the  enemy  by  means  of  his  own  carriageg 
Having  taken  this  resolution,  he  intrusted  the  execution  of  it  to  lieu 
tenant-colonel  Baum,  a  German  officer  of  great  bravery,  and  well 
versed  in  this  sort  of  partisan  war. 

The  force  allotted  to  this  service,  amounted  to  about  five  hundred 
men,  consisting  of  two  hundred  of  ReidesePs  dismounted  dragoons. 


466  THE    AMERICAN    WAR. 


BOOK  VIII. 


captain  Frazer's  marksmen,  the  Canada  volunteers,  a  party  of  pro- 
vincials who  were  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  country,  and  about 
a  hundred  Indians ;  the  corps  took  with  them  two  light  pieces  of 
artillery.  At  the  same  time,  lieutenant-colonel  Breyman,  with  his 
regiment  of  Brunswick  grenadiers  and  light  infantry,  marched  down 
towards  Bennington,  and  took  post  at  Batten  Kill,  in  order,  if  neces- 
sary, to  support  Baum.  The  latter  had  received  from  general  Bur- 
goyne  very  suitable  instructions  -y  he  was  to  exercise  extreme  caution 
in  the  choice  of  his  posts  \  to  have  the  country  diligently  explored 
by  the  Indians,,  on  the  part  of  Otter  Creek,,  and  towards  Connecticut 
river ;  he  was  not  to  allow  his  regular  troops  to  scatter,  but  to  keep 
them  always  in  a  compact  body ;  he  was  to  march  light  troops  in 
front  and  rear  of  his  column,  to  guard  against  ambuscades  ;  he  was 
ordered  not  to  hazard  dubious  rencounters,  but  if  the  enemy  came 
upon  him  in  superior  force,  to  take  a  strong  position  and  intrench 
himself;  he  was  to  give  out  that  the  whole  army  was  upon  the  march 
for  Connecticut ;  finally,  he  was  to  rejoin  the  army  at  Albany.  Bur- 
goyne,  in  order  to  facilitate  this  operation,  and  to  hold  the  republi- 
can army  in  check,  moved  with  all  his  troops  down  the  left  bank  of 
the  Hudson,  and  established  his  camp  nearly  opposite  to  Saratoga, 
having,  at  the  same  time,  thrown  a  bridge  of  rafts  over,  by  which 
the  advanced  corps  were  passed  to  that  place. 

These  demonstrations  tended  to  inspire  the  belief  that  all  the 
British  army  was  about  to  cross  the  river,  in  order  to  attack  the  ene- 
my, who  still  continued  to  occupy  his  encampment  at  Stillwater. 

According  to  the  plan  which  had  been  traced  for  him,  lieutenant- 
colonel  Baum  set  forward  upon  his  march  with  equal  celerity  and 
caution.  He  very  shortly  fell  in  with  a  party  of  the  enemy,  who 
were  escorting  some  cattle  and  provisions,  both  of  which  he  took 
with  little  difficulty,  and  sent  back  to  the  camp  ;  but  that  evil  fortune 
soon  began  to  appear,  which  had  already  so  fatally  retarded  the 
royal  army.  The  want  of  horses  and  carriages,  and  the  roads  now 
become  heavy  and  slippery,  in  consequence  of  the  bad  weather,  ren- 
dered the  advance  of  Baum  excessively  tedious.  Hence  the  enemy, 
who  stood  upon  their  guard  at  Bennington,  were  seasonably  informed 
of  his  approach.  Colonel  Stark,  who  had  lately  arrived  with  a 
corps  of  militia  he  had  assembled  in  New  Hampshire,  commanded 
in  that  town.  He  sent  with  all  speed  to  request  colonel  Warner, 
who,  since  the  defeat  of  Hubbardston,  had  taken  post  at  Manches- 
ter, to  march  to  his  assistance.  All  these  troops,  re-inforced  with 
some  of  the  neighboring  militia,  amounted  to  about  two  thousand 
men.  Upon  the  intelligence  that  the  enemy  approached,  Stark  de- 
tached cotonel  Gregg  upon  the  look  out ;  supposing  at  first  it  might 


BOOK  VIII.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  467 

be  only  a  party  of  savages  who  were  scouring  the  country.  When 
he  had  discovered  that  they  were  regular  troops;  he  fell  back  to  his 
principal  position  at  Bennington.  Lieutenant-colonel  Baum,  on  his 
part,  having  learnt  that  the  enemy  were  too  strong  to  be  attacked  by 
his  present  force  without  temerity,  sent  immediately  to  Breyman, 
apprising  him  of  his  situation,  and  pressing  him  to  hasten  to  his  suc- 
cor. In  the  mean  time,  he  took  an  excellenc  post  near  Santcoick 
Mills,  on  the  banks  of  Walloon  Creek,  about  four  miles  from  Ben- 
nington, and  there  intrenched  himself. 

But  Stark,  not  choosing  to  wait  for  the  junction  of  the  two  parties, 
determined  to  attack  him.  Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the  six- 
teenth of  August,  he  issued  from  Bennington,  and  advanced  with 
his  troops  divided  in  several  corps,  in  order  to  surround  the  posts  of 
Baum,  and  assault  them  on  all  sides  at  once.  The  latter,  on  seeing 
the  Americans  approach,  persuaded  himself  that  they  were  bodies  of 
loyalists  coming  up  to  join  him.  A  number  of  refugees,  who  made 
part  of  his  detachment,  had  prevailed  upon  an  officer,  more  familiar 
with  arms  than  with  civil  contentions,  to  adopt  the  absurd  hopes  and 
chimerical  conceits  with  which  they  habitually  deceived  themselves. 
Having  at  length  discovered  his  error,  he  defended  himself  with 
great  valor.  But  such  was  the  impetuosity,  and  even  the  superiority 
of  the  Americans,  that  he  could  not  resist  them  long ;  having  carried 
all  before  them,  and  taken  his  two  pieces  of  cannon,  they  poured  on 
every  side  into  his  intrenchments.  The  savages,  Canadians  and 
British  marksmen,  profiting  of  their  activity,  escaped  in  the  woods. 
The  German  dragoons  still  kept  together,  and  when  their  ammuni- 
tion was  expended,  were  bravely  led  by  their  commander  to  charge 
with  their  swords.  But  they  were  soon  overwhelmed,  and  the 
survivors,  among  whom  was  their  wounded  colonel,  were  made 
prisoners. 

In  the  mean  time,  Breyman  had  set  forward  from  Batten  Kill,  to 
the  succor  of  Baum  ;  and  although  he  was  on  the  march  by  eight  in 
the  morning  of  the  fifteenth,  had  continued  it  without  intermission, 
and  the  distance  was  not  over  twenty-four  miles,  yet,  so  many  and 
so  formidable  were  the  impediments  he  encountered,  from  the  bad- 
ness of  the  roads,  rendered  still  more  difficult  by  the  continual  rain, 
and  from  the  weakness  and  tiring  of  horses  in  getting  forward  the 
artillery,  that  he  was  unable  to  reach  the  camp  of  Baum,  till  after 
fortune  had  already  pronounced  in  favor  of  the  Americans.  It  is 
asserted  that  he  had  received  no  timely  information  of  the  engage- 
ment, and  that  his  first  knowledge  of  it  was  brought  him  by  the  fu- 
gitives. It  was  four  in  the  afternoon  when  he  appeared  before  the 
intrenchments  of  Baum,  where,  instead  of  meeting  his  friends,  hm 


468  THE    AMERICAN    WAK.  BOOK  Till. 

found  his  detachment  attacked  on  all  sides  by  enemies.  Though  his 
men  were  excessively  fatigued,  they  defended  themselves  with  great 
spirit  and  resolution.  As  many  of  the  provincial  militia  had  dis- 
banded to  pillage,  the  action  was  maintained  at  first  with  an  equality 
of  advantage,  and  there  was  even  danger  that  Breyman  would  re- 
cover what  Baum  had  lost. 

He  had  already  dislodged  the  Americans  from  two  or  three  dif- 
ferent hills  on  which  they  had  posts,  and  he  pressed  them  so  vigor- 
ously that  they  began  to  exhibit  symptoms  of  disorder.  But  the 
affair  soon  assumed  a  quite  different  aspect ;  colonel  Warner  arrived 
at  the  head  of  his  regiment  of  the  line,  and  falling  upon  the  rear  of 
the  English  and  Germans,  restored  the  battle  with  increase  of  vehe- 
mence. The  militia  that  were  dispersed  in  quest  of  plunder,  on 
hearing  the  report  of  the  cannon,  immediately  rallied.  Victory, 
however,  remained  doubtful  till  the  dusk  of  evening ;  on  one  side 
combated  valor  and  discipline,  on  the  other,  number  and  fury. 

At  length  the  soldiers  of  Breyman,  overpowered  by  numbers,  hav- 
ing expended  all  their  ammunition,  and  lost  the  two  pieces  of  artil- 
lery they  had  been  at  such  pains  to  bring  with  them,  began  to  give 
ground,  and  afterwards  to  break.  They  abandoned  the  field  of  bat- 
tle, and  in  the  precipitation  of  their  retreat,  left  in  the  power  of  the 
conqueror  all  their  baggage,  a  thousand  muskets  and  nearly  as  many 
sabers.  The  obscurity  of  night  covered  their  retreat.  The  royalists 
lost,  in  these  two  engagements,  seven  hundred  men,  the  greater 
part  prisoners ;  the  number  of  killed  was  probably  about  two  hun- 
Ired.  The  loss  of  the  republicans  was  inconsiderable.  The  con- 
gress addressed  their  public  thanks  to  colonel  Stark  and  the  militia 
tvho  took  part  in  the  actions  of  this  day.  Stark  was  moreover 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  brigadier-general. 

In  the  country  of  the  Mohawks  the  affairs  of  the  English  took,  at 
irst,  the  most  favorable  turn.  Colonel  St.  Leger  had  encamped, 
ihe  third  of  August,  under  Fort  Stanwix.  The  force  under  his  com- 
nand,  consisting  of  English,  Germans,  Canadians  and  American 
oyalists,  amounted  to  about  eight  hundred  men.  He  was  followed 
by  a  train  of  savages,  with  their  wives  and  children,  thirsting  indeed 
for  carnage  and  plunder,  but  feeble  auxiliaries  in  besieging  fortress- 
es. Colonel  Gansevort,  on  being  summoned  by  the  English,  an- 
swered that  he  should  defend  himself  to  the  last.  Apprised  of  this 
atate  of  things,  and  knowing  the  importance  of  this  fort  to  the  Unit- 
ed States,  general  Harkimer,  a  leading  man  in  the  county  of  Tryon, 
Assembled  the  militia,  and  marched  with  all  expedition  to  the  relief 
y{  Gansevort.  He  sent  an  express  from  his  camp  of  Erick,  six 
•niles  from  the  fort,  to  inform  him,  that  he  was  about  to  advance  and 


BOOK  HI!.  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  469 

make  every  exertion  to  effect  his  junction  with  the  garrison.  Ganse- 
vort  directed  lieutenant-colonel  Willet  to  make  a  sally  upon  the 
British  lines,  in  order  to  favor  the  attempt  of  Harkimer ;  but  the 
English  commander,  perceiving  how  dangerous  it  was  to  receive  the 
enemy  in  his  intrenchments,  and  knowing  full  well  how  much  better 
the  Indians  were  adapted  for  the  attack  than  for  acting  upon  the 
defensive,  detached  colonel  Johnson,  with  a  part  of  the  regular 
troops  and  the  Indians,  to  intercept  the  Americans  upon  their  ap- 
proach. General  Harkimer  advanced  with  extreme  negligence, 
without  examination  of  his  ground,  without  a  reconnoitering  party 
in  front,  and  without  rangers  upon  his  flanks  ;  a  thing  the  more 
surprising,  as  he  could  not  have  been  ignorant  how  liable  he  was  to 
ambuscades  from  the  nature  of  the  country,  and  the  singular  adroit- 
ness of  the  savages  in  that  mode  of  war.  These  barbarians  soon 
found  occasion  to  give  him  a  sanguinary  proof  of  it.  They  con- 
cealed themselves  with  a  detachment  of  regulars  in  the  woods  near 
the  road  by  which  the  Americans  approached.  The  moment  the 
column  had  passed,  they  suddenly  fell  upon  the  rear  guard  with  in- 
conceivable fury.  After  the  first  fire  the  Indians  rushed  on  with 
their  spears  and  hatchets,  and  killed  with  the  same  cruelty  those  who 
resisted  and  those  who  surrendered.  The  disorder  became  extreme  ; 
the  carnage  was  frightful ;  and  even  the  horrible  aspect  of  the  prin- 
cipal actors,  contributed  to  heighten  the  terrors  of  the  scene.  The 
republicans,  however,  recovered  from  their  first  surprise,  and  form- 
ing themselves  into  a  solid  column,  attained  an  advantageous  ground, 
which  enabled  them  to  maintain  a  spirited  resistance.  They  would, 
nevertheless,  have  been  overborne  by  the  number  and  fury  of  the 
enemy,  if  the  intelligence  of  the  attack  upon  his  camp  by  colonel 
Willet  had  not  induced  him  to  retire.  Four  hundred  Americans 
were  slain,  and  among  them  general  Harkimer.  Many  of  the  most 
distinguished  men  of  the  province,  and  several  of  the  most  con- 
siderable magistrates,  shared  the  same  fate.  The  royalists  looked 
upon  this  success  as  a  sure  pledge  of  the  approaching  reduction  of 
the  rebels.  Their  victory,  however,  was  not  bought  without  blood ; 
besides  a  certain  number  of  regulars,  about  sixty  Indians  were  kill- 
ed and  wounded,  among  whom  were  several  of  their  principal  chiefs, 
and  of  their  most  distinguished  and  favorite  warriors..  It  appears 
also,  that  in  the  heat  and  confusion  of  the  conflict,  several  savages 
were  killed  by  the  English  themselves.  Thus  these  intractable 
and  undisciplined  barbarians,  by  nature  ferocious,  and  inclined  to 
suspicion,  irritated  at  finding  a  resistance  to  which  they  had  not 
been  accustomed,  became  still  more  refractory  and  still  more  ruth- 
less.    They  wreaked  the  first  transports  of  their  rage  upon  the  un- 

40 


470  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VIII. 

happy  prisoners,  whom  they  inhumanly  butchered  in  cold  blood. 
Submission  to  European  officers  became  insupportable  to  them,  and 
they  refused  to  obey.  It  was  now  perceived,  that  their  presence 
was  more  prejudicial,  and  even  more  dangerous,  than  useful  to  the 
British  army. 

Meanwhile,  colonel  Willet  had  conducted  his  sally  with  great  spirit 
and  ability.  He  entered  the  enemy's  camp  at  the  first  onset,  killed 
a  great  number  of  his  men,  and  drove  the  rest  into  the  woods  or  into 
the  river.  But  his  sole  object  being  to  make  a  diversion  in  favor  of 
Harkimer,  as  soon  as  he  had  accomplished  it,  he  returned  into  the 
fort,  carrying  with  him  in  triumph  the  spoil  and  besieging  utensils 
that  he  had  taken  from  the  enemy.  The  English  were  desirous  of 
intercepting  his  retreat,  and  had  prepared  an  ambuscade  for  the  pur- 
pose ;  but  his  vigilance  eluded  the  danger ;  he  kept  the  assailants  at 
a  distance  by  a  violent  fire  of  musketry,  and  of  artillery  with  grape- 
shot.  He  led  back  his  whole  corps  without  loss,  and  raised  a  trophy 
composed  of  the  conquered  arms  and  baggage  under  the  American 
standard,  which  waved  upon  the  walls  of  the  fortress.  He  afterwards 
undertook,  in  company  with  another  officer,  named  Stockwell,  a 
much  more  perilous  expedition.  They  passed  by  night  through  the 
English  camp,  and  in  contempt  of  the  danger  and  cruelty  of  the 
savages,  made  their  way  for  fifty  miles  through  pathless  woods  and 
unexplored  morasses,  in  order  to  raise  the  country  and  bring  relief 
to  the  fort ;  an  action  so  magnanimous  it  is  impossible  to  commend 
too  much. 

Colonel  St.  Leger  left  no  means  untried  to  profit  of  his  victory,  by 
intimidating  the  garrison.  He  sent  verbal  and  written  messages, 
stating  their  hopeless  situation,  the  utter  destruction  of  their  friends, 
the  impossibility  of  their  obtaining  relief,  as  general  Burgoyne,  after 
destroying  every  thing  in  his  way,  was  now  at  Albany,  receiving  the 
submission  of  all  the  adjoining  countries.  After  prodigiously  magni- 
fying his  own  force,  as  well  as  that  of  Burgoyne.  he  promised  the 
Americans,  that  in  case  of  an  immediate  surrender,  they  should  be 
treated  according  to  the  practice  of  civilized  nations  ;  at  the  same 
time  he  declared,  that  if,  through  an  incorrigible  obstinacy,  they 
should  continue  a  hopeless  and  fruitless  defense,  not  only  the  soldiers 
would  fall  victims  to  the  fury  of  the  savages,  but  that,  however  against 
his  will,  every  man,  woman,  and  child,  in  the  Mohawk  country,  would 
be  massacred  and  scalped  without  mercy. 

Colonel  Gansevort  replied  with  great  firmness,  that  he  had  been 
intrusted  with  the  charge  of  that  garrison  by  the  United  States  of 
America ;  that  he  should  defend  the  trust  committed  to  his  care  at 
every  hazard,  and   to  the  utmost  extremity ;  and  that  lie  neither 


BOOK  VIII.  THK     AMERICAN    WAR.  471 

thought  himself  accountable  for,  nor  should  he  at  all  concern  himself 
about  any  consequences  that  attended  the  discharge  of  his  duty.  He 
had  very  judiciously  conjectured,  that  if  the  force  of  the  British  com- 
mander had  been  sufficient,  he  would  have  made  a  more  simple 
summons,  or  would  have  attacked  the  fort  immediately,  without  wast- 
ing his  time  in  drawing  up  so  extraordinary  a  bravado.  The  British 
commander,  finding  that  neither  ambushes  nor  threats  could  effect 
his  purpose,  turned  all  his  thoughts  upon  a  regular  siege.  But  he 
was  not  long  in  perceiving  that  the  fort  was  stronger,  and  much  better 
defended,  than  it  had  been  reported.  He  also  found  by  experience, 
that  his  artillery  was  not  sufficient  in  weight  to  make  much  impression 
at  a  certain  distance.  The  only  remedy  was,  to  bring  his  approaches 
so  near  that  they  must  take  effect ;  which  he  set  about  with  the 
greatest  diligence.  But  the  savages,  from  the  dissatisfaction  they 
felt  at  their  late  losses,  and  from  the  disappointment  of  their  hopes 
of  plunder,  became  every  day  more  sullen  and  ungovernable. 
The  English  commander  was  in  continual  apprehension  that  they 
would  pillage  his  camp,  and  abandon  the  British  standard.  In 
this  disagreeable  situation,  he  was  informed  that  general  Arnold 
was  rapidly  approaching,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  detachment,  to  re- 
lieve the  fort.  It  appears  that  general  Schuyler,  upon  intelligence 
that  the  fort  which  had  taken  his  name,  was  besieged,  had  dispatch- 
ed Arnold  to  its  succor,  with  a  brigade  of  regular  troops  commanded 
by  general  Larned,  which  was  afterwards  re-inforced  by  a  thousand 
light  infantry  detached  by  general  Gates.  Arnold  had  advanced  with 
his  usual  celerity  up  the  Mohawk  river,  but  before  he  had  got  half 
way,  having  learnt  that  Gansevort  was  hard  pushed  by  the  enemy, 
and  knowing  all  the  importance  of  e>  pedition,  he  quitted  the  main 
body,  and  with  a  light  armed  detachment  of  only  nine  hundred  men, 
set  forward  by  forced  marches  towar  Is  the  fortress.  The  Indians, 
who  were  incessantly  upon  the  look  c  ut,  were  soon  informed  of  his 
approach,  either  by  their  own  scout- (,  or  by  the  spies  that  were 
dispatched  by  Arnold  himself,  wIip  prodigiously  exaggerated  his 
strength.  At  the  name  of  Arnold,  8  ad  in  their  present  temper,  they 
were  seized  with  terror  and  dismay  Other  scouts  arrived  immedi- 
ately after  with  a  report,  which  probably  grew  out  of  the  affair  of 
Bennington,  that  Burgoyne's  army  w.vs  entirely  cut  to  pieces.  They 
would  now  stay  no  longer,  and  assembled  tumultuously,  intending  to 
abandon  the  camp.  Colonel  St.  Leg*  r  endeavored  to  dissipate  their 
terrors  and  detain  them,  by  promising  *o  lead  them  himself,  to  bring 
all  his  best  troops  into  action,  and  by  tarrying  their  leaders  out  to 
mark  a  field  of  battl  ',  and  the  flattery  01  consulting  them  upon  the 
intended  plan  of  operation.     Finally,  the  British  commander  called 


172  THE    AMERICAN    WAR.  BOOK  VI11. 

a  council  of  their  chiefs,  hoping,  that  by  the  influence  which  colonel 
Johnson,  and  the  superintendents  Claus  and  Butler  had  over  them, 
they  might  still  be  induced  to  make  a  stand.  He  was  disappointed. 
A  part  of  the  savages  decamped  while  the  council  was  sitting,  and 
the  remainder  threatened  peremptorily  to  abandon  him  if  he  did  not 
i  mined  lately  retreat.  The  English  were  forced  to  comply  with  their 
demands.  They  raised  the  siege  the  twenty-second  of  August,  and 
retreated,  or  rather  fled,  towards  Lake  Oneida.  Their  tents,  artille- 
ry, and  stores,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy ;  who,  issuing  from 
the  fort,  assailed  their  rear  guard,  and  treated  it  very  roughly.  But 
the  British  troops  were  exposed  to  greater  danger  from  the  fury  of 
their  savage  allies,  than  even  from  the  pursuit  of  the  republicans. 
During  the  retreat,  they  robbed  the  officers  of  their  baggage,  and 
the  army  in  general  of  their  provisions.  Not  content  with  this,  they 
first  stripped  of  their  arms,  and  afterwards  murdered  with  their  own 
bayonets,  all  those  who,  from  an  inability  to  keep  up,  fear,  or  any 
other  cause,  were  separated  from  the  main  body.  It  would  be  in 
vain  to  attempt  a  description  of  the  contusion,  the  terror,  and  all  the 
miseries  which  attended  this  discomfiture  of  the  royal  troops.  They 
arrived,  however,  at  length,  upon  the  lake,  when  they  found  some 
repose.  St.  Leger  returned  to  Montreal,  and  afterwards  passed  to 
Tieonderoga  on  his  way  to  join  Burgoyne.  Arnold  arrived  at  the 
fort  in  the  evening  of  the  twenty-fourth,  two  days  after  the  siege 
had  been  raised  ;  he  and  his  soldiers  were  welcomed  by  the  garrison 
with  the  acknowledgments  of  deliverance,  and  the  exultation  01 
victory. 


KND    OF    VOLUME    I. 


H6 


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